Nolan writes:
“CBP is required by the William Wilberforce Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act to transfer the custody of unaccompanied alien children from Central America to ORR within 72 hours of determining that they are unaccompanied alien children. ORR promptly places them in the least restrictive setting that is in their best interests while they wait for an immigration hearing to be scheduled.
They normally are not held at a secure facility unless they are charged with criminal actions, pose a threat of violence, or are flight risks.
Unaccompanied alien children are not eligible for many forms of relief. Asylum is the most common. The only other possibilities I am aware of are “special immigrant juvenile status,” which requires a finding by a state juvenile court that they have been abused, neglected, or abandoned; and “T nonimmigrant status” for victims of trafficking.
Many of the children who are released from custody abscond instead of returning for their hearings. Between July 18, 2014, and June 28, 2016, removal proceedings were initiated in 69,540 cases. Only 31,091 of them were completed. Of the total completed cases, 12,977 resulted in removal orders, and 11,528 (89 percent) of the removal orders were issued in absentia because the children had absconded.
The post-Trump immigration court handles fewer unaccompanied alien children cases. This will increase the amount of time unaccompanied alien children have to wait for hearings, which is likely to increase the number of children who abscond.
Also, they will have less incentive to return for their hearings. In the more liberal Obama era, immigration judges granted asylum in up to 71 percent of their asylum cases. This is not likely to continue in the post-Trump era.
The fact that many unaccompanied alien children abscond is disturbing. We know very little about them.”
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Please read Nolan’s complete article over on The Hill at the link.
I have a few thoughts. First, although at the end of my career I was not assigned to the juvenile docket, I handled many juvenile cases over my 13 year career at the Arlington Immigration Court.
Even when I was not responsible for the juvenile docket, “mis-assigned” juvenile cases appeared on my docket on a regular basis, probably a consequence of the “haste makes waste” prioritization of juveniles by the Obama Administration. I never had a significant problem with juveniles “absconding.”
Not surprisingly, this is borne out by the facts. Studies show that represented juveniles appear for their hearings about 95% of the time. That suggests that the real effort should be on working with the pro bono bar to ensure that juvenile cases are scheduled in a manner that promotes maximum representation at the first hearing. Presto, the largely imaginary problem with “absconding” juveniles disappears.
See this link to an American Immigration Council analysis:
Taking Attendance: New Data Finds Majority of Children Appear in Immigration Court | American Immigr
Second, in the small number of cases where juveniles did not appear, the problem was almost always with the Government system, not the juveniles. Indeed, the suggestion that children, some infants, other toddlers, “abscond” is prima facie absurd.
There are a number of reasons why juveniles might not appear: 1) in their haste to move these cases through the system, DHS often incorrectly transmits the U.S. address to the Immigration Court; 2) under pressure to fill “priority” dockets required by the Obama Administration, the Immigration Court, which still operates with a manual data entry system, sometimes sent the notice to a wrong address; and 3) almost all juveniles have to rely on adult “sponsors” to get them to court. Depending on the degree of understanding and responsibility on the part of the sponsor, this might or might not happen.
When the court appearance requirements are properly communicated and understood by the sponsor, and where the juvenile has realistic access to legal representation, there simply are not many “no show” issues. In Immigration Courts that put due process first, most no-shows are eventually reopened when the juvenile and the sponsor discover the problem and explain the failure to appear. Therefore, large numbers of “in absentia” juvenile cases suggests to me a problem with the system, and, perhaps, with particular Immigration Judges, rather than the juveniles.
Here’s a link to a L.A. Times article on in absentia orders for unaccompanied children.
http://www.latimes.com/local/california/la-me-children-deported-20150306-story.html
Third, Nolan’s reference to the “liberal” Obama administration seems gratuitous. The Obama Administration did little of substance to help juveniles and, to my knowledge, most of the precedents issued by the BIA made it more difficult, rather than easier, for juveniles from the Northern Triangle to get relief.
Nevertheless, juveniles were able to succeed at a fairly high rate where they obtained competent representation, Immigration Judges fairly applied the generous standards for asylum, and also gave the children adequate time to pursue other forms of relief such as those mentioned by Nolan.
The nationwide asylum grant rate in the most recent year was approximately 47%, not 71%. The latter was just one of the courts with a higher rate. But, there were also courts like Atlanta, with a 2% rate who were not doing a fair job of asylum adjudication.
