BUSY KNIGHTS & KNIGHTESSES: The Round Table Speaks Out Again For Due Process & Judicial Independence On The Eve Of House Subcommittee Hearing

Round Table House 12920 hearing

Statement of the Round Table of Former Immigration Judges Submitted to the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Immigration and Citizenship
Hearing on “Courts in Crisis: The State of Judicial Independence and Due Process in U.S. Immigration Courts”
January 29, 2020
This statement for the record is submitted by former Immigration Judges and former Appellate Immigration Judges of the Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA). Members of our group were appointed to the bench and served under different administrations of both parties over the past four decades. Drawing on our many years of collective experience, we are intimately familiar with the workings, history, and development of the immigration court from the 1980s up to present.
The purpose of the immigration courts is to act as a neutral check on executive overreach in the enforcement of our immigration laws. In their detached and learned interpretation of the laws and regulations, Immigration Judges exist to correct overzealous bureaucrats and policy makers when they overstep the bounds of reasonable interpretation and the requirements of due process.
Unfortunately, no Attorney General has ever created an impartial immigration court system because the immigration courts have always been housed inside the U.S. Department of Justice, subject to the nation’s chief enforcement officer, the Attorney General. Due in large part to the efforts of their union, the National Association of Immigration Judges, (NAIJ), the Immigration Judge corps managed to maintain decision making independence even when faced with increased caseloads and political pressures.
We are extremely disturbed by this administration’s systemic and unprecedented efforts to undermine Immigration Judges’ independence and neutrality. Such efforts have proceeded seamlessly through three different Attorneys General. Even Matthew Whitaker, acting as a caretaker and with no prior immigration law background, managed in his brief time in charge to certify two cases to himself, one of which was a decision of the BIA which had denied asylum and created a difficult standard for those seeking asylum based on their family ties, in order to make such standard even more daunting.
The three Attorneys Generals have together abused their certification power to circumvent the intent of Congress by rewriting our nation’s immigration laws. In
1

some of their decisions, the Attorneys General have eliminated precedent decision and then imposed requirements that necessitate much more attorney preparation, longer hearings, and more exacting decisions from the Immigration Judges themselves in order to grant relief where such relief is due. The disingenuous assertion for doing so was that the parties had stipulated to certain facts and findings without evidence, when in fact the parties had done so – as in all judicial settings – because the evidence in support of such facts and findings was overwhelming and there is no need to burden the court system by presenting them in each case. At the same time, the Department of Justice has greatly expedited the hearings of those who are often most vulnerable, while requiring a growing number of asylum-seekers to either wait in Mexico in a state of homelessness, with little access to counsel or ability to be able to gather evidence; or to alternatively be detained in horrific conditions in remote detention facilities, all with little to no access to counsel.1 The administration has increasingly denied observers access to Remain in Mexico hearings.2 In particular, a member of our group was asked to leave a Remain in Mexico hearing where she was observing a case on the spurious claim that her note taking was distracting.3
In addition to cutting off access to the agency’s more controversial classes of hearings, EOIR has also effectively ended the participation of Immigration Judges as speakers in legal conferences and at law schools, including as participants in moot court hearings.4 The judges’ own union, the NAIJ, has served as the sole voice of its members, publicly speaking out against policies that undermine its independence and impartiality, and in advocating for independent Article I court status. In response, the Department of Justice has sought to silence the NAIJ
1 On January 24, 2019, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) announced the Migration Protection Protocols (MPP), a policy also known as “Remain in Mexico,” which requires individuals seeking asylum at our southern border to remain in Mexico while their U.S. removal proceedings are pending.
2 Adolfo Flores, Immigration “Tent Courts” Aren’t Allowing Full Access To The Public, Attorneys Say, (1/13/2020), https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/adolfoflores/immigration-tent-courts-arent-allowing-full-public-access.
3 The Round Table of Former Immigration Judges, Letter to Director McHenry and Chief Immigration Judge Santoro, (Dec. 10, 2019), https://immigrationcourtside.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/McHenry- letter_letterhead-1.pdf.
4 The Knight First Amendment Institute, Knight Institute Calls on DOJ’s Executive Office for Immigration Review to Suspend Policy Silencing Immigration Judges, (Jan. 6, 2020), https://knightcolumbia.org/content/knight-institute- calls-on-dojs-executive-office-for-immigration-review-to-suspend-policy-silencing-immigration-judges.
2

through a present effort to decertify on the same basis that was rejected previously this union that has been certified since 1979.5
The Attorneys General have also issued decisions stripping Immigration Judges of the judicial tools needed to properly execute their duties. Through precedent decisions by certification, then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions issued binding decisions stripping Immigration Judges of their long-standing ability to administratively close6 or terminate7 cases where appropriate or necessary, or even to continue hearings where due process requires.8
The above actions of Attorneys General, as well as the reshuffling of Immigration Judge dockets to assure that cases are heard based on the political priority of the day as opposed to due process concerns, has resulted in unprecedented, sky- rocketing backlogs.9 The backlog has increased exponentially despite the dramatic increase in Immigration Judge appointments, most of which have favored individuals with enforcement backgrounds. Some have wondered if this is an attempt to implode the Immigration Court system, but whether it is intentional or not, this could be the ultimate effect.
EOIR’s director is not a political appointee, yet he has acted as one by promulgating policies that undermine judicial independence. For example, he has created completion quotas that require Immigration Judges to choose between justice for those who appear before them and their own job security. The vast majority of other administrative judges – including Social Security Judges – are exempted from such quotas by statute, and the Immigration Judges were previously exempted by policy. Immigration Judges are told in their training that they are only DOJ attorneys and as employees of the Attorney General and the Department of Justice, they owe loyalty to the objectives of those they serve. Such quotas damage the public’s confidence in the immigration court system by creating the perception of bias. Even in the law enforcement context, quotas are seen as harmful. For example, most states outlaw such quotas for traffic tickets issued by
5 Eric Katz, The Justice Department says immigration law judges operate as managers, an argument the Federal Labor Relations Authority rejected in 2000, (Aug. 12, 2019), https://www.govexec.com/management/2019/08/ trump-administration-looks-decertify-vocal-federal-employee-union/159112/.
6 Matter of Castro-Tum, 27 I&N Dec. 271 (A.G. 2018)
7 Matter of S-O-G- & F-D-B-, 27 I&N Dec. 462 (A.G. 2018) 8 Matter of L-A-B-R- et. Al., 27 I&N Dec. 405 (A.G. 2018)
9 According to the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse (TRAC) at Syracuse University the December 2019, backlog was 1,089,696. See, https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/court_backlog/
3

police officers. Pressuring Immigration Judges to adhere to the views of the enforcement officer and agency that employ them contradicts the Supreme Court’s 1954 ruling to the contrary, in which it held that the BIA must decide cases according to its judges’ “own understanding and conscience,” and not those of the Attorney General.10
EOIR has taken additional actions to undermine the appearance of neutrality so necessary to a court system. The agency posted on its website a press release announcing a “return to the rule of law” based solely on an increase in the number of deportation orders issued by the courts.11 More recently, the agency issued a “Myths vs. Facts” sheet12 falsely claiming that noncitizens as a rule don’t appear for their court hearings (whereas statistics compiled by TRAC indicate an appearance rate over 90%;13 that asylum seekers’ claims lack merit, and that attorneys don’t really impact court outcomes. The members of this honorable committee are asked to try to imagine any other court issuing such a statement concerning those that appear before its judges, and to further imagine what the public response would be. Our Round Table was one of several groups that issued a statement strongly criticizing such action.14
Our group includes a significant number of former Immigration Judges who retired or otherwise left the bench sooner than intended due to the unconscionable policies of the present administration. Two amongst us took the highly unusual step of resigning after only two years on the bench. One of our members made a point of retiring after 28 years on the bench on the day before the oppressive completion quota system went into effect as a statement that he refused to work under such conditions.15
10 Accardi v. Shaughnessy, 347 U.S. 260 (1954).
11 https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/return-rule-law-trump-administration-marked-increase-key-immigration-statistics
12 https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1161001/download 13 See, https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/562/.
14 Round Table of Former Immigration Judges, EOIR “Myth vs. Fact” Memo, (May 13, 2019), https:// www.aila.org/infonet/retired-ijs-and-former-members-of-the-bia-object; See also AILA Policy Brief: Facts About the State of Our Nation’s Immigration Courts, (May 14, 2019), https://www.aila.org/advo-media/aila-policy-briefs/aila- policy-brief-facts-about-the-state-of-our.
15 “Immigration Judges say they’re ;leaving jobs because of Trump policies,” The Hill, Feb. 13, 2019, https:// thehill.com/latino/429940-immigration-judges-say-theyre-leaving-jobs-because-of-trump-policies
4

We acknowledge our former colleagues still on the bench who continue to afford due process and fairness in their decisions. Their increasing difficulty in doing so was illustrated by the highly-publicized case in which an Immigration Judge in Philadelphia, upon receiving a case remanded by the Attorney General, continued the hearing of a minor who did not appear for purposes of ensuring that the youth received proper notice of the hearing, as required by law. EOIR management immediately removed the case from the judge’s docket, along with more than 80 other similar cases. The judge was most improperly chastised by his supervisor. Instead of assigning the case to another judge in the Philadelphia court, EOIR management sent one of its own to Philadelphia for the sole purpose of issuing an in absentia removal order against the youth.16 What message did these actions send to the Immigration Judge corps (in particular, to those recently hired who may be removed without cause within two years of their appointments) about exercising independent judgment? We affirm that such action would have been unthinkable under any prior administration during the four decades in which we served.
Immigration Judges also depend on a fair review of their decision on administrative appeal to the BIA. We are sad to report that the Appellate Immigration Judges on the BIA have abdicated the independent understanding and conscience recognized 66 years ago by the Supreme Court. Last month, a judge sitting on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit stated in a concurring opinion of the court: “it is difficult for me to read this record and conclude that the Board was acting as anything other than an agency focused on ensuring Quinteros’ removal rather than as the neutral and fair tribunal it is expected to be. That criticism is harsh and I do not make it lightly.”17 And on January 23, 2020, a three Judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit suggested holding the BIA’s judges in contempt of court, “with all the consequences that possibility entails.”18 What provoked such reaction was the BIA’s decision to completely ignore a binding order of an Article III court because then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions in a footnote to a certified decision had expressed his disagreement with such decision. The Seventh Circuit stated that the Board’s action “beggar’s belief,” adding that it has “never before encountered defiance of a remand order, and we hope never to see it again.” But as long as the Attorney General holds the power to
16 National Association of Immigration Judges, Judges’ Union Grievance Seeking Redress for the Unwarranted Removal of Cases from IJ, (Aug. 8, 2018), https://www.aila.org/infonet/naij-grievance-redress-removal.
17 Quinteros v. Att’y Gen., No. 18-3750 (3d Cir. Dec. 17, 2019).
18 Baez-Sanchez v. Barr, No. 19-1642 (7th Cir. Jan. 23, 2020). 5

remove them and the Circuit Courts don’t, the BIA will err on the side of job security.
With the BIA acting as the Attorney General’s enforcer, Immigration Judges are increasingly concerned with whether U.S. Immigration Customs Enforcement (ICE) might appeal a grant of relief. One of the requirements specified in the immigration judges’ performance quotas requires that not more than 15 percent of the immigration judges’ decisions can be remanded or reversed on appeal by the BIA.
It is the role of Congress to write the immigration laws and that of the Attorney General to uphold them. This administration has sought to rewrite those laws in defiance of directives of the Supreme Court and the Courts of Appeal which demonstrates that it is time for Congress to remove the responsibility for creating a fair immigration court from the Attorney General. The administration has stymied the efforts of immigration judges to faithfully execute their sworn obligations to accord due process to everyone who appears before them and to decide every case on its own merits after a full and fair consideration of the evidence. Instead, EOIR has imposed unrealistic productivity mandates that place speed above all considerations of fairness.
For all of the above reasons, we hope that Congress will take steps towards removing the immigration courts and BIA from the Department of Justice and establishing an independent Article I Immigration Court. In the meantime, we hope that Congress will use the powers at its disposal to limit undue influence on the Immigration Judges; to protect the NAIJ union from decertification; and to call the BIA to account for its recent outrageous behavior.
We appreciate the opportunity to provide this statement for the record and look forward to engaging as Congress considers reforming the immigration court system.
Contact with questions or concerns: Jeffrey S. Chase, jeffchase99@gmail.com. Sincerely,
Hon. Steven Abrams, Immigration Judge, New York, Varick St., and Queens (N.Y.) Wackenhut Immigration Courts, 1997-2013
Hon. Terry A. Bain, Immigration Judge, New York, 1994-2019
6

Hon. Sarah Burr, Assistant Chief Immigration Judge and Immigration Judge, New York, 1994-2012
Hon. Esmerelda Cabrera, Immigration Judge, New York, Newark, and Elizabeth, NJ, 1994-2005
Hon. Teofilo Chapa, Immigration Judge, Miami, 1995-2018
Hon. Jeffrey S. Chase, Immigration Judge, New York, 1995-2007
Hon. George T. Chew, Immigration Judge, New York, 1995-2017
Hon. Joan Churchill, Immigration Judge, Arlington, VA 1980-2005
Hon. Bruce J. Einhorn, Immigration Judge, Los Angeles, 1990-2007
Hon. Cecelia M. Espenoza, Appellate Immigration Judge, BIA, 2000-2003
Hon. Noel Ferris, Immigration Judge, New York, 1994-2013
Hon. James R. Fujimoto, Immigration Judge, Chicago, 1990-2019
Hon. Jennie L. Giambastiani, Immigration Judge, Chicago, 2002-2019
Hon. John F. Gossart, Jr., Immigration Judge, Baltimore, 1982-2013
Hon. Paul Grussendorf, Immigration Judge, Philadelphia and San Francisco, 1997-2004
Hon. Miriam Hayward, Immigration Judge, San Francisco, 1997-2018
Hon. Charles Honeyman, Immigration Judge, Philadelphia and New York, 1995-2020
Hon. Rebecca Jamil, Immigration Judge, San Francisco, 2016-2018
Hon. William P. Joyce, Immigration Judge, Boston, 1996-2002
Hon. Carol King, Immigration Judge, San Francisco, 1995-2017
Hon. Elizabeth A. Lamb, Immigration Judge, New York, 1995-2018
Hon. Donn L. Livingston, Immigration Judge, Denver and New York, 1995-2018 Hon. Margaret McManus, Immigration Judge, New York, 1991-2018
Hon. Charles Pazar, Immigration Judge, Memphis, 1998-2017
Hon. Laura Ramirez, Immigration Judge, San Francisco, 1997-2018
Hon. John W. Richardson, Immigration Judge, Phoenix, 1990-2018
Hon. Lory D. Rosenberg, Appellate Immigration Judge, Board of Immigration Appeals, 1995-2002
Hon. Susan G. Roy, Immigration Judge, Newark, NJ 2008-2010
Hon. Paul W. Schmidt, Chair and Appellate Immigration Judge, Board of Immigration Appeals, and Immigration Judge, Arlington, VA 1995-2016
Hon. Ilyce S. Shugall, Immigration Judge, San Francisco, 2017-2019
Hon. Denise Slavin, Immigration Judge, Miami, Krome, and Baltimore, 1995-2019
Hon. Andrea Hawkins Sloan, Immigration Judge, Portland, 2010-2017
Hon. Gustavo D. Villageliu, Appellate Immigration Judge, BIA, 1995-2003
Hon. Robert D. Vinikoor, Immigration Judge, Chicago, 1984-2017
Hon. Polly A. Webber, Immigration Judge, San Francisco, 1995-2016
7

Hon. Robert D. Weisel, Assistant Chief Immigration Judge, Immigration Judge, New York 1989-2016
8

******************

Jeffrey S. Chase
Hon. Jeffrey S. Chase
Jeffrey S. Chase Blog

Thanks to our “Lead Knight,” Hon. Jeffrey Chase, for all of his work on drafting, revising, and coordinating this huge, important project on short notice (all while continuing to save lives in Immigration Court as a “real” trial lawyer).

Yes, there were “knightesses” (female knights) in history. Joan of Arc is a well known one. Today, they are common (perhaps a majority) among the ranks of our Round Table and certainly among the fiercest and most courageous champions of Due Process as well as role models for all aspiring judges! 

Knjightess
Knightess of the Round Table

Due Process Forever!

PWS

01-28-20

 

HOUSE SUBCOMMITTEE SCHEDULES HEARING FOR TOMORROW (01-29-20) ON DUE PROCESS DISASTER IN U.S. IMMIGRATION COURTS!

https://judiciary.house.gov/calendar/eventsingle.aspx?EventID=2757

Hearings

Courts in Crisis: The State of Judicial Independence and Due Process in U.S. Immigration Courts

Subcommittee on Immigration and Citizenship

Date: Wednesday, January 29, 2020 – 09:30am

Location: 2141 RHOB

Tags: Immigration and Citizenship

Courts in Crisis: The State of Judicial Independence and Due Process in U.S. Immigration Courts

Witnesses

X The HonorableAndrew R.Arthur

Y Resident Fellow in Law and Policy, Center for Immigration Studies

X Mr.JeremyMcKinney

Y Second Vice President, American Immigration Lawyers Association

X Ms.JudyPerry Martinez

Y President, American Bar Association

X The HonorableA. AshleyTabbador

Y President, National Association of Immigration Judges

**********************

You can watch live tomorrow by clicking the above link.

The Subcommittee should get an earful from the last three witnesses on the absolute national disgrace and mockery of Constitutional Due Process taking place daily in these weaponized and “captive” courts.

Due Process Forever!

PWS

01-28-20

ROUND TABLE OF FORMER IMMIGRATION JUDGES ISSUES STATEMENT CONDEMNING “MIGRANT PROTECTION PROTOCOLS” (A/KA “REMAIN IN MEXICO;” A/K/A “LET ‘EM DIE IN MEXICO”)!

pastedGraphic.png                                       January 28, 2020

The Round Table of Former Immigration Judges is comprised of former immigration judges who are dedicated to due process in the immigration system.  As former immigration judges, we understand the inherent limitations on due process in an immigration court system that is housed in the Department of Justice, a prosecutorial agency within the Executive Branch of the government.  This administration has systematically attacked due process in the immigration court system through new rules, memoranda, and policies.  However, the largest assault to due process is the Migrant Protection Protocols (MPP) program.  MPP prevents access to the court, to counsel, and to resources refugees need to effectively present their cases. The limitations on due process in MPP are not incidental to the program, they are intentional.

In addition to the elimination of due process in MPP, the government is putting vulnerable refugees in grave danger.  Refugees are forced to wait in dangerous border towns in Mexico without any protection or resources.  As with the elimination of due process, the state created danger generated by MPP is intentional.  It is part of the government’s attempt to eliminate access to asylum.

The Round Table of Former Immigration Judges calls for the elimination of MPP immediately, demands that the administration take efforts to locate the thousands of individuals who were prevented from appearing at their hearings, and that all in absentia removal orders in MPP cases be rescinded sua sponte.

******************

Hon. Ilyce Shugall
Hon. Ilyce Shugall
U.S. Immigraton Judge (Retired)
Director, Immigrant Legal Defense Program, Justice & Diversity Center of the Bar Assn. of San Francisco.

Thanks to our Round Table colleague Hon. Ilyce Shugall for taking the lead on this effort.

Due Process Forever!

PWS

01-28-20

BIA’S “GONZO HIRING PLAN” & OTHER TALES FROM THE TRUMP REGIME TWILIGHT ZONE – The Gibson Report – 01-20-21 — Compiled By Elizabeth Gibson, Esquire, NY Legal Assistance Group

Elizabeth Gibson
Elizabeth Gibson
Attorney, NY Legal Assistance Group
Publisher of “The Gibson Report”

TOP UPDATES

 

New push to grant immigrants right to counsel gains support from advocates and lawmakers

Daily News: Legislation is being introduced Wednesday by Sen. Brad Hoylman (D-Manhattan) and Assemblywoman Catalina Cruz (D-Queens) that would create a statutory right to a lawyer for any New Yorker facing deportation who cannot afford an attorney on their own.​ See also What to look for in criminal justice reform in New York in 2020.

 

DOJ Hiring 36 New BIA Members

USAJobs: This listings appear to be for positions around the country and are likely aimed at obtaining faster denials.

 

The U.S. is putting asylum seekers on planes to Guatemala — often without telling them where they’re going

WaPo: [D]uring its first weeks, asylum seekers and human rights advocates say, migrants have been put on planes without being told where they were headed, and left here without being given basic instruction about what to do next. See also Central American migrants ford river into Mexico, chuck rocks and U.S. and Mexico Continue Interior Repatriation Initiative.

 

Green Light Law could cut access to DMV records for police agencies

WKBW: The Green Light Law no longer allows access to DMV records unless the law enforcement agencies agree not to share it with federal agencies like Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).… [N]ot all police and sheriff agencies met a January 11th deadline to sign the agreement and that means they cannot access DMV photos. See also NY Department Of Financial Services And Division Of Human Rights Take Action To Protect New York Drivers From Discrimination In Auto Insurance Based On Immigration Status.

 

White House considering dramatic expansion of travel ban

AP: Several of the people said they expected the announcement to be timed to coincide with the third anniversary of Trump’s first, explosive travel ban, which was announced without warning on Jan. 27, 2017 — days after Trump took office.

 

AP visits immigration courts across US, finds nonstop chaos

AP: “It is just a cumbersome, huge system, and yet administration upon administration comes in here and tries to use the system for their own purposes,” says Immigration Judge Amiena Khan in New York City, speaking in her role as vice president of the National Association of Immigration Judges. “And in every instance, the system doesn’t change on a dime, because you can’t turn the Titanic around.” The Associated Press visited immigration courts in 11 different cities more than two dozen times during a 10-day period in late fall.

 

Under the ‘Remain in Mexico’ policy, just 0.2% of cases result in relief

Guardian: Of the 56,000 cases brought under MPP only 117, or 0.2% of cases, have so far led to asylum relief for applicants, according to data from a monitoring project at Syracuse University. On Tuesday, House Democrats launched an investigation into the process, describing it as “a dangerously flawed policy that threatens the health and safety of legitimate asylum seekers – including women, children, and families” that “should be abandoned”.

 

US held record number of migrant children in custody in 2019

AP: This month, new government data shows the little girl is one of an unprecedented 69,550 migrant children held in U.S. government custody over the past year, enough infants, toddlers, kids and teens to overflow the typical NFL stadium.

 

Tent Immigration Courts Are Still Not Fully Open to the Public

AIC: By law, immigration courts must be accessible to everyone. But the government has denied access to these secretive courts since they opened in September 2019.

 

Hong Kong airline makes woman take pregnancy test before flying to Saipan

CNN: Saipan, part of the US commonwealth of Northern Mariana Islands, has emerged as a favorite destination for “birth tourism” — the practice of foreign nationals giving birth on US soil to ensure their babies become American citizens.

 

The CDC Is Screening Passengers At Three U.S. Airports For Chinese Coronavirus That Has Killed Two

Forbes: The three U.S. airports that will conduct screenings — JFK, SFO and LAX — receive most of the inbound travelers from Wuhan. Screening will begin with questionnaires that ask passengers about symptoms such as cough or fever, as well as if there has been any contact with meat or seafood markets in Wuhan. In addition, screeners will take a temperature check of passengers, said Dr. Cetron.

 

‘Treated like a terrorist’: US deports growing number of Iranian students with valid visas from US airports

Guardian: Last year, the Guardian reported US authorities were increasingly stopping Iranian students from boarding US-bound flights without informing them their visas had been cancelled prior to travel. In recent months, however, a growing number of Iranians with valid student visas have been detained upon arrival at US airports by Customs and Border Protection and deported back to Iran.

 

LITIGATION/CASELAW/RULES/MEMOS

 

USCIS Rejection of Form I-918 Due to Claimed Incompleteness

USCIS published an alert on its webpage for Form I-918, Petition for U Nonimmigrant Status, stating that it may reject Form I-918 or Form I-918 Supplement A if any field is left blank, unless the field is optional. AILA Doc. No. 20011330

 

New Acting ACIJ in New York

EOIR: Effective January 19, ACIJ Kevin Mart will begin serving as the Acting ACIJ for the New York – Broadway, New York – Varick, Fishkill, and Ulster Immigration Courts. ACIJ Mart is currently the ACIJ for the Louisville Immigration Court. ACIJ Sheila McNulty will begin her new role as Acting Deputy Chief Immigration Judge on January 19, 2020.

 

Federal judge temporarily halts Trump administration policy allowing local governments to block refugees

WaPo: U.S. District Judge Peter J. Messitte of Maryland temporarily halted President Trump’s executive order requiring governors and local officials nationwide to agree in writing to welcome refugees before resettlements take place in their jurisdictions.

 

Climate refugees can’t be returned home, says landmark UN human rights ruling

Guardian: The judgment – which is the first of its kind – represents a legal “tipping point” and a moment that “opens the doorway” to future protection claims for people whose lives and wellbeing have been threatened due to global heating, experts say.

 

Government comes to court for relief on immigration rule

SCOTUSblog: [T]he federal government called on the Supreme Court to intervene in a dispute over a new rule, known as the “public charge” rule, governing the admission of immigrants to the United States.

 

Knight Institute Challenges EOIR’s Muzzling Of Immigration Judges On 1st Amendment Grounds

Courtside: In a letter, the Institute argues that the agency’s policy, which it recently obtained through a FOIA request, violates the First Amendment

 

Trump Banished Immigration Rights Activist For Speaking Out. He’s Suing ICE To Come Back.

Intercept: The suit brought by Montrevil, 51, a founding member of the New Sanctuary Coalition of New York City, builds on a significant ruling last spring by the 2nd Circuit Court of Appeals in the case of a former colleague, activist Ravi Ragbir.

 

Groups File Federal Lawsuit Challenging Trump Administration’s So-Called ‘Safe Third Country’ Asylum Policy

ACLU: The lawsuit, U.T. v. Barr, was filed in U.S. District Court in Washington, D.C. It cites violations of the Refugee Act, Immigration and Nationality Act, and Administrative Procedure Act. Plaintiffs are asylum seekers who fled to the U.S. and were unlawfully removed to Guatemala, as well as organizations that serve asylum seekers.

 

House to investigate Trump ‘Remain in Mexico’ policy

Hill: The House Judiciary Committee on Tuesday announced that it plans to investigate the Department of Homeland Security’s Migrant Protection Protocols (MPP), which has been dubbed the “Remain in Mexico” policy for forcing some asylum-seekers from Central America to wait in Mexico during their claims process.

 

Executive Order Suspending Entry of Certain Persons Connected with Certain Industries in Iran

Presidential executive order imposing sanctions against certain persons connected with the construction, mining, manufacturing, or textiles industries in Iran, including the suspension of the immigrant or nonimmigrant entry of such persons into the United States. (85 FR 2003, 1/14/20) AILA Doc. No. 20011401

 

USCIS Issues Policy Alert on Replacing Permanent Resident Cards (Form I-90)

USCIS issued policy guidance in the USCIS Policy Manual regarding eligibility requirements, filing, and adjudication of requests to replace Permanent Resident Cards using Form I-90. The effective date for this policy is January 16, 2020. Comments are due by January 30, 2020. AILA Doc. No. 20011633

 

EOIR Releases Policy Memo on Management of Liberian Cases Related to NDAA for FY2020

EOIR released a policy memo providing guidance for addressing ancillary issues that may arise in immigration proceedings concerning Section 7611 of the recently enacted NDAA for FY2020 which established an eligibility program for adjustment of status for certain Liberian nationals. AILA Doc. No. 20011400

 

ACTIONS

 

 

RESOURCES

 

 

EVENTS

   

 

ImmProf

 

Monday, January 20, 2020

Sunday, January 19, 2020

Saturday, January 18, 2020

Friday, January 17, 2020

Thursday, January 16, 2020

Wednesday, January 15, 2020

Tuesday, January 14, 2020

Monday, January 13, 2020

 

***************************

57 “judges,” multiple locations, no waiting, No Due Process! – GUARANTEED!

For those interested, the “blitzkrieg application period,” immediately following the holidays, has already “closed.” But, not to worry. Undoubtedly, the appointees were already “preselected” from among Government attorneys with enforcement backgrounds and “high-asylum-denying” Immigration Judges.

 

To state the obvious, a monstrosity of an “appellate court” with this bizarre configuration will cease to function like a unitary collegial Board. Instead, all important precedents and policy decisions will be “cooked” on the fifth floor of the DOJ. The bogus “appellate immigration judges” will merely be “clerical gatekeepers” to insure that nobody gets granted relief over ICE’s objection.

 

Clearly, the regime is counting on a gutless and complicit Article III judiciary to “rubber stamp” this parody of justice. We’ll see if they are right. But, history will be watching those who fail to live up to their sworn duty to uphold Constitutional Due Process against this type of attack!

 

Due Process Forever!

 

PWS

01-21-20

 

ROUND TABLE SPEAKS OUT AGAINST EXPANDED ASYLUM BARS!

Hon. Ilyce Shugall
Hon. Ilyce Shugall
U.S. Immigraton Judge (Retired)
Director, Immigrant Legal Defense Program, Justice & Diversity Center of the Bar Assn. of San Francisco.

ROUND TABLE SPEAKS OUT AGAINST EXPANDED ASYLUM

 

                                       January 19, 2020

 

VIA E-RULEMAKING PORTAL: www.regulations.gov

 

Lauren Alder Reid, Assistant Director

Office of Policy, Executive Office for Immigration Review

5107 Leesburg Pike, Suite 2616

Falls Church, VA 22041

 

Maureen Dunn, Chief

Division of Humanitarian Affairs, Office of Policy and Strategy

U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services

Department of Homeland Security

20 Massachusetts Ave. NW

Washington, DC 20529-2140

 

Re:      EOIR Docket No. 18– 0002

 

 

Dear Ms. Alder Reid and Ms. Dunn,

 

We are writing as members of the Round Table of Former Immigration Judges to express our strong opposition to the Department of Justice and Department of Homeland Security Joint Notice of Proposed Rulemaking (“proposed rule”) on “Procedures for Asylum and Bars to Asylum Eligibility”.

 

The Round Table of Former Immigration Judges is a group of former Immigration Judges and Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA) Members who united to file amicus briefs and engage in other advocacy work.  The group formed in 2017.  In just over two years, the group has grown to more than 40 members, dedicated to the principle of due process for all. Its members have served as amici 37 times in cases before the Supreme Court, various circuit courts, the Attorney General, and the BIA.  The Round Table of Former Immigration Judges has also submitted written testimony to Congress and has released numerous press statements and a letter to EOIR’s director. Its individual members regularly participate in teaching, training, and press events.

 

The Round Table opposes the proposed rule which violates the Immigration and Nationality Act, the United States Constitution, and the country’s international treaty obligations.  Each member of the Round Table has adjudicated applications for asylum and is intimately familiar with the asylum adjudication process.  Accordingly, the Round Table has the following concerns about the additional asylum bars and limits to immigration judges’, appellate immigration judges’, and asylum officers’ ability to exercise discretion in asylum cases.

 

The Round Table asserts that immigration judges and asylum officers who have been tasked with adjudicating asylum cases, are in the best position to assess the impact of criminal conduct and convictions on asylum applications.  The task of analyzing and reviewing criminal conduct and convictions should not be taken away from the judges and asylum officers through regulation.  Asylum seekers are the most vulnerable members of society who are seeking refuge in the United States.  Trained judges and asylum officers should have the authority to consider their cases, even where the applicants have criminal convictions.  Such authority is designated to the judges and asylum officers by statute.[1]

 

The agencies justify the expansive limitations on asylum by citing the authority designated to the Attorney General in the statute: “Congress further provided the Attorney General with the authority to establish by regulation ‘any other conditions or limitations on the consideration of an application for asylum,’ so long as those limitations are ‘not inconsistent with this chapter.’ INA 208(d)(5)(B), 8 U.S.C. 1158(d)(5)(B); see also INA 208(b)(2)(C), 8 U.S.C. 1158(b)(2)(C).”  The new bars and limits on discretionary relief set forth in the proposed regulation are not consistent with the statute and are contrary to Congressional intent.  They also interfere with the role of immigration judges and asylum officers.  We therefore oppose the proposed additional bars to eligibility, the clarification of the effect of criminal convictions, and the removal of regulations regarding reconsideration of discretionary denials of asylum.

 

Additional Limitations on Eligibility for Asylum

 

The proposed rule intends to bar asylum to individuals convicted of nearly any criminal offense in the United States:

 

Those bars would apply to aliens who are convicted of (1) a felony under federal or state law; (2) an offense under 8 U.S.C. 1324(a)(1)(A) or 1324(a)(1)(2) (Alien Smuggling or Harboring); (3) an offense under 8 U.S.C. 1326 (Illegal Reentry); (4) a federal, state, tribal, or local crime involving criminal street gang activity; (5) certain federal, state, tribal, or local offenses concerning the operation of a motor vehicle while under the influence of an intoxicant; (6) a federal, state, tribal, or local domestic violence offense, or who are found by an adjudicator to have engaged in acts of battery or extreme cruelty in a domestic context, even if no conviction resulted; and (7) certain misdemeanors under federal or state law for offenses related to false identification; the unlawful receipt of public benefits from a federal, state, tribal, or local entity; or the possession or trafficking of a controlled substance or controlled-substance paraphernalia.[2]

 

In the domestic violence context, a conviction would not be required.[3]

 

The agencies rely on the language in 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(B)(ii) to assert that the Attorney General and Secretary of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) have the authority to classify all felony offenses as particularly serious crimes.[4]  However, such a blanket rule is not consistent with 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(B)(ii), which states that the Attorney General may designate “offenses that will be considered to be a crime described in clause (ii) or (iii) of subparagraph (A).”  8 U.S.C. §1158(b)(2)(A)(ii) specifies the bar to asylum is for a particularly serious crime wherein the non-citizen is a danger to the community.  Designating all felony convictions under all jurisdictions as bars to asylum is beyond what Congress intended and improperly removes all discretion and legal analysis from immigration judges and asylum officers.  Had Congress intended to bar all felony convictions, it would have specified that in the statute.

 

The agencies suggest that it has become too time intensive, difficult, and inefficient for immigration judges to make determinations about particularly serious crimes and aggravated felonies using the categorical approach required by the United States Supreme Court.[5]  However, it is the job of an immigration judge to employ his or her legal skills and analyze cases.  Moreover, the statute purposely does not limit the particularly serious crime bar to aggravated felonies.  Immigration Judges are in the best position to analyze whether a conviction, if not an aggravated felony, is nevertheless a particularly serious crime that should bar an individual from asylum.  Regulating away the immigration judge corps’ ability to exercise discretion does not render the process more efficient,[6] rather, it turns immigration judges into mindless adjudicators.  Moreover, the agencies cannot regulate out of existence Supreme Court precedent and international treaty obligations in order to promote efficiency.  The Supreme Court has held immigration judges to the categorical and modified categorical analysis when analyzing criminal convictions, as that is what the statute requires.[7]

 

Furthermore a conviction for a crime does not, without more, make one a present or future danger—which is why the Refugee Convention’s particularly serious crime bar, made part of United States law through 8 U.S.C. § 1158, should only properly apply if both (1) a migrant is convicted of a particularly serious crime and (2) a separate assessment shows that she is a present or future danger.[8]  By acceding to the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees,[9] which binds parties to the United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees,[10]the United States obligated itself to develop and interpret United States refugee law in a manner that complies with the Protocol’s principle of non-refoulement (the commitment not to return refugees to a country where they will face persecution on protected grounds), even where potential refugees have allegedly committed criminal offenses. As noted above, immigration judges and asylum officers already have over-broad authority to deny asylum based on allegations of criminal activity, which vastly exceeds the categories for exclusion and expulsion set out in the Convention. Instead of working towards greater congruence with the terms of the Convention, the Proposed Rules carve out categorical bars from protection that violate the language and spirit of the treaty.

 

Moreover, the Supreme Court in INS v. Cardoza-Fonseca found, “[i]f one thing is clear from the legislative history of the new definition of “refugee,” and indeed the entire 1980 Act, it is that one of Congress’ primary purposes was to bring United States refugee law into conformance with the 1967 United Nations Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees.”[11]  The proposed regulations do the exact opposite.

 

The suggestion that the extensive bar is intended to increase efficiencies is belied by the agencies’ instructions that judges and asylum officers use a “reason to believe” standard to determine whether an offense is in furtherance of a criminal street gang and to “assess all reliable evidence in order to determine whether [a] conviction amounts to a domestic violence offense.”[12]  Further, in the domestic violence context, the proposed regulation would require the judges and asylum officers to consider whether non-adjudicated conduct “amounts to a covered act of battery or extreme cruelty.”[13]

 

The proposed regulations bar asylum to those convicted of a crime involving a criminal street gang, regardless of whether the conviction is a felony or misdemeanor.[14]  Moreover, this proposed bar does not even require that the statute of conviction include involvement in a street gang as an element.  Rather, the proposal is that the judges and asylum officers use a “reason to believe” standard to make the determination.[15] Federal courts have set forth the way in which to perform the categorical approach, whereas, the “reason to believe” standard is arbitrary.  Such an approach in the street gang context will lead to the unpredictable results the agencies suggest they are trying to avoid in other sections of the proposed regulations.

 

Further, the agencies propose to bar asylum under 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(C) to “aliens who engaged in acts of battery and extreme cruelty in a domestic context in the United States, regardless of whether such conduct resulted in a criminal conviction.”[16]  As discussed above, these sweeping bars to asylum eliminate the discretionary authority given to immigration judges and asylum officers.   They also require an immigration judge to hold the equivalent of a criminal trial to determine if such activity has been “engaged in.”

 

Requiring immigration judges to make complex determinations regarding the nature and scope of a particular conviction or, in the case of the domestic violence bar, conduct, will lead to massive judicial inefficiencies and “mini-trials” within the asylum adjudication process. The scope of the “reliable evidence” available to immigration judges in asylum cases is potentially limitless; advocates on both sides would be obligated to present endless documents and testimony to prove their cases.  This would put an unsustainable burden on respondents, their counsel, and attorneys for DHS.  Asylum merits hearings, which tend to be three hours at most under current case completion requirements[17], would provide insufficient time for either side to fully present their cases and would make it impossible for immigration judges to complete cases under the current time constraints.

 

As the immigration courts contend with backlogs that now exceed one million cases, tasking judges and asylum officers with a highly nuanced, resource-intensive assessment of the connection of a conviction to gang activity and/or the domestic nature of alleged criminal conduct will prolong asylum cases and lead to disparate results that will give rise to an increase in appeals. The proposed regulations repeatedly cite increased efficiency as justification for many of the proposed changes. Yet requiring immigration judges to engage in mini trials to determine the applicability of categorical criminal bars, rather than relying on adjudications obtained through the criminal legal system, will dramatically decrease efficiency in the asylum adjudication process.

 

As discussed above, the Supreme Court has “long deemed undesirable” exactly the type of “post hoc investigation into the facts of predicate offenses” proposed by the agencies here.[18] Instead, the federal courts have repeatedly embraced the “categorical approach” to determine the immigration consequence(s) of a criminal offense, wherein the immigration judge relies on the statute of conviction as adjudicated by the criminal court system, without relitigating the nature or circumstances of the offense in immigration court[19]. As the Supreme Court has explained, this approach “promotes judicial and administrative efficiency by precluding the relitigation of past convictions in minitrials conducted long after the fact.”[20]

 

Furthermore, the Departments asks for comments on: (1) what should be considered a sufficient link between an asylum seeker’s underlying conviction and the gang related activity in order to trigger the application of the proposed bar, and (2) any other regulatory approaches to defining the type of gang-related activities that should render individuals ineligible for asylum. The premise of these questions is wrong: a vague “gang related” bar should not be introduced at all. The Immigration and Nationality Act and existing regulations already provide overly broad bars to asylum where criminal behavior by an asylum seeker causes concern by an immigration judge or asylum officer. Adding this additional, superfluous layer of complication risks erroneously excluding bona fide asylum seekers from protection without adding any useful adjudicatory tool to the process.      

 

Suggesting that the proposed regulations are aiming at efficiency while also requiring immigration judges to engage in excessive litigation is contradictory and makes it clear that the agencies are simply trying to eliminate asylum rather than increase efficiencies in adjudication.  This does not comport with the statute, constitution, or the United States’ international treaty obligations.  Finally, efficiencies will not result, as immigration judges will nevertheless be required to analyze the particularly serious crime bar for the withholding of removal analysis.[21]

 

In addition to creating new bars to asylum both by designating most crimes as “particularly serious crimes” pursuant to 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(B)(ii), the agencies also render most crimes categorically exempt from a positive discretionary adjudication of asylum pursuant to 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(C). This effort is unlawful. The agencies’ reliance on 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(C) to render all felony convictions a bar to asylum takes away the discretionary authority granted to immigration judges and asylum officers when it comes to assessing the impact of a conviction on asylum eligibility.  Immigration judges and asylum officers have the opportunity to review all evidence, including the circumstances of the conviction during asylum interviews and hearings.  Such discretionary determinations are consistent with the statute and the intent of asylum, which is to protect the most vulnerable individuals in society from persecution.  “The Secretary of Homeland Security or the Attorney General may grant asylum to an alien who has applied for asylum in accordance with the requirements and procedures established by the Secretary of Homeland Security or the Attorney General under this section if the Secretary of Homeland Security or the Attorney General determines that such alien is a refugee within the meaning of section 1101(a)(42)(A) of this title.”[22]

 

Setting arbitrary large-scale blanket bars to a discretionary determination is inconsistent with the statute and the United States’ international treaty obligations.  The statute provides specific language about criminal bars, persecutor bars, and particularly serious crimes.[23]  Had Congress intended to remove the discretionary authority to grant relief to nearly all applicants with criminal convictions, it would have made that clear in the above referenced sections.  However, Congress clearly delineated bars to asylum and while it also provided the Attorney General the authority to clarify such bars, it in no way suggested the Attorney General could regulate away legal analysis of the bars or an immigration judge’s or asylum officer’s discretion.[24]  The proposed rules add sweeping categories of offenses that automatically remove an applicant from the consideration of discretion—a regulatory proposal that is ultra vires to the plain text of the statute.

 

The agencies also propose to bar under 8 U.S.C. 1158(b)(2)(B)(ii) and (b)(2)(C) anyone convicted of alien harboring under 8 U.S.C. § 1324(a)(1)(A), (2),[25] illegal reentry under 8 U.S.C. 1326,[26] any convicted of a second or subsequent offense for driving while intoxicated, impaired (DUI), or under the influence or a single such offense that resulted in death or serious bodily injury.[27] The agencies further propose to bar asylum under 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(B)(ii) to all individuals convicted for domestic violence and child abuse, regardless of whether the conviction is a misdemeanor or felony.[28]  The proposed regulations do not render the adjudication process more efficient, as the language in the domestic violence and DUI bar is vague and requires a case by case assessment of the facts of the case.  The proposed regulations serve to eliminate discretion while increasing demands on immigration judges and asylum officers as well as the length and complexity of hearings and interviews.

 

Moreover, the proposed bar to asylum for multiple offenses for driving under the influence is problematic, particularly for individuals with offenses from states like New Jersey.  Unlike the majority of states, New Jersey does not criminalize the offense of driving while intoxicated (DWI).  In NJ, DWI is only a traffic offense.[29]  Individuals who have been arrested for a DWI have access to certain constitutional protections, such as being entitled to a public defender, and having the burden of proof of beyond a reasonable doubt.[30]  However, other constitutional protections are not available, namely the right to trial by jury.  This is true regardless of whether the DWI is a first, second, or third offense, and regardless of whether actual jail time may be imposed.[31]

 

As a practical matter. NJ DWI adjudications are conducted in municipal courts, in which judges, the prosecutors, and the public defenders are all part-time, township-appointed officials.  The dockets are often enormous, and, in many cases, defendants do not even seek time to obtain an attorney. They line up to meet with the prosecutor and enter into plea agreements that limit their amount of jail time and/or loss of license.  The defendants, with their attorneys if they have one, then appear before the judge and allocute to a brief set of facts and plead guilty; then pay their fines and leave.  The prosecutor does not normally even appear in court.

 

Thus, under the INA, a DWI offense under NJ law does not constitute a crime. In order to be found guilty of a crime, more is needed than just a formal judgment of guilt under a “reasonable doubt” standard, and some punishment was imposed.[32]  However, under the proposed regulations, such an offense could nevertheless bar an individual from asylum.

 

 

The agencies further propose to bar asylum under 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(C) to individuals convicted of an expansive list of misdemeanor convictions, including simple possession of a controlled substance.[33] Including such minor offenses in the list of convictions that lead to a bar to asylum further demonstrate that the agencies are working to eliminate discretion from the adjudicatory process.  Furthermore, although Congress assigned to the Attorney General the authority to promulgate regulations further defining the particularly serious crime bar and other limits on asylum, had Congress intended to bar from asylum all applicants with criminal convictions, it would have provided such direction in the statute.[34]  The language of the statute shows that Congress intended to distinguish particularly serious crimes and aggravated felonies from other crimes, as it set forth specific language barring applicants with such offenses from asylum.[35] Congress easily could have indicated that all felonies or all criminal convictions constitute particularly serious crimes, but it did not.  Accordingly, the bar is in conflict with the statute.

 

Clarification on the Effect of Criminal Conviction

 

The agencies further propose to increase the burden on asylum applicants to prove that orders vacating convictions or modifying sentences were not entered to avoid immigration consequences or for rehabilitative purposes.[36]  They also create a rebuttable presumption against the validity of an order if such order was entered after the initiation of a removal proceeding or if the applicant moved for the order more than one year after the original order of sentencing.[37]  Furthermore, “the rule would provide that the alien must establish that the court issuing an order vacating or expunging a conviction or modifying a sentence had jurisdiction and authority to do so.”[38]  These new rules would increase, rather than decrease burdens on immigration judges and asylum officers.  It would require judges and asylum officers to look beyond a court order.  It would also require judges and asylum officers to make jurisdictional findings about state court orders on facially valid orders.  It is a long-standing legal principle that courts have jurisdiction to determine their own jurisdiction.[39]  If a state court has determined it had jurisdiction to issue an order, it is not the role of the immigration court or any other court to question that finding.

 

Removal of Regulations Regarding Reconsideration of Discretionary Denials of Asylum

 

“The proposed rule would remove the automatic review of a discretionary denial of an alien’s asylum application by removing and reserving paragraph (e) in 8 C.F.R. 208.16 and 1208.16.”[40]  The current regulatory section is consistent with the purpose of asylum—to protect the most vulnerable members of society, including family members of those fleeing persecution.  To remove it is inconsistent with the purpose of asylum and therefore inconsistent with the statute.  The agencies acknowledge that the purpose of the existing regulation is to promote family unity and reunification with spouses and children in third countries.[41]  However, the agencies suggest that the automatic reconsideration is unnecessary, as family unity is a discretionary factor that should be considered in the original adjudication.[42]  8 C.F.R. § 208.16(e) and 1208.16(e) provide additional procedural protections to vulnerable refuges who have been found eligible for withholding of removal.  While the existing regulations require reconsideration and a weighing of factors, including family reunification, they in no way require the immigration judge or asylum officer to grant asylum upon reconsideration.  The proposed regulation provides an extra layer of protection for vulnerable family members and should not be removed.

 

The agencies again suggest that efficiency is the reason behind eliminating this regulatory section.  However, as discussed above, there are multiple sections of this proposed regulation that render adjudications less, not more efficient.  The purpose of this proposed section is to further limit discretion and reduce access to asylum.

 

Conclusion

 

These proposed rules erode access to asylum in violation of Congressional intent, the United States Constitution, and international treaty violations.   The Round Table of Immigration Judges therefore urges the Department of Justice and DHS to withdraw, not implement this rule.

 

Very truly yours,

 

/s/

Stephen Abrams

Sarah Burr

Teofilo Chapa

Jeffrey Chase

George Chew

Bruce J. Einhorn

Noel Ferris

John Gossart

Paul Grussendorf

Miriam Hayward

Rebecca Jamil
Bill Joyce

Carol King
Elizabeth A. Lamb

Donn Livingston
Peggy McManus

Laura Ramirez

John Richardson

Lory Rosenberg

Susan Roy

Paul Schmidt

Ilyce Shugall

Denise Slavin

Andrea Sloan

Polly Webber

 

The Round Table of Former Immigration Judges

 

[1] 8 U.S.C. §§ 1158(b)(1)(A); 1229a

[2] 84 Fed. Reg. 69645 (December 19, 2019).

[3] Id.

[4] 84 Fed. Reg. 69645.

[5] Id. citing Taylor v. United States, 495 U.S. 575 (1990); Mathis v. United States, 136 S. Ct. 2243 (2016); Descamps v. United States, 133 S. Ct. 2276 (2013).

[6] 84 Fed. Reg 69646

[7] Taylor v. United States, 495 U.S. 575 (1990); Moncrieffe v. Holder, 569 U.S. 184, 186 (2013); Mathis v. United States, 136 S. Ct. 2243 (2016); Descamps v. United States, 133 S. Ct. 2276 (2013)

[8] See U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, Criminal Justice and Immigration Bill: Briefing for the House of Commons at Second Reading ¶ 11 (July 2007), http://www.unhcr.org/en-us/576d237f7.pdf (the Refugee Convention’s particularly serious crime bar only applies if (1) a migrant is convicted of a particularly serious crime and (2) a separate assessment shows she is a “present or future danger.”).

[9] United Nations Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, Jan. 31, 1967, [1968] 19 U.S.T. 6223, T.I.A.S. No. 6577, 606 U.N.T.S. 268.

[10] Convention Relating to the Statute of Refugees, July 28, 1951, 140 U.N.T.S. 1954 (hereinafter

“Refugee Convention”).

[11] INS v. Cardoza-Fonseca, 480 U. S. 421, 437 (1987)

[12] 84 Fed. Reg. 69649, 69652

[13] 84 Fed. Reg 6952.

[14] Id.

[15] Id.

[16] Id.

[17] Memorandum, James R. McHenry III, Case Priorities and Immigration Court Performance Measures, January 17, 2018; see alsohttps://www.npr.org/2018/04/03/599158232/justice-department-rolls-out-quotas-for-immigration-judges (discussing memorandum requiring that Immigration Judges complete 700 cases per year).

[18] Moncrieffe v. Holder, 569 U.S. 184, 186 (2013).

 

[19] See Moncrieffe, 569 U.S. at 191 (“This categorical approach has a long pedigree in our Nation’s immigration law.”).

[20] Moncrieffe, 569 U.S. at 200-201.

[21] 8 U.S.C. § 1231(b)(3)(B)(ii)

[22] 8 U.S.C. §1158(b)(1)(A) (emphasis added)

[23] 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(A), (B)

[24] 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(C) (“The Attorney General may by regulation establish additional limitations and conditions, consistent with this section…”) (emphasis added)

[25] 84 Fed. Reg. 69647

[26] 84 Fed. Reg. 69648

[27] 84 Fed. Reg. 69650

[28] 84 Fed. Reg. 69651

[29] See NJSA § 39:4-50; see generally NJSA §§2C:1-98 (NJ criminal code, in which DWI does not appear)

[30] See, e.g. State v. Ebert, 871 A.2d 664 (App. Div. 2005)

[31] State v. Hamm, 121 N.J. 109, 577 A 2.d 1259 (1990)

[32] Castillo v. Att’y Gen., 729 F.3d 296 (3d Cir. 2013)

[33] 84 Fed. Reg. 69653

[34] 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(B)(ii) (“The Attorney General may designate by regulation offenses that will be considered to be a crime described in clause (ii) or (iii) of subparagraph (A).”)

[35] 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(A)(ii), (B)(i)

[36] 84 Fed. Reg. 69654

[37] 84 Fed. Reg. 69655

[38] 84 Fed. Reg. 69656

[39] United States v. United Mine Workers of America, 330 U.S. 258, 289 (1947)

[40] 84 Fed. Reg. 69656

[41] 84 Fed. Reg. 69656

[42] 84 Fed. Reg. 69657

 

*************************

Many, many thanks to our wonderful Round Table colleague Judge Ilyce Shugall, who organized and coordinated our response!

 

PWS

01-21-20

 

COLBY KING @ WASHPOST: “The values preached by Martin Luther King Jr. need rediscovering in 2020” — “Knowing right from wrong; honesty; justice. Basic values preached by Martin Luther King Jr. still need rediscovering in 2020.”

Colbert I. King
Colbert I. King
Columnist
Washington Post

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/the-values-preached-by-martin-luther-king-jr-need-rediscovering-in-2020/2020/01/17/8225eeb8-3896-11ea-bf30-ad313e4ec754_story.html

By

Colbert I. King

Columnist

Jan. 17, 2020 at 2:47 p.m. EST

It was a 25-year-old Martin Luther King Jr., whose birthday is celebrated on Monday, who stood in the pulpit of Detroit’s Second Baptist Church on Feb. 28, 1954. The Montgomery bus boycott, which would launch the future leader of the American civil rights movement to national prominence, was nearly two years away.

King roused the Second Baptist congregation that Sunday morning with a sermon that did not once mention race. Discrimination, segregation, protest demonstrations — these were not on his agenda. The young preacher went deeper, if such a thing was possible during an era of racial turmoil.

King got the congregation thinking about values, a subject as relevant today as it was in 1954.

King talked about lost values and the need for rediscovering them.

Listen to the Voices of the Movement podcast: Stories from civil rights leaders who changed America

Something seemed fundamentally wrong in society, he preached. And it wasn’t because society didn’t know enough. Scientific progress was amazing. King said in 18th-century America, it took three days for a letter to go from New York City to Washington; in 1954, a person could go from Detroit to China in less time.

It’s even more astonishing today. Breakfast can be had in Washington, teatime enjoyed in London and a nightcap swallowed in New York City — all in the same day.

The trouble, he said, was not that we don’t know enough but that “we aren’t good enough.” Scientific genius, he said, has outpaced “our moral genius.” The greater danger facing the country in ’54, King noted, was not “the atomic bomb that was created by physical science” that could be dropped on the heads of thousands of people, but “that atomic bomb which lies in the hearts and souls of men, capable of exploding into the vilest of hate and into the most damaging selfishness.”

That thought calls to mind the more than three dozen countries in the world with unmanned, missile-armed drones capable of being launched from afar under remote control and striking and killing with precision. Think about what lies within the hearts and souls of leaders in countries such as North Korea, China, Iran, Russia, Turkey and, yes, the United States.

King called attention to shaky moral foundations and the “relativistic ethic” that was being applied to right and wrong. He described it as an ethic that says “since everybody is doing it, it must be right” — an ethic that means “people can’t stand up for their . . . convictions, because the majority of people might not be doing it.” He said it’s “a sort of numerical interpretation of what’s right.”

King’s teaching got me to thinking about the 53 Senate Republicans who know that some things are right and some things are wrong, but adjust their attitudes relative to the behavior of President Trump.

King said he was at Second Baptist to say that some things are right and wrong, eternally and absolutely. “It’s wrong to hate,” he declared. “It has always been wrong, and it always will be wrong. It’s wrong in America, it’s wrong in Germany, it’s wrong in Russia, it’s wrong in China. It was wrong in 2000 B.C., and it’s wrong in 1954 A.D. It always has been wrong, and it always will be wrong!”

That got me thinking about White House senior policy adviser Stephen Miller. How can a person who pushes white nationalism, invokes a 1924 American immigration law extolled by Adolf Hitler, is bigoted and racially intolerant — how can he end up in the White House?

Then I stopped to think about who put Miller where he is — President Trump. The same President Trump who recently retweeted to his 71 million followers a doctored photo of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) wearing a hijab and Sen. Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.) with a turban on his head in front of an Iranian flag with a caption reading, “the corrupted Dems trying their best to come to the Ayatollah’s rescue.” Why wouldn’t an insulter of Islam and Muslims, who also inflicts cruelty at our southern border, want to have the likes of Stephen Miller at his side?

King’s sermon derided what he regarded as a pragmatic test applied to right and wrong: “If it works, it’s all right. Nothing is wrong but that which does not work. If you don’t get caught, it’s right.”

=Which made me think of Trump using the powers of his office to solicit a foreign government to help take down a domestic political opponent, lying about his successes and taking credit for things he didn’t do — all because it works. And his adoring believers eat it up.

King reminded the Second Baptist worshipers that “it’s possible to affirm the existence of God with your lips and deny his existence with your life.”

Which makes me visualize Trump basking at evangelical rallies and paying lip service to God, while paying actual service to himself.

Knowing right from wrong; honesty; justice. Basic values preached by Martin Luther King Jr. still need rediscovering in 2020.

*********

Amen!

PWS

01-20-20

NY TIMES BLASTED FOR GIVING FORUM TO WHITE NATIONALIST PROPAGANDA FROM CIS SHILL! — “The organization has gained credibility by writing pseudo-science ‘research’ papers that are little more than racist ideology dressed up in scholarly language.”

 

 

Sebastian Murdock
Sebastian Murdock
Senior Reporter
HuffPost

https://www.huffpost.com/entry/new-york-times-anti-immigration-op-ed-hate-group_n_5e21d9d8c5b673621f752f9c

The Center for Immigration Studies, an anti-immigration think tank, is categorized as a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center.

BY SEBASTIAN MURDOCK

SENIOR REPORTER

HIUFFPOST

The New York Times published an op-ed decrying immigration by an author claiming to be a “liberal restrictionist” who is in fact attached to a known hate group.

The column, published Friday, was written by , “a senior research fellow at the Center for Immigration Studies,” according to the biography listed under his byline.

CIS, which calls itself “an independent, non-partisan, non-profit, research organization,” is a known hate group that has been described by the Southern Poverty Law Center as an anti-immigrant movement that hires racist writers and associates with white nationalists.

“I’m a Liberal Who Thinks Immigration Must Be Restricted,” Kammer’s headline reads. The piece begins with an anecdote about how immigrants take the jobs of American-born workers and later claims “many liberal Democrats” want illegal immigration to run rampant:

Now many liberal Democrats, including those who call for the abolition of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, seek to erase the distinction between legal and illegal immigration. Under the banner of inclusiveness, equality, human rights, racial reconciliation and reparations for American interventions in the third world, those liberals demand sanctuary for those who make it past the Border Patrol or overstay a visa. Few speak openly of open borders, but that is essentially what they are calling for.

Throughout the piece, Kammer seems set on reminding readers that he is liberal, even if his views might suggest otherwise.

“That’s why I call myself a liberal restrictionist,” Kammer, a former journalist, writes. “I have long considered myself a moderate liberal, in part because Democrats have always been the allies of working people.”

White House adviser Stephen Miller, a white nationalist, has cited CIS when speaking about immigration, and in 2011, the group released a report attempting to connect immigration with the creation of future terrorists, calling them “terror babies.”

The organization has gained credibility by writing pseudo-science “research” papers that are little more than racist ideology dressed up in scholarly language. According to the SPLC, “longtime CIS executive director Mark Krikorian’s contributions to the immigration policy debate rarely rise above petulant commentary dashed with extremist statements.”

Running a column by an author employed by a known hate group is the latest in the Times’s run of publishing racist pieces in its opinion section. In December, columnist and known bedbug Bret Stephens cited a study by a white nationalist that falsely claimed Ashkenazi Jews have a higher IQ than other races. The study he cited “traffics in centuries-old anti-Semitic tropes,” according to the SPLC.

Do better, New York Times.

****************

Ben Mathis-Lilley
Ben Mathis-Lilley
Chief News Blogger
SLATE

https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2020/01/times-op-ed-white-nationalist-center-for-immigration-studies.html

THE SLATEST

Times Taps White Nationalist Organization for Thought-Provoking Perspective on Immigration

By BEN MATHIS-LILLEY

JAN 17, 20206:42 PM

The New York Times opinion section under editor James Bennet ostensibly aims to challenge the paper’s predominately liberal readers by presenting them with thoughtful critiques of their worldview. In practice, it runs pieces like this recent argument that launching a war against Iran would end attacks against American interests in the Middle East—which was written by a veteran of the Bush administration who had predicted confidently in a 2003 piece also published by the Times that launching a war against Iraq would end attacks against American interests in the Middle East. There was no acknowledgment in the new piece of the old one, as an opinion section committed to intellectual honesty might require, nor was it particularly challenging in the sense of being difficult to rebut. But it did make people on the left feel bad, and like they were losing their minds, which is the bar that Bennet’s section requires an argument to clear.

The essay “I’m a Liberal Who Thinks Immigration Must Be Restricted,” published in the Times Thursday, may represent the nadir of this approach. It makes a familiar argument: that “the left” believes in a “post-national” system of open borders which sacrifices the interests of native-born working Americans to the interests of low-skilled foreign immigrants who drive down wages and disrupt the cultural cohesiveness of their communities. It argues for respecting a distinction between legal and illegal immigration and asserts that Donald Trump’s position on immigration can be appreciated, in a non-racist way, as “a patriotic battle to defend common people.” It accuses Trump’s critics of having had their minds addled by “tribal passions” and a fetish for conflict “between ethnic groups,” and it proposes a “conciliatory” policy that would offer amnesty to existing undocumented workers but institute a crackdown regime of visa enforcement that would prevent future undocumented individuals from finding jobs.

The familiarity of the article’s arguments is matched by the familiarity of its flaws. While large-scale immigration is, in fact, believed by some non-racists to flatten wages at the bottom of the pay scale, it’s also known to accelerate rather than retard economic expansion overall, and tends to be supported by progressives who advocate for other means of increasing working-class wages and sharing the benefits of GDP growth. The distinction between “legal” and “illegal” immigration is not some ancient, race-agnostic pillar of global affairs, but rather a concept that was instituted in the United States in the early 20th century to explicitly discriminate against Asian, southern European, and eastern European individuals and expanded in the 1960s to explicitly discriminate against Mexicans. Trump’s support is strongest in areas where there are fewer undocumented immigrants, not more, and he lost four of the five states that have the highest undocumented populations per capita. Many of the most immigration-heavy and ethnically diverse cities in the U.S. are also the safest and wealthiest and are considered so desirable to live in by migrating native-born Americans that they are experiencing housing crises.

As to whether criticizing an administration that instituted the premeditated, systematic separation of young children from their parents after they applied legally for asylum is a matter of unseemly “tribal passions,” or whether support for the principles of inclusive American citizenship described on the Statue of Liberty constitutes “post-national” anti-patriotism, perhaps we can agree to disagree.

More concerning than any of these specific problems, though, is the piece’s provenance: It’s written by someone named Jerry Kammer, a fellow at a think tank called the Center for Immigration Studies. Kammer has made a career out of covering immigration policy, he writes, for two reasons: “I was fascinated by its human, political and moral complexity. I also wanted to push back against the campaign by activist groups to label restrictionism as inherently racist.” He expresses regret that “odious people” with white-power affiliations have given the cause of cutting back on immigration a “bad name.”

What neither Kammer nor the Times discloses is that the Center for Immigration Studies was in fact founded by these people, most prominent among them a white nationalist named John Tanton who died last year. Tanton, as the Southern Poverty Law Center has documented, believed that the United States needed to maintain a “European-American majority, and a clear one at that”; he founded CIS, he wrote in the 1980s, in order to give his ideas the appearance of independent “credibility.”

Kammer does write that he disagrees with “some of the center’s hard-line positions.” Among his more hard-line colleagues at CIS are a writer named Jason Richwine, who contributed to a journal founded by white supremacist Richard Spencer and who has said that “IQ” is the “most important” difference between racial groups. (As the SPLC has documented, CIS has circulated literally hundreds of articles by explicit white supremacists like Spencer via links in its weekly newsletter. Its director once accused Barack Obama of trying to “foment race war.”) A statement of purpose on the CIS website is credited to longtime Tanton collaborator Dan Stein, who once complained that mass immigration was a tool developed by “Ted Kennedy and his political allies” in approximately 1958 to “retaliate against Anglo-Saxon dominance.”

In 1997, the Wall Street Journal wrote about Tanton in a piece called “The Intellectual Roots of Nativism.” It was a scathing article which noted that Tanton had once described the immigrant’s contribution to society as “defecating and creating garbage and looking for jobs.” The piece expressed concern that “otherwise sober-minded conservatives” and “reasonable critics of immigration” were affiliating themselves with his ideas. The author of that WSJ article, a 28-year-old journalist named Tucker Carlson, has since made the career-advancing decision to embrace Tanton-style nativism; he was in the news not too long ago for complaining in his role as a Fox News host that immigrants make the United States physically “dirtier.”

Whatever space ever existed between mainstream conservatism and white-power nationalism, Carlson demonstrates, has collapsed. And it turns out that the “odious people” that Kammer references in the Times are actually his colleagues and forebears, who created his organization so that policies intended to perpetuate “European-American” and “Anglo-Saxon” superiority could be laundered into the respectable discourse. What else is there to say but: It worked!

**************************

So, we have a White Nationalist in the White House assisted by neo-Nazi advisor Stephen Miller actually turning nativism into “Government policy.” Other white supremacists are scattered in key positions throughout the Government, particularly the immigration bureaucracy. Trump tweets and right-wing media put out a constant barrage of nativist lies, misrepresentations, false narratives, and racial, ethnic, and religious slurs.

So, just why is it that the “mainstream media” owes White Nationalists yet another forum to spread their nativist propaganda?

It’s not limited, of course, to just the Times. The WashPost regularly publishes largely fact and value free right-wing blather from professional shills like Marc Thiessen and Hugh Hewitt under the guise of “op-eds.”

And Chuck Todd regularly invites GOP congenital liars and Trump toadies like Sen. Ron Johnson (R-WI), Sen. John Kennedy (R-LA), and Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX) to spread their lies, false narratives, and debunked “conspiracy theories” from the “bully pulpit” of “Meet the Press.” To top it off, Chuck then appears to be flabbergasted that when he confronts these guys with truth and facts, they “double down” continuing to lie to his face, ignore established facts, and spread Putinesque conspiracy theories. 

Fact is, most of the Trump agenda is corrupt, counterfactual, unethical, inhumane, divisive, and corrosive to American democracy. We receive enough of it from lots of sources every day, pretty much 24-7-365. Is it really necessary for those supposedly dedicated to truth and democracy to give more free “air time” to nativist shills spreading their racially corrosive, divisive, anti-democracy propaganda?

PWS

01-18-20

🤡WELCOME TO CLOWN COURT: Where The Lives Of Millions Of Humans & The Future Of America Are Treated Like A Cruel Joke, As Complicit Article III Courts Watch This Grotesque Unconstitutional Spectacle & Parody Of Justice Unfold On Their Watch!

Kate Brumback
Kate Brumback
Reporter
Associated Press
DEEPTI HAJELA
Deepti Hajela
Reporter
Associated Press, NY
Amy Taxin
Amy Taxin
Reporter
Associated Press

https://apple.news/A9aA4TWFpQoSBoXVeAOv_Rg

By KATE BRUMBACK, DEEPTI HAJELA and AMY TAXIN, THE ASSOCIATED PRESS

In a locked, guarded courtroom in a compound surrounded by razor wire, Immigration Judge Jerome Rothschild waits — and stalls.

A Spanish interpreter is running late because of a flat tire. Rothschild tells the five immigrants before him that he’ll take a break before the proceedings even start. His hope: to delay just long enough so these immigrants won’t have to sit by, uncomprehendingly, as their futures are decided.

“We are, untypically, without an interpreter,” Rothschild tells a lawyer who enters the courtroom at the Stewart Detention Center after driving down from Atlanta, about 140 miles away.

In its disorder, this is, in fact, a typical day in the chaotic, crowded and confusing U.S. immigration court system of which Rothschild’s courtroom is just one small outpost.

Shrouded in secrecy, the immigration courts run by the U.S. Department of Justice have been dysfunctional for years and have only gotten worse. A surge in the arrival of asylum seekers and the Trump administration’s crackdown on the Southwest border and illegal immigration have pushed more people into deportation proceedings, swelling the court’s docket to 1 million cases.

“It is just a cumbersome, huge system, and yet administration upon administration comes in here and tries to use the system for their own purposes,” says Immigration Judge Amiena Khan in New York City, speaking in her role as vice president of the National Association of Immigration Judges.

“And in every instance, the system doesn’t change on a dime, because you can’t turn the Titanic around.”

The Associated Press visited immigration courts in 11 different cities more than two dozen times during a 10-day period in late fall. In courts from Boston to San Diego, reporters observed scores of hearings that illustrated how crushing caseloads and shifting policies have landed the courts in unprecedented turmoil:

–Chasing efficiency, immigration judges double- and triple-book hearings that can’t possibly be completed, leading to numerous cancellations. Immigrants get new court dates, but not for years.

–Young children are everywhere and sit on the floor or stand or cry in cramped courtrooms. Many immigrants don’t know how to fill out forms, get records translated or present a case.

— Frequent changes in the law and rules for how judges manage their dockets make it impossible to know what the future holds when immigrants finally have their day in court. Paper files are often misplaced, and interpreters are often missing.

In Georgia, the interpreter assigned to Rothschild’s courtroom ends up making it to work, but the hearing sputters moments later when a lawyer for a Mexican man isn’t available when Rothschild calls her to appear by phone. Rothschild is placed on hold, and a bouncy beat overlaid with synthesizers fills the room.

He moves on to other cases — a Peruvian asylum seeker, a Cuban man seeking bond — and punts the missing lawyer’s case to the afternoon session.

This time, she’s there when he calls, and apologizes for not being available earlier, explaining through a hacking cough she’s been sick.

But by now the interpreter has moved on to another courtroom, putting Rothschild in what he describes as the “uneasy position” of holding court for someone who can’t understand what’s going on.

“I hate for a guy to leave a hearing having no idea what happened,” he says, and asks the lawyer to relay the results of the proceedings to her client in Spanish.

After some discussion, the lawyer agrees to withdraw the man’s bond petition and refile once she can show he’s been here longer than the government believes, which could help his chances.

For now, the man returns to detention.

. . . .

********************

Read the full article at the link.  Yes, there’s lots of blame to go around: Administrations of both parties, an irresponsible Congress, several decades of underfunding and poor management.

But that doesn’t change these simple truths:

  • We have a scofflaw regime that glories in committing “crimes against humanity” directed at migrants;
  • We have a feckless Congress that won’t legislate responsibly as long as “Moscow Mitch” McConnell and his Trump-toady GOP control the Senate;
  • The only branch of Government that could put a stop to this unconstitutional and unconscionable mess is the Article III Federal Judiciary;
  • And, this highly privileged group of jurists, the only public officials I’m aware of with the “protective insulation” of life tenure, has stood by and watched their fellow humans being “thrown to the lions” in this disgraceful display of unconstitutional injustice.

Do your duty Article IIIs and put an end to the EOIR Clown Show! History is recording your failures to act, every day!

Due Process Forever; Clown Courts 🤡 and Their Complicit Enablers, Never!

PWS

01-17-20

ANOTHER ONE BITES THE DUST: BIA Appellate Immigration Judge Linda Wendtland To Retire

 

Another one bites the dust
Another one bites the dust
And another one gone, and another one gone
Another one bites the dust…

—“Another One Bites The Dust” by Queen

 

ANOTHER ONE BITES THE DUST: BIA Appellate Immigration Judge Linda Wendtland To Retire

 

By Paul Wickham Schmidt

Exclusive for Courtside

 

Alexandria, VA, Jan. 16, 2019. Appellate Immigration Judge Linda Wendtland will soon retire from the BIA. Acting Chair Garry D. Malphrus made the announcement to judges and staff.

Judge Wendtland is the fourth veteran appellate jurist to leave the BIA recently, following the retirements of Judges Patricia Cole, John Guendelsberger, and Molly Kendall Clark at the end of 2019. Additionally, former BIA Chair Judge David Neal retired suddenly in October.

Thus, the Trump regime’s aggressive effort to “dumb down” and weaponize the U.S. Immigration Courts as a means of depriving migrants of any semblance of due process of law appears to be taking its toll on our nation’s highest administrative immigration tribunal. The BIA now has six vacancies among its 21 authorized judges, including the Chair. Based on recent hiring, we can expect only candidates with established pro-enforcement records and inordinately high rates of asylum denial to be appointed to BIA judgeships by Attorney General Barr.

Judge Wendtland was appointed in 2008 by Attorney General Mukasey, following a long career as a senior litigator in the Office of Immigration Litigation in the DOJ’s Civil Division. She is generally regarded as scholarly, analytical, and occasionally willing to take positions favoring migrants rather than DHS in appellate decisions, notwithstanding her government litigation background. The qualities of scholarship, impartial analysis, and decisional independence appear to have fallen “out of vogue” in the selection of Immigration Judges at both the trial and appellate levels in the Trump regime’s DOJ.

Indeed, and shockingly to those of us in the Round Table of Former Immigration Judges, former Attorney General Jeff Sessions publicly emphasized that Immigration Judges should be “partners” with DHS enforcement while he spread false, unsupported narratives about widespread asylum fraud and “dirty” immigration lawyers. Many found these biased statements of expected “judicial subservience” to a highly politicized and controversial immigration enforcement agenda to be astounding, particularly since most of the “fraud” that has come to light recently relates to the regime’s inhumane treatment of asylum seekers and denial of their due process and legal rights to apply for protection in the United States. All of the actions to date by Attorney General Barr show that he shares the same biased, enforcement skewed view of the Immigration Courts as mere appendages of DHS enforcement as did his predecessor.

Judge Wendtland’s departure will be yet another blow to the few remnants of EOIR’s once proud, but now forgotten and despised, “vision” of “through teamwork and innovation, be the world’s best administrative tribunals guaranteeing fairness and due process for all.” Sadly, that’s now become a cruel joke for many endangered asylum seekers being rejected at our Southern Border without any semblance of fairness or due process whatsoever.

Thanks for your service, Judge Wendtland, and best wishes in the future.

 

PWS

01-16-20

 

 

 

WHEN ARTICLE III COURTS FAIL: U.S. “Orbits” Refugee Families To Dangerous Chaos In Guatemala Under Clearly Fraudulent “Safe Third Country” Arrangements As Feckless U.S. Courts Fail To Enforce Constitutional Due Process & U.S. Asylum Laws In Face Of Trump Regime’s Contemptuous Scofflaw Conduct!

yhttps://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/the-us-is-putting-asylum-seekers-on-planes-to-guatemala–often-without-telling-them-where-theyre-going/2020/01/13/0f89a93a-3576-11ea-a1ff-c48c1d59a4a1_story.html

Kevin Sieff
Kevin Sieff
Latin American Correspondent, Washington Post

Kevin Sieff reports from Guatemala for WashPost:

By

Kevin Sieff

Jan. 14, 2020 at 4:21 p.m. EST

GUATEMALA CITY — The chartered U.S. government flights land here every day or two, depositing Honduran and Salvadoran asylum seekers from the U.S. border. Many arrive with the same question: “Where are we?”

For the first time ever, the United States is shipping asylum seekers who arrive at its border to a “safe third country” to seek refuge there. The Trump administration hopes the program will serve as a model for others in the region.

But during its first weeks, asylum seekers and human rights advocates say, migrants have been put on planes without being told where they were headed, and left here without being given basic instruction about what to do next.

When the migrants land in Guatemala City, they receive little information about what it means to apply for asylum in one of the hemisphere’s poorest countries. Those who don’t immediately apply are told that they must leave the country in 72 hours. The form is labeled “Voluntary Return.”

 

“In the U.S., the agents told us our cases would be transferred, but they didn’t say where. Then they lined us up to get on the plane,” said a woman named Marta, 43, from Honduras. She sat in a migrant shelter here with her 17-year-old son, who nursed a gunshot wound in his left cheek — the work, both say, of a Honduran faction of the MS-13 gang.

“When we looked out the window, we were here,” she said. “We thought, ‘Where are we? What are we supposed to do now?’ ”

After the volcano, indigenous Guatemalans search for safer ground — in Guatemala, or the United States

Human rights organizations in Guatemala say they have recorded dozens of cases of asylum seekers who were misled by U.S. officials into boarding flights, and who were not informed of their asylum rights upon arrival. Of the 143 Hondurans and Salvadorans sent to Guatemala since the program began last month, only five have applied for asylum, according to the country’s migration agency.

 

“Safe third country” is one of the Trump administration’s most dramatic initiatives to curb migration — an effort to remake the U.S. asylum system. President Trump has called it “terrific for [Guatemala] and terrific for us.”

But an Asylum Cooperation Agreement is bringing migrants to a country that is unable to provide economic and physical security for its own citizens — many of whom are themselves trying to migrate. In fiscal 2019, Guatemala was the largest source of migrants detained at the U.S. border, at more than 264,000. The country has only a skeletal asylum program, with fewer than a dozen asylum officers.

Trump wants border-bound asylum seekers to find refuge in Guatemala instead. Guatemala isn’t ready.

As the deal was negotiated, it drew concerns from the United Nations and human rights organizations. But its implementation, advocates say, has been worse than they feared.

“It’s a total disaster,” said Thelma Shau, who has observed the arrival of asylum seekers at La Aurora International Airport in her role overseeing migration issues for Guatemala’s human rights ombudsman.

“They arrive here without being told that Guatemala is their destination,” she said. “They are asked, ‘Do you want refuge here or do you want to leave?’ And they have literally minutes to decide without knowing anything about what that means.”

pastedGraphic_4.png

President Trump and first lady Melania Trump meet in the Oval Office last month with then-President Jimmy Morales of Guatemala. (Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post)

The Guatemalan government says that it explains asylum options and that migrants are simply choosing to leave voluntarily.

“Central American people are given comprehensive attention when they arrive in the country, and respect for their human rights is a priority,” said Alejandra Mena, a spokeswoman for Guatemala’s migration agency. “The information provided is complete for them to make a decision.”

In Guatemala, lenders that were supported by USAID and the World Bank are now funding illegal migration.

The Department of Homeland Security did not respond to requests for comment. The United States has signed similar “safe third country” agreements with El Salvador and Honduras, but they have not yet been implemented. In recent days, Trump administration officials have said they are considering sending Mexican asylum seekers to Guatemala to seek refuge.

Human rights groups in Guatemala that have observed the process say migrants here are not given key information about their options — such as what asylum in Guatemala entails and where they would stay while their claims are being processed. Many migrants are aware that Guatemala suffers from the same gang violence and extortion that forced them from their home countries.

pastedGraphic_5.png

Migrants from Guatemala disembark from a raft in Ciudad Hidalgo, Mexico, in June. (Rebecca Blackwell/Associated Press)

Paula Arana observed the orientation as child protection liaison for the human rights ombudsman.

“It’s clear that the government is not providing enough information for asylum seekers to make a decision, especially in the three minutes they are given,” she said. “Instead, they are being pushed out of the country.”

The United States had suggested that it would begin implementing the agreement by sending single men to Guatemala. But less than a month after it began, families with young children are arriving on the charter flights. Last week, Arana said, a 2-year-old arrived with flulike symptoms.

On Thursday, a man named Jorge, 35, his wife and two daughters, ages 11 and 15, landed here. A day later, they were clustered together at the Casa del Migrante, a shelter in Guatemala City where government officials took them in a bus. They had been given the papers with 72 hours’ notice to leave Guatemala, and couldn’t figure out what to do.

The family had fled multiple threats from gangs in Honduras, which started with an interpersonal dispute between Jorge’s wife and one of the gang’s leaders. Jorge was certain that going back would mean certain death. Like Marta, Jorge did not want his last name to be published out of fear for his family’s safety.

“We’re thinking about our options. We know we can’t stay here. What would I do? Where would we stay?” he said. “Maybe we need to try to cross to the United States again.”

In western Guatemala, cultivating coffee was once a way out of poverty. As prices fall, growers are abandoning their farms for the United States.

The Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees is not participating in the program. But officials say they’re aware of problems with its implementation.

“UNHCR has a number of concerns regarding the Asylum Cooperation Agreement and its implementation,” said Sibylla Brodzinsky, UNHCR’s regional spokeswoman for Central America and Mexico. “We have expressed these concerns to the relevant U.S. and Guatemalan authorities.”

 

Human rights advocates who have interviewed the asylum seekers, known locally as “transferidos,” say many have decided that their best option is to migrate again to the United States. Smugglers often offer their customers three chances to make it across the border.

Migrants at the Casa del Migrante described spending a week in Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in the United States, where they had intended to make their asylum claims. Many carried binders full of evidence they assumed would bolster their cases. On her phone, Marta saved avideo of her son being tortured by MS-13 gang members.

But in their brief conversations with U.S. immigration officials, they were told they would not be given a chance to apply for asylum in the United States.

“We had all this information to show them,” Marta said, leafing through photos of her son’s scars and Honduran court documents. “They said, ‘That’s not going to help you here.’ ”

This school aims to keep young Guatemalans from migrating. They don’t know it’s funded by the U.S. government.

In interviews with The Washington Post, some migrants said they were told vaguely that their cases were being “transferred.” Others were told they were going to be returned to their countries of origin.

“One agent told me, ‘You’re going back to Honduras,’ ” Marta said. But then they arrived in Guatemala City.

“When we looked out the window, we just assumed it was a stop,” her son said.

Marta thought Guatemala might be even more dangerous. They had no connection to the country and nowhere to stay beyond their first few days. When she left the migrant shelter to buy food Friday morning, she said, she stumbled upon a crime scene with a dead body a few blocks away.

During their nine-day detention at an ICE facility in Texas, she said, the family shared a cell with a Guatemalan family that was fleeing violence perpetrated by a different MS-13 group based here.

pastedGraphic_7.png

Agronomy students, some hooded, block a street outside a Guatemala City hotel before lawmakers voted on the deal that made Guatemala a “safe third country” for migrants seeking asylum in the United States. (Oliver De Ros/Associated Press)

“Why would they send us to a country where the same gangs are operating?” she asked.

 

In the absence of a thorough explanation of their asylum rights in Guatemala, El Refugio de la Niñez is offering a short tutorial to the asylum seekers. So far, 45 have attended.

“The Guatemalan government is completely absent in this whole process,” said Leonel Dubon, the director of the U.N.-funded center. “It sends a clear message. The government isn’t here to offer shelter, it’s here to push people out as quickly as possible.”

The Trump administration negotiated the “safe third country” agreement last year with lame-duck Guatemalan President Jimmy Morales.

As Guatemala pursues war criminals, a dark secret emerges: Some suspects are living quiet lives in the U.S.

Guatemala’s constitutional court initially blocked the deal. Then Trump threatened tariffs on the country and taxes on remittances sent home by Guatemalans living in the United States. It was eventually signed in July.

The new Guatemalan president, Alejandro Giammattei, was sworn in Tuesday. He has raised concerns about the agreement, saying he hadn’t been briefed on its details.

At the signing ceremony, Trump said it would “provide safety for legitimate asylum seekers, and stop asylum fraud and abuses [of the] system.”

U.S. asylum officers do not vet the cases of migrants before they are sent to Guatemala.

In her brief conversations with U.S. immigration agents, Marta tried to get them to look at her binder full of documents and photos.

“They weren’t interested,” she said. “They just kept saying that your case will be transferred to an institution that can handle it.”

**********************

Kevin writes about a tragically absurd situation that seems to have fallen “below the radar screen” of public outrage or even discourse. This is wrong! Most days I can’t believe that the county that I proudly served for more than 35 years is engaging in this type of abusive behavior that would be below the level of even some Third World dictatorships.

And, it isn’t just “occasional abuse” — it’s systemized, institutionalized abuse and dehumanization on a global and regular basis — all approved or de facto enabled by feckless and spineless Federal Appellate Courts, all the way up to the Supremes! These are folks who should know better and really have no other meaningful function in our “separation of powers” system other than to protect our individual rights. Authoritarian governments and dictators hardly need “courts” to enforce their will, even if some find it useful to “go through the motions” of creating and employing complicit “judges.” As one of my Round Table colleagues succinctly put it “there appears to be no bottom!”

Clearly, the “Safe Third Country” exception was never intended by Congress, nor does the statutory language permit it, to be used to “orbit” asylum applicants to some of the most dangerous refugee sending countries in the world with thoroughly corrupt governments and non-existent asylum systems. So, why does the Trump regime have confidence that it can and will get away with these atrocities? Because they believe, correctly so far, that the Article III Federal Courts, many of them now stacked with Trump’s hand-selected “toady judges,” are afraid to stand up to tyranny and protect the rights of desperate, mostly brown-skinned, asylum seekers.

Obviously, from an institutional standpoint, the Article III Courts are saying:

 “Who cares what happens to a bunch of brown-skinned foreigners. Let ‘em die, rot, or be tortured. Human rights, due process, and human dignity simply don’t matter when they don’t affect us personally, financially, or socially. That’s particularly true because the results of our abuses are taking place, thankfully, in foreign nations: out of sight, out of mind. Not our problem.”

Apparently, many Americans agree with this immoral and illegal approach. Otherwise, the “black robed, life tenured ones” would be pariahs in their communities, churches, and social interactions. They wouldn’t be offered those cushy teaching positions at law schools or a chance to expound before public audiences.

But, not speaking out against bad judges and not insisting on integrity and courage in the Article III courts could ultimately prove fatal for all of our individual rights. Judges who use their privileged positions to turn a blind eye to the oppression of others, particularly the most vulnerable humans among us, and the catastrophic failure of the rule of law and Due Process in  the U.S. immigration system can hardly be expected to stand up for the individual rights of any of us against Government oppression. 

After all, why should an exulted Federal Appellate Judge or a Supreme Court Justice care about what happens to you, unless your blood is about to spatter his or her pristine black robe? Many of those supportive of or complicit in Trump’s tyranny will personally experience the costs of a feckless Federal Judiciary when their “turn in the barrel” comes. And, the Trump regime’s list of those who’s “lives and rights don’t matter” is very, very long and continually expanding.

All I can say now is that some day, the full truth about what happens to those unlawfully and immorally turned away at our borders will “out.” Then, many Articles III judges will try to disingenuously protect their reputations by saying, similar to many judges of the Third Reich, “Gee, who knew,” or “I was powerless,” or “It was a political problem beyond our limited jurisdiction.”

My charge to the New Due Process Army: Don’t let the complicit judges get away with it in the “Court of History.” You see, know, and experience first-hand every day the results of Article III judicial complicity. Don’t ever forget what those judges have done and continue to do to human lives from their protected and “willfully clueless” ivory towers! Ultimately, you aren’t as powerless as the “complicit ones” think you are!

Due Process Forever; Feckless, Complicit, Immoral Federal Judges Never!

PWS

01-14-20 

  

US DISTRICT JUDGE DANA SABRAW REJECTS ACLU CLAIM THAT DHS HAS RETURNED TO POLICY OF “SYSTEMATICALLY SEPARATING” FAMILIES AT BORDER

Mica Rosenberg
Mica Rosenberg
National Immigration Reporter, Reuters
Kanishka Singh
Kanishka Singh
Political News Journalist
Reuters

 

https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-immigration-children/judge-rules-in-favor-of-trump-administration-in-family-separation-case-idUSKBN1ZD1LY?il=0

Judge rules in favor of Trump administration in family separation case

(Reuters) – A U.S. federal judge has ruled that the Trump administration’s ongoing separations of families at the U.S.-Mexico border based on parents’ criminal history or health exclusions are being carried out with proper discretion.

Mexican asylum seekers camping near the Paso del Norte international border crossing bridge while waiting to apply for asylum to the U.S. are evicted by the local government, who will move them to a local shelter, in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico January 7, 2020. REUTERS/Jose Luis Gonzalez

The ruling, by U.S. District Judge Dana Sabraw in San Diego, California, on Monday, was a rare victory for the government in a case that has been ongoing since 2018.

The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) first brought the case over President Donald Trump’s “zero tolerance” policy of criminally prosecuting all border crossers, which led to the separation of hundreds of families and sparked national outrage. Sabraw had ordered the administration to find and reunite separated families.

Trump officially halted the practice with an executive order on June 20, 2018. But the ACLU claimed in court that since then, the government has continued the practice and separated more than 1,000 families in violation of Sabraw’s order.

The government has said it separates families when it suspects the parent has a criminal record, a communicable disease, or when there are questions about the relationship between the adult and the migrant child. It claimed its current practice is no different than prior administrations.

The rights group argued, however, that the administration was taking children from parents when they had only minor infractions like traffic violations or previous illegal border crossings.

Sabraw found government officials were “generally exercising their discretion to separate families at the border” in a manner consistent with migrants’ “rights to family integrity and the Court’s orders.”

The judge added there was no evidence before the court that the government has “returned to systematically separating families at the border.”

Sabraw did say that the government should use its rapid DNA testing technology to confirm parentage and not separate families based on “subjective concerns” alone.

The ACLU highlighted that part of the ruling in a statement: “The court strongly reaffirmed that the Trump administration bears the burden if it attempts to separate families based on an accusation that the adult is not the child’s parent,” ACLU attorney Lee Gelernt said.

The group said it was considering its next move in the case.

The U.S. Department of Justice did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Reporting by Kanishka Singh in Bengaluru and Mica Rosenberg in New York; Editing by Chizu Nomiyama and Matthew Lewis

 

***************************************

While most news commentators to date have viewed this as a “victory” for the Trump Administration,” Judge Sabraw did reaffirm the principles of his original injunction that had forced a change in Government policy. He did, however, reject the ACLU’s request for expanded injunctive relief, except for timely DNA testing. He found no evidence that the DHS had failed to comply with the terms of the prior injunction on a systemic basis.

 

PWS

 

01-14-20

ADOLFO FLORES @ BUZZFEED: More On The EOIR “Tent Court” Farce!

Adolfo Flores
Adolfo Flores
Immigration Reporter
BuzzFeed News
Laura Lynch
Laura Lynch
Senior Policy Counsel
AILA

 

See below Buzzfeed’s latest story about tent court access.

Immigration “Tent Courts” Aren’t Allowing Full Public Access, Attorneys Say

Observers and reporters can’t watch what some consider to be the most important part of an immigration proceeding.

Adolfo FloresBuzzFeed News Reporter

Posted on January 13, 2020, at 4:23 p.m. ET

The Trump administration recently agreed to open its “tent courts,” makeshift tribunals where immigrants made to wait in Mexico attend hearings, but lawyers and legal observers say the set up still fails to give the public full access.

Attorneys and advocates said the government is still keeping the public out of what some consider to be the most important part of immigration court proceedings by using judges located inside a Fort Worth, Texas, facility that is closed to the public. The hearings are where immigrants get the opportunity to present arguments and evidence as to why they should be allowed to stay in the US.

Judges at the Fort Worth Immigration Adjudication Center, which the public has no access to, are overseeing the individual merits hearings via video that’s beamed into “tent courts” in Brownsville, Texas. At the same time, the public has also been barred from attending the hearings in person at the “tent court,” effectively closing off public access.

“It’s highly problematic,” said Laura Lynch, senior policy counsel at the American Immigration Lawyers Association. “Using these adjudication centers and judges is clearly intentional. The agency is trying to operate these cases in secret.”

The facilities in Falls Church, Virginia, and Fort Worth were created by the Justice Department’s Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR), which oversees the nation’s immigration courts, as a way to reduce its growing case backlog.

Denying public access is especially concerning because most immigrants in “Remain in Mexico,” formally known as the Migrant Protection Protocols (MPP), are not represented by an attorney, Lynch said. An analysis of 56,004 MPP hearings found that only 4% of immigrants are represented by a lawyer, the rest are having to make their case on their own.

“Many immigrants are walking into these tent courts unrepresented,” Lynch said. “And there’s no way to observe them.”

EOIR refused to confirm whether judges at the adjudication center were listening to merits hearings in Brownsville. But attorneys with clients at the Brownsville “tent court” confirmed to BuzzFeed News that they’ve had cases before judges at the Fort Worth adjudication center and have been rescheduled to judges there in the future.

“All immigration judges hear all case types. Due to pending litigation, we have no further comment,” said Kathryn Mattingly, a spokesperson for EOIR.

The Department of Homeland Security and Customs and Border Protection did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

In September, DHS opened two temporary court facilities along the Texas border, one in Brownsville and another in Laredo for immigrants in the “Remain in Mexico” program. Judges in brick and mortar courts throughout the US, officials said, would hear their cases and make rulings via video.

When the “tent courts” started their first hearings, they were immediately criticized for its lack of transparency because reporters, legal observers, and the public couldn’t attend hearings from inside.

Instead, DHS and EOIR said the public could attend the hearings by going to the courtroom where the immigration judges, who would be video conferenced into the “tent courts,” were physically at. But that’s not possible when immigration judges hear merits hearings from adjudication centers closed to the public.

In general, immigration courts are open to the public, although according to the Justice Department, immigrants can request that merits hearings be closed.

At the Brownsville “tent courts,” however, merits hearings are closed automatically by design, said Andrew Udelsman, a fellow in the Texas Civil Rights Project’s racial and economic justice program.

“The case right now appears to be a blanket rule that the public has no access to MPP merits proceedings and that is illegal,” Udelsman told BuzzFeed News. “There is a First Amendment right of public access to court proceedings. That right is being violated by this blanket denial of access to merit proceedings.”

Demonstators, all part of a grassroots group called Witness at the Border supported by ACLU Texas and Children’s Defense Fund Texas, gather to protest outside the Brownsville “tent courts.”

Last week, Reynaldo Leaños Jr., a reporter with Texas Public Radio, tried to attend a merits hearing at the Brownsville “tent court” after a Cuban asylum-seeker invited him to attend. Yet private security contracted by the government told Leaños no one was allowed into the hearings.

Asked by BuzzFeed News why that was the case, a security guard with Ahtna at the facility, who declined to give his name, said it was because the shipping containers the merits hearings are held in were too small to accommodate additional members of the public.

Norma Sepulveda, an immigration attorney who had a hearing last week in Brownsville with a judge located in Fort Worth, said it was “ridiculous” that the merits hearings were being held inside small shipping containers that only fit seven people.

“I don’t know why they put us in these tiny rooms to hold the hearings other than to say there’s no space for anyone else to be present,” Sepulveda told BuzzFeed News. “These hearings are being scheduled with these judges intentionally to be able to conduct them without any oversight.”

Sepulveda said her client’s son, a resident of the US, was initially listed as a witness in the case and was allowed into the room. However, when Sepulveda said she was no longer going to call him to testify he was removed from the room by private security.

“It’s clear to me that the policy is no spectators, if you will, and no family support for individual hearings,” