THE GIBSON REPORT — 10-04-21 — Compiled by Elizabeth Gibson, Esquire, NY Legal Assistance Group — Biden Administration’s Failure To Heed Warnings, Re-Establish Asylum System @ Border, Bring In Progressive Experts, Leads To Cruelty, Chaos!

Elizabeth Gibson
Elizabeth Gibson
Attorney, NY Legal Assistance Group
Publisher of “The Gibson Report”

NEWS

 

New Enforcement Priorities Show Some Improvement, Maintain Old Framework

AIC: On September 30, Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas issued the long-awaited new set of enforcement priorities, entitled “Guidelines for the Enforcement of Civil Immigration Laws”. The guidelines, which will go into effect on November 29, 2021, will replace the February 18 interim enforcement priorities memo issued to U.S. Immigration Customs Enforcement (ICE), as well as Initial interim guidelines issued on January 20, 2021. See also IDP Statement: DHS’s Deportation Memo Reinforces Flawed Policies of the Past.

 

Federal appeals court preserves administration’s ability to use Title 42 to expel migrant families

Politico: A federal court has moved to preserve the Biden administration’s ability to use a Trump-era public health order to expel migrant families arriving at the southern border.

 

U.S. DHS plans to issue new memo ending Trump-era immigration policy

Reuters: The U.S. Department of Homeland Security said on Wednesday it intends to issue a new memo in the coming weeks ending the “remain in Mexico” immigration program.

 

U.S. Border Authorities Failed to Prepare for Influx of Haitian Migrants Despite Weeks of Warnings

Intercept: [T]he arrival of Haitians was anticipated, and much of the chaos that ensued seemed preventable with basic planning and logistics. But in the scramble to contain the media crisis, the U.S. employed tactics that set off a cascade of repression and violence on both sides of the border. By allowing the situation to reach critical levels, federal officials created conditions that made a militarized crackdown seem inevitable, making criminals out of people asserting their right to seek asylum. See also Most of the migrants in Del Rio, Tex., camp have been sent to Haiti or turned back to Mexico, DHS figures show.

 

Migrants arrested by Texas in border crackdown are being imprisoned for weeks without legal help or formal charges

Texas Tribune: Defense attorneys have started asking courts to set migrants free because local justice systems, overwhelmed by arrests under Gov. Greg Abbott’s border security push, are routinely violating state law and constitutional due process rights.

 

Forming a new group, N.J.’s immigrant advocates fight for release of migrant detainees

NJ Monitor: Now the coalition of faith leaders, advocates, formerly incarcerated people, and their family members have formed the Interfaith Campaign for Just Closures. The group aims to push New Jersey’s congressional delegation to support HR 536, which would revamp the immigration detention system.

 

Greyhound Agrees to Pay $2.2 Million Over Immigration Sweeps on Buses

NYT: The settlement will provide restitution to passengers who were detained, arrested or deported after immigration agents conducted warrantless searches on buses, Washington State’s attorney general said.

 

The Biden Administration Is Providing Legal Representation For Certain Immigrant Children In Eight US Cities

BuzzFeed: The new initiative will provide government-funded legal representation to certain children in Atlanta, Houston, Los Angeles, New York, San Diego, San Francisco, Seattle, and Portland. The Executive Office for Immigration Review, which runs the nation’s immigration courts, is also updating training for attorneys who want to handle immigration cases.

 

LITIGATION/CASELAW/RULES/MEMOS

 

Immigration Cases in the Supreme Court: The 2021 Term

Immprof: The Court currently has three new immigration cases on the docket for the 2021 Term.

 

BIA Clarifies When a NTA Constitutes a “Charging Document”

AILA: The BIA dismissed the respondent’s appeal after finding that a Notice to Appear that lacks the time and place of an initial removal hearing constitutes a “charging document.” Matter of Arambula-Bravo, 28 I&N Dec. 388 (BIA 2021)

 

CA3 Reverses Denial of Asylum to Petitioner Who Fled Yemen to Avoid Persecution on Account of Political Opinion

AILA: Where the Yemeni petitioner had been kidnapped and tortured before being convicted and sentenced to 10 years’ imprisonment for political opposition to the Houthi regime, the court concluded that the BIA erred in determining that he was ineligible for asylum. (Ghanem v. Att’y Gen., 9/22/21)

 

3rd Circ. Says Simple Assault Is Grounds For Deportation

Law360: The Third Circuit refused to undo deportation orders against a Peruvian national who had a simple assault conviction, ruling that the offense amounted to a removable crime of violence.

 

CA5 Finds BIA Abused Its Discretion by Entirely Failing to Address Libyan Petitioner’s CAT Claim

AILA: The court held that the BIA abused its discretion by entirely failing to address the Libyan petitioner’s Convention Against Torture (CAT) claim, where the petitioner had raised his CAT claim several times in his briefing before the BIA. (Abushagif v. Garland, 9/24/21)

 

CA8 Upholds Denial of Asylum to Guatemalan Petitioner Whose Family Refused to Give Money to Gangs

AILA: The court upheld BIA’s denial of asylum, finding petitioner’s proposed particular social group of “family unaffiliated with any gangs who refuse to provide any support to transnational criminal gangs in Guatemala” lacked particularity and social distinction. (Osorio Tino v. Garland, 9/20/21)

 

CA9 Says BIA Did Not Abuse Its Discretion in Finding Petitioner’s 2016 Motion Was Untimely or in Declining to Sua Sponte Reopen

AILA: The court concluded that the BIA did not abuse its discretion in determining that the petitioner’s 2016 motion to reopen was untimely, nor did it commit legal error in declining to sua sponte reopen her case. (Cui v. Garland, 9/23/21)

 

CA9 Finds Inconsistencies in Petitioner’s Asylum and Visa Applications Were Sufficient to Support Adverse Credibility Determination

AILA: Where the petitioner claimed she was persecuted because of her membership in a house church that was not registered with the Chinese government, the court held that the BIA appropriately relied on two inconsistencies in making its adverse credibility determination. (Li v. Garland, 9/21/21)

 

CA9 Finds Convictions in Washington for Robbery and Attempted Robbery in the Second Degree Are Not Aggravated Felonies

AILA: Granting the petition for review, the court held that the petitioner’s convictions in Washington for robbery in the second degree and attempted robbery in the second degree did not qualify as aggravated felony theft offenses under INA §101(a)(43)(G), (U). (Alfred v. Garland, 9/22/21)

 

CA10 Holds That BIA Erred in Declining to Reopen Sua Sponte Based on Incorrect Legal Premise

AILA: Granting the petition for review and remanding, the court found that the BIA at least partly relied on a legally erroneous—and thus invalid—rationale for declining to exercise its sua sponte reopening authority. (Berdiev v. Garland, 9/21/21)

 

DC Circ. Lets Biden Proceed With Title 42 Migrant Expulsions

Law360: The D.C. Circuit on Thursday granted the Biden administration’s bid to stay a district court order that blocked the administration from expelling migrant families, providing it time to pursue an appeal of the ruling, which was slated to go into effect on Friday at midnight.

 

US Marshals Ordered To Stop Immigration Arrests

Law360: A D.C. federal judge banned U.S. Marshals in the nation’s capital from detaining criminal defendants based on suspicion related to their immigration status Thursday, ending a class action over the agency’s practice of holding individuals despite release orders.

 

District Court Finds TPS Parolee Is Eligible to Apply to USCIS for Adjustment of Status

AILA: Where USCIS had refused to adjudicate the adjustment of status application of the plaintiff, a Temporary Protected Status (TPS) recipient with advance parole, the court held that the plaintiff was an “arriving alien” who had executed his deportation order. (C-E-M- v. Wolf, et al., 9/29/21)

 

District Court Orders USCIS to Approve Plaintiffs’ Adjustment of Status Applications from Employment-Based Visa Allocations for FY2021

AILA: A federal district court in Mississippi held that plaintiffs had established unreasonable delay by USCIS in the adjudication of their adjustment of status applications, and ordered USCIS to adjudicate their applications before the end of FY2021. (Parcharne, et al. v. DHS, et al., 9/30/21)

