⚖️ “STANDARDS [SHOULD] MATTER” — Judge Rosemary Pooler (Dissenting) “Schools” Colleagues On How Standards Of Review Are Improperly Manipulated To Favor DHS!

Hon. Rosemary S. Pooler
Senior Circuit Judge
Second Circuit
PHOTO: Law.com

https://www.ca2.uscourts.gov/decisions/isysquery/7c64a6f4-549e-4ec9-8278-1e538e4b4bd7/2/doc/19-2044_21-6533_complete_opn.pdf

Hernandez v. Garland, 2d Cir., 04-21-23, Walker, Pooler, Park, Circuit Judges

POOLER, Circuit Judge, dissenting:

2 Standards matter. A standard of review is the essential mechanism that

3 defines an appellate court’s proper role in reviewing the record presented. All

4 appellate courts must adhere to the proper standard of review. The Board of

5 Immigration Appeals (“BIA” or “the Board”) is no exception. Here, the BIA

6 applied a standard that substantially deviated from the clear error standard and

7 improperly made factual findings that contradicted those made by the

8 Immigration Judge (“IJ”). The BIA’s failure to adhere to the proper standard is

9 “the type of error that requires remand.” De La Rosa v. Holder, 598 F.3d 103, 108

10 (2d Cir. 2010). Accordingly, I respectfully dissent.

11 This Court lacks jurisdiction to review purely discretionary decisions by

12 the BIA, see 8 U.S.C. § 1252(a)(2)(B)(ii), but we retain jurisdiction over

13 “constitutional claims or questions of law,” Noble v. Keisler, 505 F.3d 73, 77 (2d

14 Cir. 2007) (quoting § 1252(a)(2)(D)). When reviewing decisions, “[t]he Board will

15 not engage in de novo review of findings of fact determined by an immigration

16 judge. Facts determined by the immigration judge, including findings as to the

17 credibility of testimony, shall be reviewed only to determine whether the

18 findings of the immigration judge are clearly erroneous.” 8 C.F.R. §

1

1 1003.1(d)(3)(i). “[W]hen the BIA engages in factfinding in contravention of 8

2 C.F.R. § 1003.1(d)(3)(iv), it commits an error of law, which [the Court has]

3 jurisdiction to correct.” Padmore v. Holder, 609 F.3d 62, 67 (2d Cir. 2010); see also

4 Rizal v. Gonzales, 442 F.3d 84, 89 (2d Cir. 2006) (explaining that the Court will

5 vacate BIA decisions “that result from flawed reasoning or the application of

6 improper legal standards”). Though the BIA “may review questions of law” and

7 “all other issues” on appeal de novo, see § 1003.1(d)(3)(ii), it is explicitly barred

8 from “engag[ing] in factfinding in the course of deciding cases” aside from

9 taking “administrative notice of facts that are not reasonably subject to dispute,”

10 § 1003.1(d)(3)(iv)(A).

11 Here, the BIA recited the precise legal standard at the beginning of its May

12 2019 decision. Special App’x at 7 (citing § 1003.1(d)(3)). But we do not simply

13 “rely on the Board’s invocation of the clear error standard; rather, when the issue

14 is raised, [the Court’s] task is to determine whether the BIA faithfully employed

15 the clear error standard or engaged in improper de novo review of the IJ’s factual

16 findings.” Rodriguez v. Holder, 683 F.3d 1164, 1170 (9th Cir. 2012); see also Chen v.

17 Bureau of Citizenship & Immigr. Servs., 470 F.3d 509, 514 (2d Cir. 2006) (noting that

18 despite “cit[ing] the proper legal standard at the outset of its decision, [the BIA]

2

1 failed to apply this deferential standard of review”). Despite its invocation of the

2 clear error standard, the BIA did not ultimately apply this standard of review to

3 Oscar Hernandez’s case. Merely reciting the standard does not transform the

4 BIA’s impermissible factfinding into a permissible exercise of discretion. Such lip

5 service should not suffice.

6 The majority opinion characterizes the BIA’s impermissible factfinding as a

7 simple “de novo reweighing of the equities based on the facts found by the IJ.”