In any event, there is every reason to believe that most of the juveniles in the system had at least a “respectable” chance of success in remaining.
It’s possible that the Trump Administration will attempt to “game” to system to depress grant rates. Such conduct appears on its face to be both illegal and contrary to the generous standard for asylum established by the U.S. Supreme Court in INS v. Cardoza-Fonseca.
To date, I am aware of no such overt attempt by the Administration to interfere with the fair adjudication of asylum claims. However, I do acknowledge that the general tone of the Executive Orders is xenophobic and disparaging to refugees and immigrants. At some point, the Article III Courts will decide whether or not the Administration is complying with the requirements of U.S. law and various international protection agreements.
Finally, I think that Nolan’s suggestion that unaccompanied children be sent to third countries for U.N. processing would be a violation of both the INA and the Wilberforce Act. While there is a provision in the INA for sending individuals who arrived in “safe third countries” back to those countries for asylum adjudication, to date it only applies to Canada and is limited in a way that would make it inapplicable to the Southern Border Central American cases.
The U.S. would do far better to acknowledge the legitimate fears that cause women and children to flee countries in the Northern Triangle. Dealing with the problems at their source, which is likely to be a long-term prospect, while providing at least some type of screening and temporary refuge short of asylum, would, in my view, be a much better and more humane solution to this chronic issue than the enforcement initiatives proposed by the Trump Administration.
PWS
03/27/17
Paul says, “Studies show that represented juveniles appear for their hearings about 95% of the time. That suggests that the real effort should be on working with the pro bono bar to ensure that juvenile cases are scheduled in a manner which promotes maximum representation at the first hearing.”
That’s not going to happen. The immigration court has a backlog crisis. It would take several years to catch up if no new cases were assigned. Trump is dealing with this by expanding expedite removal proceedings to eliminate hearings for most undocumented aliens who can’t prove that they have been here for more than two years.
Paul says, “the suggestion that children, some infants, other toddlers, “abscond” is prima facie absurd.”
He says, “There are a number of reasons why juveniles might not appear: 1) in their haste to move these cases through the system, DHS often incorrectly transmits the U.S. address to the Immigration Court; 2) under pressure to fill “priority” dockets required by the Obama Administration, the Immigration Court, which still operates with a manual data entry system, sometimes sent the notice to a wrong address; and 3) almost all juveniles have to rely on adult “sponsors” to get them to court. Depending on the degree of understanding and responsibility on the part of the sponsor, this might or might not happen.”
I agree that the children who are young do have to rely on adults, but I don’t know why Paul thinks that adult family members are going to make sure the children appear in court.
Finally, Paul says, “Nolan’s reference to the “liberal” Obama administration seems gratuitous. The Obama Administration did little of substance to help juveniles and, to my knowledge, most of the precedents issued by the BIA made it more difficult, rather than easier, for juveniles from the Northern Triangle to get relief.
Nevertheless, juveniles were able to succeed at a fairly high rate where they obtained competent representation, Immigration Judges fairly applied the generous standards for asylum, and also gave the children adequate time to pursue other forms of relief such as those mentioned by Nolan.”
Call me a cynic, but I don’t believe that many of the children can establish eligibility for asylum. I was never a judge but I wrote decisions for the Board on more than 1,000 asylum cases. Most of the kids are fleeing violence and crime, not persecution.
“The nationwide asylum grant rate in the most recent year was approximately 47%, not 71%. The latter was just one of the courts with a higher rate. But, there were also courts like Atlanta, with a 2% rate who were not doing a fair job of asylum adjudication.”
I said “up to 71%,” not an average of 71%.
Paul’s final observation is that my “suggestion that unaccompanied children be sent to third countries for U.N. processing would be a violation of both the INA and the Wilberforce Act. While there is a provision in the INA for sending individuals who arrived in “safe third countries” back to those countries for asylum adjudication, to date it only applies to Canada and is limited in a way that would make it inapplicable to the Southern Border Central American cases.”
Obama established an in country asylum process for the Central American countries which can be expanded. See the CRS memo at
https://fas.org/sgp/crs/homesec/R44020.pdf I did some research on it, I was used by Bush in Russia, Iraq, and Cuba (if my memory is correct).