 

District Court Reserves 6,914 DVs for Goodluck-Related Plaintiffs and 481 DVs for Goh Plaintiffs

AILA: The federal district court in D.C. ordered DOS to reserve 6,914 diversity visas (DVs) for adjudication pending final judgment for Goodluck-related plaintiffs, and to reserve 481 DVs for Goh plaintiffs to be issued by the end of FY2022. (Goh, et al. v. DOS, et al., 9/30/21)

 

Texas Migrant Detention Program Sees Courtroom Setbacks

Law260: A border-focused law enforcement initiative launched by Texas earlier this year suffered setbacks in a state court on Tuesday, with prosecutors agreeing to release dozens of immigrants being held in state custody and to completely drop charges against two of them.

 

Feds To Pay $1.2M Atty Fees After Migrant Kids Release Order

Law360: The Biden administration agreed to pay $1.15 million to attorneys who successfully advocated for the safe custody of migrant children held in border detention facilities, while the attorneys continued to push for additional fees for an appeal the administration abandoned.

 

EOIR Launches “Access EOIR” Initiative

AILA: EOIR announced its “Access EOIR” initiative, which attempts to raise representation for individuals appearing before immigration courts. New trainings under the Model Hearing Program are available, and recent EOIR efforts include the development of the Counsel for Children Initiative.

 

DHS Issues Updated Guidance on the Enforcement of Civil Immigration Law

AILA: DHS issued updated guidance on the enforcement of civil immigration law. Guidance is effective on 11/29/21 and will rescind prior civil immigration guidance.

 

DHS Announces Intention to Issue New Memo Terminating MPP

AILA: DHS issued a statement announcing that it “intends to issue in the coming weeks a new memorandum terminating the Migrant Protection Protocols (MPP).” However, DHS is moving forward with plans to restart the program pursuant to a district court order.

 

USCIS Provides Additional Guidance on Afghan Special Immigrant Conditional Permanent Residents and Non-SI Parolees

AILA: SAVE announced that DHS will admit Afghans as special immigrant (SI) conditional permanent resident status and CBP will admit Afghans as non-SI parolees. The memo describes both categories, the qualifications for either, the ways their status will be documented, and more.

 

DHS Automatically Extends TPS for Certain Syria EADs Through March 2022

AILA: DHS automatically extended the validity of certain EADs with a category code of A12 or C19 issued under TPS for Syria through 3/28/22. For Form I-9, TPS Syria beneficiaries may present qualifying EADs along with an individual notice issued by USCIS that indicates extension of EAD.

 

RESOURCES

 

 

EVENTS

 

 

ImmProf

Monday, October 4, 2021

Sunday, October 3, 2021

Saturday, October 2, 2021

Friday, October 1, 2021

Thursday, September 30, 2021

Thursday, September 30, 2021

Wednesday, September 29, 2021

Tuesday, September 28, 2021

Monday, September 27, 2021

*************************

Thanks, Elizabeth! 

I’d go even further than the article in The Intercept. The Biden Administration was told by experts during the early Transition Period to make restoring order and the rule of law to the asylum system at our borders one of their highest priorities. That included reviving and expanding the USCIS Asylum Office, reopening legal ports of entry, replacing the BIA with qualified progressive expert Appellate Judges who understood asylum law and would establish practical humane precedents, bringing in progressive, dynamic progressive asylum leadership at both the DHS and DOJ, reopening legal border ports of entry, and instituting a robust refugee programs for the Northern Triangle and the rest of the Americas. 

With a 10 week “head start,” these were neither rocket science nor unachievable. Instead the Administration dawdled and fumbled, treating asylum reform as an issue that would “just go away.” Once in office, Mayorkas, Garland, and Harris aggravated the problem by not making the obvious progressive personnel and structural changes necessary to restore the asylum and refugee systems.

Now, we have the worst of all worlds! Disorder at the border, cruelty and abuse of migrants, and folks like Harold Koh, who have the expertise, backbone, and creative solutions that Mayorkas and Garland so stunningly lack fleeing the Administration and speaking out against its inane and inhumane policies.