8 Maj. Op. at 3. That is not the case. Without identifying any of the IJ’s findings as

9 clearly erroneous, the BIA implicitly rejected the IJ’s factual findings and

10 substituted the facts found by the IJ with its own factual findings. If the BIA

11 rejects the IJ’s findings, we expect it to “supply cogent reasons for its rulings,”

12 which the BIA failed to provide. See Lin v. Lynch, 813 F.3d 122, 129 (2d Cir. 2016).

13 The BIA completely disregarded the IJ’s credibility determination when it

14 concluded, contrary to the IJ’s findings, that it “d[id] not find [Hernandez’s]

15 explanation convincing” regarding the circumstances of his 2016 arrest. Special

16 App’x at 10. This divergence in characterization of the 2016 incident was central

17 to the BIA’s decision. In its attempt to parse out the definition of “convincing,”

18 the majority claims the BIA did not overturn the IJ’s factual findings, arguing the

3

1 BIA’s intended use of the word meant it was not “persuaded” by Hernandez’s

2 explanation, not that his testimony was not “truthful.” Maj. Op. at 11. This is an

3 unconvincing distinction. Next, the majority suggests the BIA doubted that

4 Hernandez warranted discretionary relief, not the truthfulness of his testimony.

5 Id. at 12. That clarification, however, does not do much to support the majority’s

6 argument. The BIA’s “de novo” reconsideration of whether Hernandez merited a

7 favorable exercise of discretion was premised on its factual determination that he

8 had “continued to engage in violent behavior” following his first arrest and

9 conviction in 2009. Special App’x at 10. The only evidence cited for this

10 determination was that Hernandez’s “most recent arrest in 2016 . . . included

11 abusive behavior toward his spouse”—a characterization directly at odds with

12 the IJ’s findings. Special App’x at 10.

. . . .

*******************************

You can read the full decision, including Judge Poolers’ full dissent, at the link.

As Judge Pooler points out, manipulation of the standards of review can be used either to improperly substitute judgement on fact-findings (BIA) or too avoid critical review of BIA’s actions (Circuit majority).

Thanks to Dan Kowalski over at LexisNexis for passing this along.

🇺🇸 Due Process Forever:

PWS

04-23-23

LATEST FROM “SIR JEFFREY” 🛡⚔️ — “Determining Political Opinion: Problems and Solutions — Jeffrey S. Chase | Opinions/Analysis on Immigration Law”

Jeffrey S. Chase
Hon. Jeffrey S. Chase
Jeffrey S. Chase Blog
Coordinator & Chief Spokesperson, Round Table of Former Immigration Judges

https://www.jeffreyschase.com/blog/2021/3/7/determining-political-opinion-problems-and-solutions

JEFFREY S. CHASE | OPINIONS/ANALYSIS ON IMMIGRATION LAW

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Determining Political Opinion: Problems and Solutions

Regarding political opinion, the refugee law scholar Atle Grahl-Madsen famously explained that refugee protection “is designed to suit the situation of common [people], not only that of philosophers…The instinctive or spontaneous reaction to usurpation or oppression is [as] equally valid” as the “educated, cultivated, reflected opinion.”1  A  recent decision of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit provides an opportunity to reflect on this premise.

In Zelaya-Moreno v. Wilkinson, a young man was targeted for recruitment by MS-13.  On two occasions, Zelaya directly announced to the gang’s members his reason for refusing to join: because gangs were bad for his hometown and country.  Both times, the gang members responded by beating him, fracturing his arm the second time.  They also threatened to kill him if he continued to refuse to join.  The questions raised are whether Zelaya’s instinctive, simply-worded response expressed a political opinion, and if so, did that opinion form part of the reason for the beatings and threat?

The Immigration Judge recognized Zelaya’s statement to the gang to be a political opinion for asylum purposes.  However, the IJ wasn’t persuaded from the record that Zelaya’s opinion was why the gang beat him.  As expressed by the IJ, the beatings were caused by “Zelaya’s refusal to join the gang, irrespective of the reasons.”  It doesn’t seem that the IJ considered whether the gang members imputed a political opinion to the act of refusal per se.

On appeal, the BIA took a far more extreme position, stating  that because gangs are not political organizations and their activities are not political in nature, “expressing an opinion against their group is not expressing a political opinion.”  This happens to be a position that EOIR and DHS (in defiance of much circuit case law and expert opinion to the contrary) later sought to codify in regulations that fortunately remain enjoined at present.