But my main objection to Paul’s position is that he is not acknowledging how dangerous the journey from Central America is for these kids. I quote a paragraph from an open letter to Central American parents from former the DHS secretary pleading with them to stop sending their kids on that journey because it is so dangerous. I encourage you to read the entire letter.
https://www.dhs.gov/news/2014/06/23/open-letter-parents-children-crossing-our-southwest-border
Thanks, Nolan. Appreciate the feedback.
Just several additional points.
1) I agree with you that an expanded “in country” or even “third country” refugee processing program for Central Americans could be an important part of solving this issue without violating anyone’s rights. From his confirmation hearing statement, I originally thought that Secretary Kelly might be interested in exploring this as part of solving the problem at the sending end, rather than trying to deal with it exclusively on the “receiving end.” But, recently his actions and statements have been more along the lines of “same old,” “same old” — more border guards, more detention, more prosecutions — “deterrents” on this end can solve the problem. I’ve never really seen that work in the long run. I doubt it will this time. It it is certain to be both expensive and controversial.
2) The “dangerous journey” message is sort of naive on our part. The folks coming aren’t dummies. They might not be “Rhodes scholars,” but they have plenty of “street smarts” and practical knowledge of the situation. They know that the journey is dangerous, the risks are high, and that the chances of finding refuge in the U.S. are uncertain, at best. But, if the alternative is being killed, tortured, raped, beaten, extorted, or forced to join a criminal enterprise unwillingly, the dangers and uncertainties of the “journey north” pale in comparison. So, they will continue to take the risk.
3) “Fleeing violence and crime” describes most of the world’s legitimate refugees. Violence and criminal acts can be, and usually are, parts of most successful asylum claims. It all depends on who’s doing it and why it’s happening — fact-bound determinations which require good representation and careful attention to the testimony, evidence, and details by judges. Even the BIA, which has hardly been friendly toward gang-based asylum claims, has cautioned against reading their decisions as a blanket invitation to deny all such claims: “Nevertheless, we emphasize that our holdings in Matter of S-E-G- and Matter of E-A-G- should not be read as a blanket rejection of all factual scenarios involving gangs.” Matter of M-E-V-G-, 26 I&N Dec. 227, 251 (BIA 2014). It is clear from M-E-V-G- that a “winning” asylum case will involve a very detailed factual presentation, extensive country condition evidence (beyond the State Department report), and someone who is very familiar with the BIA and particular circuit case law. For example, in the Fourth Circuit both “family based” and “former gang member” asylum claims were very viable. More often than not, the DHS didn’t even contest the “particular social group” or the likelihood of harm — the only issue was “nexus” which is an arcane and complicated concept. Looking at what a decision like M-E-V-G- requires illustrates the absurdity of the Government’s position that children can adequately represent themselves in such asylum claims consistent with due process. I know I would not have proceeded with such a case unless an attorney were involved, and I know many of my former colleagues across the country felt the same way.
Best,
Paul
I was an immigration counsel on rhe house judiciary committee when hearings were held on the trafficking act, when it was marked up, and during the floor debates. It was not intended to apply to situations like the flood of unaccompanied children from central america.
I predict that it will be amended to stop it from applying to them. That was not possible with obama in the white house. It is possible now.
Thanks, Nolan.
Who knows what Congress will do. But, I think you are right that the current political situation with both Houses controlled the GOP and a GOP Administration makes it more likely that there could be a successful move to limit Wilberforce.
However, the current situation illustrates the need for special processing for juveniles, not the opposite. Abandoning kids in need is always a bad policy choice, but it wouldn’t be the first time Congress had made bad policy.
Even without Wilberforce, juveniles have a right to apply for protection in the form of asylum and CAT. And, realistically to do that they are going to need help.
There is already litigation pending on whether or not due process requires representation for children (a Federal Court in California has already held that mentally incompetent individuals are entitled to representation; the arguments are quite similar). Repeal of Wilberforce would just increase the likelihood that a Federal Court will ultimately find that most juveniles require representation in the immigration process. And, even a generally conservative Supreme Court has been sensitive to the situation of juveniles in our justice system.
It would be better to fix the current system to insure that arriving juveniles are treated sensitively, humanely, and with complete due process. That was what Wilberforce was about. If Congress and the Executive fail to develop responsible solutions, I predict that the courts will do it for them.
Best,
Paul
Paul says, “the current situation illustrates the need for special processing for juveniles, not the opposite. Abandoning kids in need is always a bad policy choice, but it wouldn’t be the first time Congress had made bad policy.
Even without Wilberforce, juveniles have a right to apply for protection in the form of asylum and CAT. And, realistically to do that they are going to need help.”
Without the trafficking act, the kids are stuck in expedited removal proceedings and will have to pass the credible fear test to get a hearing, which is likely to become more difficult. It’s not likely that the Republicans will eliminate the trafficking act due process and then let the kids get hearings anyway through credible fear determinations.
Paul says, “There is already litigation pending on whether or not due process requires representation for children (a Federal Court in California has already held that mentally incompetent individuals are entitled to representation; the arguments are quite similar). Repeal of Wilberforce would just increase the likelihood that a Federal Court will ultimately find that most juveniles require representation in the immigration process. And, even a generally conservative Supreme Court has been sensitive to the situation of juveniles in our justice system.”
I don’t think it is possible to implement the kinds of reforms Paul is expecting the courts to mandate without an extreme reduction in the number of undocumented aliens in the US.
“It would be better to fix the current system to insure that arriving juveniles are treated sensitively, humanely, and with complete due process. That was what Wilberforce was about. If Congress and the Executive fail to develop responsible solutions, I predict that the courts will do it for them.”
The current system isn’t broken. There are just too many aliens to handle the way Paul thinks they should be handled.
Reply to Paul’s three, numbered points.
1) I agree with you that an expanded “in country” or even “third country” refugee processing program for Central Americans could be an important part of solving this issue without violating anyone’s rights. From his confirmation hearing statement, I originally thought that Secretary Kelly might be interested in exploring this as part of solving the problem at the sending end, rather than trying to deal with it exclusively on the “receiving end.” But, recently his actions and statements have been more along the lines of “same old,” “same old” — more border guards, more detention, more prosecutions — “deterrents” on this end can solve the problem. I’ve never really seen that work in the long run. I doubt it will this time. It it is certain to be both expensive and controversial.
I am hoping that these options are explored by the Trump Administration. We can’t be sure at this point what they are going to do, and Trump has shown his willingness to walk back harsh positions.
2) The “dangerous journey” message is sort of naive on our part. The folks coming aren’t dummies. They might not be “Rhodes scholars,” but they have plenty of “street smarts” and practical knowledge of the situation. They know that the journey is dangerous, the risks are high, and that the chances of finding refuge in the U.S. are uncertain, at best. But, if the alternative is being killed, tortured, raped, beaten, extorted, or forced to join a criminal enterprise unwillingly, the dangers and uncertainties of the “journey north” pale in comparison. So, they will continue to take the risk.
OR, the US can provide a better alternative. That’s where the in country and safe third country options come in.
3) “Fleeing violence and crime” describes most of the world’s legitimate refugees. Violence and criminal acts can be, and usually are, parts of most successful asylum claims. It all depends on who’s doing it and why it’s happening — fact-bound determinations which require good representation and careful attention to the testimony, evidence, and details by judges. Even the BIA, which has hardly been friendly toward gang-based asylum claims, has cautioned against reading their decisions as a blanket invitation to deny all such claims: “Nevertheless, we emphasize that our holdings in Matter of S-E-G- and Matter of E-A-G- should not be read as a blanket rejection of all factual scenarios involving gangs.” Matter of M-E-V-G-, 26 I&N Dec. 227, 251 (BIA 2014). It is clear from M-E-V-G- that a “winning” asylum case will involve a very detailed factual presentation, extensive country condition evidence (beyond the State Department report), and someone who is very familiar with the BIA and particular circuit case law. For example, in the Fourth Circuit both “family based” and “former gang member” asylum claims were very viable. More often than not, the DHS didn’t even contest the “particular social group” or the likelihood of harm — the only issue was “nexus” which is an arcane and complicated concept. Looking at what a decision like M-E-V-G- requires illustrates the absurdity of the Government’s position that children can adequately represent themselves in such asylum claims consistent with due process. I know I would not have proceeded with such a case unless an attorney were involved, and I know many of my former colleagues across the country felt the same way.
Paul is talking about the way things should be, and I am talking about the way things are. We have a horrendous backlog crisis in our immigration court and a president who is trying to move ten plus million undocumented aliens out of the country asap. That situation is not conducive to making gains on due process.
Man, I’ve reached a point where I can’t really disagree with anything Nolan has said in his reply. Or, stated less bureaucratically: I agree with Nolan!
Thanks for sharing your thoughts and experiences, Nolan.
Best,
P
That’s great. Thanks.