All so stupid! All so unnecessary! All so damaging to America and humanity!

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

10-06-21

 

 

⚠️The Saga of Surveillance Capitalism Continues: LexisNexis’s Contract With ICE Foretells a Bleak Era of Data Policing Immigrants, Intercept Writes

Sophia Barba  04/07/2021

On April 2, 2021, The Intercept published a damning article revealing that the oft-used legal research giant, LexisNexis, has contracted with ICE to provide the agency access to its massive data bank. 

According to Sam Biddle from The Intercept, “[LexisNexis] also caters to the immensely lucrative ‘risk’ industry, providing, it says, 10,000 different data points on hundreds of millions of people to companies like financial institutions and insurance companies who want to, say, flag individuals with a history of fraud. LexisNexis Risk Solutions is also marketed to law enforcement agencies, offering ‘advanced analytics to generate quality investigative leads, produce actionable intelligence and drive informed decisions’ — in other words, to find and arrest people.” 

The unholy marriage between the research tool-turned-Palantir and ICE is not a new development. Several years ago, LexisNexis had already begun courting ICE with similar data-exchange deals along with the other legal research titan, WestLaw. Prior talks had prompted members of the legal community to express obvious displeasure for the ethical dilemma that was being forced upon them. Most notably, Sarah Lamdan, professor and librarian at CUNY School of Law, published an authoritative article in the N.Y.U. Review of Law & Social Change that provided insight into the developing relationship between ICE and both legal research companies. This article came at the cusp of what is now an incredibly normalized occurrence. You know, a private company that offers an essential tool branches out into the lucrative data surveillance industry, you’ve probably seen it before. 

It is impossible for most people to hear about these partnerships without getting a bad taste in their mouth. Unfortunately, our society’s dependence on tech has left us largely unable to divest or otherwise eschew these tools with much success. This dependence is the reason many of these companies don’t even try to hide how incestuous their relationships to government agencies like ICE really are

The Intercept article should be read and taken as a clarion call to action for immigration advocates. The playing field is being skewed in favor of an omniscient government, leaving attorneys and those they represent more eggshells to avoid as they tread lightly around unseen information landmines. The façade of neutrality touted by Big Data and Big Tech is being torn down by the very companies who worked so hard to create it. What’s worse, the tech industry itself is the outfit that created the narrative that the internet, and all that comes with it, is a strictly neutral medium existing between the two groups allegedly existing in perpetual struggle: the masses and the government. (Don’t believe me? Don’t worry, someone already wrote an article about it here) This news should encourage more fervent use of alternative channels of informational support among those who represent non-citizens. Likewise, more collaborative efforts should also be made to place organized pressure on brazen unions such as that of LexisNexis and ICE. As it stands, it may even be advisable for many of us in the legal community to return to antiquated means of record-keeping and information-gathering if one can help it. After all, just because you’re paranoid, doesn’t mean they aren’t after you!

 

Some more interesting reading, some already linked above:

LEXISNEXIS TO PROVIDE GIANT DATABASE OF PERSONAL INFORMATION TO ICE, The Intercept

LAWYERS AND SCHOLARS TO LEXISNEXIS, THOMSON REUTERS: STOP HELPING ICE DEPORT PEOPLE, The Intercept

THOMSON REUTERS DEFENDS ITS WORK FOR ICE, PROVIDING “IDENTIFICATION AND LOCATION OF ALIENS”, The Intercept

LexisNexis Page Advertising its ‘Risk Solution’ Services

How ICE Picks Its Targets in the Surveillance Age, The New York Times Magazine

ICE investigators used a private utility database covering millions to pursue immigration violations, The Washington Post

Tech companies quietly work with ICE as border crisis persists, NBC News

A notice posted on the General Services Administration government website that foretells what the data may be used for

WHEN WESTLAW FUELS ICE SURVEILLANCE: LEGAL ETHICS IN THE ERA OF BIG DATA POLICING, by Sarah Lamdan published in the N.Y.U Review of Law and Social Change

THE MYTH OF PLATFORM NEUTRALITY, by Anupam Chander and Vivek Krishnamurthy for the Georgetown Law Technology Review

THE NEW AMERICAN GULAG (“NAG”): UNNECESSARY, UNAMERICAN, UNPOPULAR, UNCONSTITUTIONAL — The Arguments Against It Are Compelling, But Will The Majority Of Us Ever Outwit The Nativist Right Whose Lies & Intentionally False Narratives Have Built & Expanded The NAG? — “But if radical changes come, Hernández writes, ‘it won’t be because the law demands it. It will be because people demand it.’”

Cora Currier
Cora Currier
Editor & Writer
The Intercept

https://apple.news/A8Ts1IO58QvqzYcaVwqsQWQ

Cora Currier writes in The Intercept:

IMMIGRATION DETENTION IS PART OF MASS INCARCERATION: THE CASE FOR ABOLISHING ICE AND EVERYTHING ELSE

NOT MANY PEOPLE besides immigration law wonks had probably heard of “Section 1325,” before Julián Castro called for repealing it during the first Democratic presidential primary debate this summer. The law in question makes it a federal crime to enter the U.S. without permission — turning an immigration offense into a criminal one. President Donald Trump used a policy of “zero tolerance” for breaking that law to justify separating families at the border, but under George W. Bush and Barack Obama before him, 1325, along with illegal reentry — coming back after being deported — was already being used to jail and deport more and more immigrants. In fact, immigration-related crimes now make up the majority of all federal criminal prosecutions.

Castro’s proposal to repeal 1325 might have seemed to come out of left field, but it’s the exercise of the law that is historically the outlier: While laws criminalizing entry have existed since 1929, they “were largely ignored for a century,” the lawyer and scholar César Cuauhtémoc García Hernández reminds us in a new book, “Migrating to Prison: America’s Obsession with Locking Up Immigrants.” In 1975, he noted “a mere 575 people” were charged with an immigration crime; in 1993, only 2,487. Contrast that with fiscal year 2018, when prosecutors brought 105,692 federal immigration charges.

T he criminalization of immigration, especially the scale at which it happens now, is a relatively recent trend, Hernández argues. And it ought to be reversed. His book joins a number of recent works that put contemporary immigration politics in the same light that scholars and activists have shone on mass incarceration — showing it to be a phenomenon inextricably linked to the history of land, race, and capitalism in the United States. “The immigration prison is a reminder that human bondage based on racial and economic markers of undesirability can’t be relegated to some distant past,” Hernández writes. “If we’re willing to lock people up, we’ll find a reason. Most of the time the targets will be people of color. We can call this coincidence, but we would be lying to ourselves.”

Hernández lays out in a lucid, linear fashion the evolution of immigration law and its enforcement in the United States, from laws restricting the movement of certain people across state lines — formerly enslaved people, for instance — to the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, the first in a series of acts that barred Asian immigrants for decades.

Any history of how the notion of “illegality” in migration took root has to consider the experience of Mexicans. While the first U.S. immigration laws focused with explicit racism on excluding Asians, Mexicans were the ones often physically targeted by Border Patrol — harassed, removed, or allowed to pass to satisfy the desires of powerful Southwest planters. In Hernández’s words, Border Patrol “detained and deported their way to a scared workforce.” Many of those workers, whether unauthorized or sanctioned under the bracero program, which ran from 1942 to 1964, were rendered “illegal” by the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act, which got rid of national quotas and more or less established the United States’ current immigration regime, wherein countries are allotted a certain number of visas. Though ostensibly a progressive measure doing away with the racist quotas and nationality bans of previous eras, when it came to Mexico, the act, also known as Hart-Celler, ignored the closeness of the nations and subjected Mexicans to a national cap nowhere near high enough to accommodate traditional migration levels. “Perversely, the Hart-Celler Act’s formal equality turned immigration law against Mexican migrants,” Hernández writes. Mexicans became “illegal,” and “illegal aliens” became racially coded as Mexican.

Its focus on detention sets Hernández’s book apart from other recent histories of immigration and the border, including Kelly Lytle Hernández’s history of the Border Patrol; “Undocumented Lives: The Untold Story of Mexican Migration,” by Ana Raquel Minian; and Greg Grandin’s “The End of Myth: From the Frontier to the Border Wall in the Mind of America.” Early immigration prisons were “atrocious” “dockside facilities,” like a two-story wooden shed on the San Francisco wharf run by the Pacific Mail Steamship Company, where Chinese migrants waited to be approved entry by U.S. officials. Ironically, it was to address these terrible conditions in company-run centers that the federal government got involved, creating facilities like Ellis Island in the New York Harbor, which opened in 1892, and Angel Island in the San Francisco Bay. For the first time, Congress required inspection officers “to detain anyone not ‘clearly and beyond doubt entitled to admission,’” César Cuauhtémoc García Hernández writes in “Migrating to Prison.” In 1896, the Supreme Court “emphatically declared that immigration imprisonment was constitutionally permissible.”

Yet it was a relatively brief experiment. By 1954, under Dwight D. Eisenhower, Immigration and Naturalization Service (the precursor to today’s immigration agencies) “had all but abandoned its detention policy.” Ellis Island shut down with little fanfare. Hernández concludes that, “in fact if not in law, the United States came remarkably close to abolishing immigration imprisonment.” While that was, in the words of the attorney general at the time, a step in the direction of “humane administration of the immigration laws,” it was also self-interested, Hernández notes. Immigration prisons were costly, and, as has been the case throughout U.S. history, businesses wanted migrants out of prison so they could be used as cheap labor.

Again, Hernández connects this history to that of incarceration writ large in the U.S. There was a time when, even within Richard Nixon’s Justice Department, the utility of prison was questioned. But the ’70s ushered in a politically orchestrated crime panic, and the war on drugs, which led to mandatory minimum prison terms and sentencing disparities for powder cocaine and crack. A parallel process played out with immigration. Migrants, like black Americans, were linked to drugs, crime, and unrest, and portrayed as leeches on government services.

In the 1980s and ’90s, legislation introduced new levels of criminality for immigrants, which in turn expanded the population of imprisoned people. As Hernández writes, “Congress denied immigration judges the discretion to release anyone convicted of an aggravated felony,” which includes serious offenses like murder but also shoplifting and tax fraud. Detention and deportation, once decided with considerable discretion, became mandatory for all sorts of offenses. The link between mass incarceration and immigrant incarceration is clear in the legislative history: The same 1986 law that created mandatory minimum sentences for crack cocaine created “detainers,” requests to local police to hold someone in jail until they can be picked up by immigration. Liberals were complicit too. As Grandin notes, Bill Clinton played a key role, signing “a number of extremely punitive crime, terrorism, and immigration bills into law, which created the deportation regime that exists today.”

Muslims and other immigrants from majority-Muslim countries suffered the racist expansion of immigration detention after September 11, 2001, as counterterrorism enveloped immigration into the ballooning national security apparatus. And, as with the incarceration of U.S. citizens, black migrants have been disproportionately impacted by the shift to “crimmigration,” as scholars call it — more likely to be detained for a crime, and more likely to be removed.

Considering the recent explosion in immigration detention, Hernández explores federal contracts with local law enforcement and private prison companies. He looks not just at U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement but also the U.S. Marshals Service, which holds some 60,000 people a day in pre-trial detention, making deals with state and local jails around the country (the deaths of immigrants in Marshals custody were recently investigated by Seth Freed Wessler for Mother Jones). Again, the degree to which immigration offenses dominate the criminal justice system is stark — in 2013, marshals detained 97,982 people on immigration crimes, compared with 28,323 drug defendants. The Office of Refugee Resettlement, under the Department of Health and Human Services, had 49,000 children in custody in 2018, in “shelters” that range in comforts offered but which are all tightly controlled. Whatever agency officially holds them, Hernández argues, “to the migrants who are under constant surveillance and whose liberty has been denied there is little difference.”

Detention is also used with the idea that it will dissuade people from coming.  Although Hernández points out this is legally suspect — detention of asylum-seekers and people accused of other non-criminal immigration offenses is not supposed to be a punishment — multiple administrations have invoked deterrence as a reason to keep people locked up.

Trying to separate immigrants who deserve imprisonment and those who don’t, distinguishing between shelters and detention centers and jails, obscures the workings of the whole system, Hernández says, which is designed to punish people for nothing more than being born in the wrong place. “Migrants are expected to live out the exceptionalism that U.S. citizens imagine in themselves,” he writes. The legal immigration system rewards wealth, education, and family connections, while the immigration enforcement system has no tolerance for human error.

Daniel Denvir’s forthcoming book, “All-American Nativism: How the Bipartisan War on Immigrants Explains Politics as We Know It,” complements Hernández’s by focusing on political history. He, too, traces the development of anti-immigrant sentiments and policies alongside anti-black ones, arguing that “resistance to desegregation, a white identity politics of racial grievance, mass incarceration, the war on terror: all were dedicated to a quixotic mission to keep dangerous others from crossing U.S. borders and to restrict the free movement of those inside them.”

Democrats likewise fell into the trap of demonizing “illegal immigrants” and “criminal aliens,” believing that by doing so they could protect legal immigration from hard-right restrictionists and defend themselves from soft-on-crime accusations (just as they’d attempted to do by jumping on the war-on-drugs bandwagon).

T he bipartisan embrace of immigration enforcement, Denvir argues, was the product of the elusive quest for so-called comprehensive immigration reform, which would combine a path to legalization for people already in the country with the liberalization of legal immigration — goals sought by immigrant rights groups and big business alike. In order to get it, Democrats and some Republicans, from Clinton through Bush and Obama, tried to appease nativists with promises of “border security,” miles of fencing, massive increases in the Border Patrol, and surveillance systems befitting a war zone. Each time, however, the nativists were not, in fact, appeased, crying “amnesty” and sabotaging the prospect of reform. “The long-term advantage,” of focusing on enforcement, Denvir writes, “would accrue to the Right, which was better positioned to link the immigrant threat to crime, welfare, black people and terrorism.” Trump’s attempt to demand funding for his pet wall in order to save the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA, program last year, was a repeat of the same pattern. In the end, Trump plowed ahead with construction (literally, through delicate desert ecosystems), and DACA’s fate remains unsettled.

Over time, the left flank of immigration activism has grown wary of both comprehensive immigration reform (finding those “reforms” incremental) and the attempt to distinguish “good” immigrants from “bad” ones. As Denvir notes, “lots of ‘good’ immigrants were being deported too. And how bad were the bad ones, given the vast number of individuals convicted of crimes in the carceral state?”

Hernández ends his book with the case for abolishing immigration detention, while admitting that few people have a specific vision for how to do it. Denvir ends with an analysis of an electorate that might be willing to try. As he puts it, “record deportations and a radicalizing racist right has triggered a revolt among the Democratic Party’s increasingly young and diverse base,” and Democrats under Trump have become “staunchly pro-immigrant” and “more hostile to enforcement.” Hernández also decides to see Trump’s hostility to immigrants not just as horror but also as opportunity. Has the bipartisan consensus of “immigration is a ‘problem’ that needs fixing” finally broken? Will Trump’s nativist wish list of anti-immigrant, anti-refugee policies permanently shift Democrats away from their position that enforcement is always necessary?

Decriminalization of entry and reentry is a start, as Denvir and Hernández advocate (among the remaining Democratic presidential candidates, Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren, Pete Buttigieg, Cory Booker, and Andrew Yang have said they agree). Denvir also calls for downsizing the Border Patrol, destroying existing physical barriers, breaking up agreements between ICE and local law enforcement, and increasing opportunities for legal immigration, especially from Central America and Mexico. Hernández urges, on a personal and institutional level, divestment from private prison companies. Eliminating cash bail and giving every migrant the right to a lawyer would drastically increase their odds of success, as would case management — offering help with housing and legal assistance.

These types of measures might actually lead to better compliance with immigration law, satisfying the obsession with people migrating “the right way.” But they would not offer concessions to a nativist right that wants any and all nonwhite immigration restricted, and they would have to resist the scare tactics bent on tying immigrants to crime and the rhetoric of scarcity that will inevitably accompany an economic downturn and worsening climate conditions. The court cases challenging the most horrendous aspects of confinement in immigrant detention centers are important. But if radical changes come, Hernández writes, “it won’t be because the law demands it. It will be because people demand it.”

********************************

This is a study in how a motivated minority can shove bad and fiscally irresponsible policies down the throats of a complicit majority.

The legal, fiscal, and humanitarian arguments against the NAG are out there, but the Dems keep getting “sidetracked” by buying into the bogus concept that “hard line enforcement and a little cruelty” is a necessary “quid pro quo” for rational immigration reform. But, the truth is that no amount of repression, cruelty, and irrational enforcement will ever satisfy the White Nationalists who have taken over the GOP. 

Maybe, rather than trying to appease the unappeasable, the Dems’ strategy needs to be getting 100% of Democrats out to vote and registering the large number of new and younger potential voters who don’t favor racially driven policies of unrelenting cruelty and wasteful immigration restrictionism.  

PWS

01-02-20

THE INTERCEPT: “Internal Emails Show ICE Agents Struggling to Substantiate Trump’s Lies About Immigrants”

https://theintercept.com/2017/10/04/ice-raids-trump-immigration-deportation/

Alice Speri reports:

“AS HUNDREDS OF undocumented immigrants were rounded up across the country last February in the first mass raids of the Trump administration, Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials went out of their way to portray the people they detained as hardened criminals, instructing field offices to highlight the worst cases for the media and attempting to distract attention from the dozens of individuals who were apprehended despite having no criminal background at all.

On February 10, as the raids kicked off, an ICE executive in Washington sent an “URGENT” directive to the agency’s chiefs of staff around the country. “Please put together a white paper covering the three most egregious cases,” for each location, the acting chief of staff of ICE’s Enforcement and Removal Operations wrote in the email. “If a location has only one egregious case — then include an extra egregious case from another city.”

The email indicated the assignment was due that night, but a day later, an agent at ICE’s San Antonio office sent an internal email saying the team had come up short. “I have been pinged by HQ this morning indicating that we failed at this tasking,” the agent wrote.

As the hours passed, the pressure on local agents to come up with something grew more intense. “As soon as you come in, your sole focus today will be compiling three egregious case write-ups,” an assistant field office director at the agency’s Austin Resident Office wrote to that team on February 12, noting that the national and San Antonio offices were growing impatient. “HQ and SNA will ping us in the afternoon for sure.”

Then the agent added that a team of officers had “just picked up a criminal a few minutes ago, so get with him for your first egregious case.”

. . . .

There is no question that there are lives at stake.

While Austin’s comments on the retaliatory nature of the Travis County raids drew fleeting attention to the politicization of federal enforcement operations, Coronilla-Guerrero, the man whose case was under review that day, was eventually deported, despite his wife telling the judge that his life would be at risk in Mexico, from where he had fled because of gang threats.

Last month, armed men dragged Coronilla-Guerrero out of the relatives’ home where he had been staying in the state of Guanajuato, while he was asleep with one of his children. His body was found on the street the next morning.“

*****************************

Read the complete article, with copies of internal memos, at the link.

Hardly surprising that the Administration’s “Migrant Menace” narrative is bogus. Also, not surprising that under Trump agents are being required to basically fabricate support for the false narratives. Someday, probably long after I’m gone, all the records of this Administration will become public. I predict that they will show that the fraud, waste, and abuse documented here is just the “tip of the iceberg” of monumental dishonesty of this Administration on the subject of immigration.

I wouldn’t be at all surprised if the recent DOJ/EOIR  claims that statistics support the effectiveness of the “Judge Surge” involves this type of manipulation of evidence to document a pre-determined conclusion demanded  by Trump Politicos and intended to disguise the truth.

PWS

10-04-17