The Second Circuit in Zelaya-Moreno rejected the Board’s narrow view of political opinion.  In fact, the court only last year, in its decision in Hernandez-Chacon v. Barr, recognized the act of resisting rape by members of the very same gang in El Salvador as the expression of a feminist, anti-patriarchy political opinion.  Significantly, the victim in that case hadn’t stated any opinion to the gang members; it was only years later in front of the immigration judge that she gave her reason for resisting as “because I have every right to.”

As it has done in other decisions, the Second Circuit emphasized the need for a “complex and contextual factual inquiry” in political opinion determinations.  It conducted a survey of cases in which political opinion was found, and of others in which it wasn’t.  Unfortunately, the majority upheld the decision that Zelaya had not expressed a political opinion to the MS-13 members, stating that “[s]o far as the record shows, his objection to them is not rooted in any sort of disagreement with the policies they seek to impose nor any ideology they espouse.”

“So far as the record shows” is critical.  I haven’t seen the record in this case, but I believe it might serve to demonstrate that while Grahl-Madsen correctly assigned equal validity to the opinions of the commoner and the intellectual, in practice, claims brought by members of the former group often require assistance from the latter in persuading adjudicators of the political nature of their words or actions.

For example, in Hernandez-Chacon, context for the petitioner’s resistance was provided by the affidavit of a lawyer and human rights expert who was able to articulate the patriarchal gender bias in Salvadoran society from which a political opinion could be gleaned from the asylum-seeker’s act of resistance alone.  In another decision cited by the court, Alvarez-Lagos v. Barr, the Fourth Circuit was able to rely on the explanation of two experts on Central American gangs that the petitioner’s refusal to comply with extortion demands would be viewed by the gang as “political opposition” and “a form of political disobedience.”

In Zelaya-Moreno, the dissenting judge (in an opinion worth reading) was able to draw a political inference from the facts alone.  It seemed that the two judges in the majority required more.  But in finding the statements or actions of an applicant alone to be insufficient, is our present system of refugee protection genuinely designed to suit the situation of common people as well as philosophers?

In the view of the dissenting judge, yes.  In that judge’s words, Zelaya “sought refuge here after standing up to MS members, refusing their demands that he join them, and informing them that he did not support them and considered them a blight on his native El Salvador. Our asylum laws protect individuals like Zelaya-Moreno who face persecution for such politically courageous stands.”

But in the view of the majority, Zelaya had expressed nothing “more than the generalized statement ‘gangs are bad.’ Thus, we cannot conclude that Zelaya holds a political opinion within the meaning of the statute, and therefore that the BIA erred in concluding that he was not eligible for asylum on this ground.”   Would additional documentation providing the complex, contextual analysis the court mentioned earlier in its decision have delivered the two judges in the majority to the place already reached by their dissenting colleague?

The United Nations High Commissioner on Refugees is a good reference source on such issues.  In its Guidance Note on Refugee Claims Relating to Victims of Organized Crimes, UNHCR stated at para. 45 that in its view, “political opinion needs to be understood in a broad sense to encompass “any opinion on any matter in which the machinery of State, government, society, or policy may be engaged.”  It continued at para. 47 that powerful gangs such as MS-13 may exercise de facto power in certain areas, and their activities  and those of certain State agents may be closely intertwined.  At para. 50, UNHCR stated that “rejecting a recruitment attempt may convey anti-gang sentiments as clearly as an opinion expressed in a more traditional political manner by, for instance, vocalizing criticism of gangs in public meetings or campaigns.”  And at para. 51, UNHCR added that “[p]olitical opinion can also be imputed to the applicant by the gang without the applicant taking any action or making a particular statement him/herself.  A refusal to give in to the demands of a gang is viewed by gangs as an act of betrayal, and gangs typically impute anti-gang sentiment to the victim whether or not s/he voices actual gang opposition.”

Had this document been included in the record, would it have been enough to persuade the majority that the BIA had erred in rejecting Zelaya’s claim that he was targeted on account of his political opinion?  If so, how many pro se asylum applicants would understand the need to supplement their claims to provide this context, or know what type of document would be sufficient, or how to find it?

The Seventh Circuit had foreseen this problem 15 years ago.  In a 2006 decision, Banks v. Gonzales, the court opined that Immigration Court needs its own country experts, who would operate much as vocational experts do in disability hearings before the Social Security Administration’s judges.  In my opinion, an alternative approach would be for EOIR to follow the example of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, which maintains National Documentation Packages that are referenced in all cases by adjudicators of refugee claims.

During my time in government, I oversaw the creation of country condition pages on EOIR’s Virtual Law Library, which were built, and continue to be updated, by EOIR’s Law Library staff.  However, EOIR did not see fit to make its contents part of the records of hearing in asylum cases.  It is for this reason that UNHCR’s Eligibility Guidelines For Assessing International Protection Needs of Asylum Seekers in El Salvador, which contains much of the same language as the Guidance Note quoted above, and which expresses the specific conclusion that “persons perceived by a gang as contravening its rules or resisting its authority may be in need of international refugee protection on the grounds of their (imputed) political opinion,”2 is found on EOIR’s own website on the country page for “El Salvador,” yet wasn’t even considered in Zelaya-Moreno.

Considering the growing number of pro se applicants, the lack of legal resources available to those held in remote detention facilities, and the short time frame to prepare for hearings in certain categories of cases, I can’t see why the EOIR country pages should not be made part of the hearing record here as in Canada.  It’s possible that such a policy would have led to a different result in Zelaya.

Furthermore, the BIA hears plenty of cases involving expert opinions supporting the conclusion that those resisting gangs such as MS-13 were harmed on account of their political opinion.  Issuing precedent opinions recognizing the context that politicizes statements and actions such as Zelaya’s would result in much greater efficiency, consistency, and fairness in Immigration Court and Asylum Office adjudications.

Realistically, I harbor no illusions that the recent change in administration will bring about such enlightened changes to asylum adjudication anytime soon.  But we must still continue to argue for such change.  As the dissenting opinion in Zelaya stated in its conclusion: “[w]hile it may be too late for Zelaya-Moreno, the BIA and the Department of Justice can right this wrong for future asylum seekers. I urge them to reconsider their approach to anti-gang political opinion cases to ensure those who stand up to fearsome dangers are welcomed into this country rather than forced back to face torture and death.”  As noted above, it wouldn’t take much effort on EOIR’s part to accomplish this.

Notes:

  1. Atle Grahl-Madsen, The Status of Refugees in International Law, 228, 251 (1966) (quoted in Deborah E. Anker, The Law of Asylum in the United States (2020 Ed.) § 5:17, fn. 3.
  2. UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines For Assessing International Protection Needs of Asylum Seekers in El Salvador at 29-30.

Copyright 2021 Jeffrey S. Chase.  All rights reserved.

Reprinted with permission.

************************

Truly wonderful, Jeffrey! One of your “best ever,” in my view! (And, they are all great, so that’s saying something.) 

Imagine what could be achieved at the BIA with real judges, experts in asylum law, thoughtful, practical analysis, intellectual leadership, and inspiration to a fairer future, rather than the current Clown Show 🤡🦹🏿‍♂️ inventing bogus ways to ”get to no!”

As Jeffrey demonstrates, we could choose to protect rather than to reject. There has always been a tendency to do the latter at the DOJ; but, under White Nationalist nativist Jeff Sessions and his successors it has gone “hog wild” — rejection has been falsely portrayed as a “duty” rather than an extremely poor choice and an abdication of moral and legal responsibility!

Today’s BIA is basically incapable of problem solving. Time and again their strained, stilted anti-immigrant, anti-due-process, pro-worst-practices interpretations not only spell doom for those coming before them, but also promote inefficiency and backlogs in an already overwhelmed system. They also send messages of disdain and disrespect for the rights and humanity of people of color that redounds throughout our struggling U.S. Legal System.

I’ll keep saying it: Whatever positive message Judge Garland and his team at DOJ intend to send about racial justice will be fatally undermined as long as “Dred Scottification” and disdain for the due process rights of migrants is the “order of the day” at the one Federal Court System the DOJ runs: The U.S. Immigration Court!  As long as EOIR is a “bad joke” the rest of Judge Garland’s reforms will fall flat!

The right judges 🧑🏽‍⚖️ at the BIA could turn this thing around! Remains to be seen if it will happen. But, it’s not rocket science. It just requires putting the right folks in charge, in place, and giving them the support and independence to engage in “creative problem solving.”

Judge Garland should be confirmed next week. And the confirmation hearings for Lisa Monaco (DAG) and Vanita Gupta (AAG) have been scheduled.

Some additional points:

  • The dissenter in the Second Circuit’s decision in Zelaya-Moreno v. Wilkinson is Judge Rosemary Pooler. Judge Pooler has had a long and distinguished career. Perhaps she would like to cap it off by becoming Chair of the BIA and leading by example;
  • Shows the importance of experts, which is probably why the BIA has gone out of its way to demean them and encourage IJs to ignore their evidence;
  • Jeffrey’s analysis supports my “Better BIA for a Better America” 🇺🇸program;
  • As Justice Sotomayor says: “It is not justice.” That’s my view on today’s EOIR!  

Due Process Forever! ⚖️🗽

PWS

03-07-21

BIA GETS IT WRONG AGAIN: 2D CIR. SLAMS EOIR’S ERRONEOUS APPROACH TO “EQUITABLE TOLLING” — As the BIA Continues To Get The Fundamentals Wrong, Unethical Barr & Co. Push Already Stressed & Dysfunctional Immigration “Courts” For More & Faster Mistakes & More Unlawful Removals!

 

http://www.ca2.uscourts.gov/decisions/isysquery/2c04f16b-a109-44a1-8677-06d7451356bd/3/doc/18-204_opn.pdf#xml=http://www.ca2.uscourts.gov/decisions/isysquery/2c04f16b-a109-44a1-8677-06d7451356bd/3/hilite/

EMELI KWASI ATTIPOE v. BARR, 2d. Cir., 12-19-19, published

PANEL: POOLER, LOHIER, and CARNEY, Circuit Judges.

OPINION BY: Judge Rosemary Pooler

KEY QUOTE:

  1. Here, as in Iavorski, nothing in the text of Section 545(d)(2) itself, or in its

  2. 4  legislative history, indicates that Congress intended the appeal filing deadline to

  3. 5  be jurisdictional. To the contrary, the House Conference Report states that

  4. 6  “[u]nless the Attorney General finds reasonable evidence to the contrary, the

  5. 7  regulations must state that administrative appeals be made within 30 days, except

  6. 8  that the appellate body may, upon motion, extend such period up to 90 days, if good cause

  7. 9  is shown by the movant.” H.R. Rep. No. 101‐955 at 133 (emphasis added). The

  8. 10  legislative history thus indicates that Congress was amenable to the idea of

  9. 11  extending the time to file an appeal past the deadline upon a showing of good

  10. 12   And the BIA may, sua sponte, decide to accept late filings under the self‐

  11. 13  certification process. It could not accept any late filings—exceptional

  12. 14  circumstances or not—if the filing deadline truly was jurisdictional.

  13. 15  We therefore extend Iavorksi’s interpretation of Section 545(d)(1) to its

  14. 16  sister subsection, Section 545(d)(2), and hold that the BIA must consider the

  15. 17  principles of equitable tolling when an untimely appeal is filed and the petitioner

  16. 18  raises the issue, as Attipoe did here. We remand to the BIA to consider whether 15

  17. 1  equitable tolling allows consideration of Attipoe’s late‐filed appeal. The BIA is

  18. 2  free to develop the factors it will apply in considering equitable tolling, although

  19. 3  we note that it need not start from scratch. In Holland, the Supreme Court set out

  20. 4  standards for courts to apply in determining whether equitable tolling is

  21. 5  appropriate: (1) a showing that a petitioner “has been pursuing his rights

  22. 6  diligently, and (2) that some extraordinary circumstance stood in his way.” 560

  23. 7  S. at 649 (internal quotation marks omitted). And in the context of a late

  24. 8  motion to reopen, we have held that petitioners seeking equitable tolling must

  25. 9  demonstrate (1) that their constitutional rights to due process were violated by

  26. 10  the conduct of counsel; and (2) that they exercised due diligence during the

  27. 11  putative tolling period. Iavorski, 232 F.3d at 135; see also Rashid v. Mukasey, 533

  28. 12  3d 127, 132 (2d Cir. 2008) (requiring that a petitioner prove diligence during

  29. 13  “both the period of time before the ineffective assistance of counsel was or

  30. 14  should have been discovered and the period from that point until the motion to

  31. 15  reopen is filed”); Cekic v. I.N.S., 435 F.3d 167, 170 (2d Cir. 2006) (requiring that

  32. 16  petitioner “affirmatively demonstrate that he exercised reasonable due diligence

  33. 17  during the time period sought to be tolled”). After it determines what the

16

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

standards for equitable tolling under Section 1003.38 are, the BIA should determine whether Attipoe satisfies those standards.

 

CONCLUSION

For the reasons given above, the petition is granted, the BIA’s decision is vacated, and this matter remanded to the BIA for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.

********************************************************

An honest, competent Attorney General would make fixing the glaring legal, quality control, and Due Process problems with the BIA’s performance “job one.”

Instead, White Nationalist political hacks Sessions, Whitaker, and Barr have maliciously pushed the BIA and the Immigration Courts to rush more defective unprofessional work product out the door faster, thereby guaranteeing unconstitutional miscarriages of justice and numerous wrongful removals.

Improper, mindless, designed to fail “haste makes waste” gimmicks by the regime actually make the astounding 1.3 million case Immigration Court backlog much much worse, rather than addressing it in a rational and professional manner consistent with Due Process of law.

That’s especially true in a system where many individuals are improperly and unconstitutionally forced to appear without assistance of counsel and many others suffer from “underperformance” of counsel in a totally stressed and unfair system where the problems are overwhelmingly caused by our Government‘s “maliciously incompetent” performance, but the consequences fall almost exclusively and most heavily on the individual victims of U.S. Government malfeasance.

The idea the the BIA deserves “deference” as a fair, impartial, “expert” tribunal is beyond absurd. It’s a flat out abdication of legal duty by the Article III Courts of Appeals. When will they finally put a stop to this mockery of justice and remove the biased, unethical, and malicious DOJ prosecutor from improper and unconstitutional control over the Immigration “Courts?” How many illegal removals on their watch are too many for the complicit and privileged “life-tenured ones?”

What if it were them or their families suffering and being abused in this ongoing national disgrace that passes for a “court system?”

PWS

12-20-19

 

2D CIR Raps BIA, USIJ For Applying Wrong Tests For Agfel —- NY 5th Degree Sale Of A Controlled Substance Not A “Drug Trafficking Crime” — Respondent Eligible For Cancellation — KENNARD GARVIN HARBIN v. JEFFERSON SESSIONS III

http://caselaw.findlaw.com/us-2nd-circuit/1865217.html

“We hold that NYPL § 220.31 defines a single crime and is therefore an “indivisible” statute. Accordingly, the agency should have applied the so-called “categorical approach,” which looks to the statutory definition of the offense of conviction, rather than the particulars of an individual’s behavior, to determine whether a prior conviction constitutes an aggravated felony. See Mellouli v. Lynch, 135 S. Ct. 1980, 1986 (2015). Now applying the categorical approach, we conclude that Harbin’s conviction under the NYPL § 220.31 did not constitute a commission of an aggravated felony. Harbin’s § 220.31 conviction therefore did not bar him from seeking cancellation of removal and asylum.”

PANEL: Circuit Judges CABRANES, POOLER, and PARKER.

OPINION BY:  Judge Pooler.

*************************************************

When will they ever learn, when will they ever learn? Attempts by U.S. Immigration Judges and the BIA to “blow by” proper application of “divisibility analysis” and the “categorical approach” in an effort to maximize removals under the “aggravated felony” provisions of the INA continue to draw criticism from higher court judges. However, they probably are “less career threatening” with respect to the BIA’s relationship to their political bosses at the DOJ. Whoever heard of a due process court system being owned and operated by the chief prosecutor? And, nobody can doubt that Attorney General Jeff Sessions sees himself as the Chief Prosecutor of migrants in the United States. But, to be fair, the last Attorney General to actually attempt to let the BIA function as an an independent quasi-judicial body was the late Janet Reno. And, that was 17 years ago.

PWS

06-23-17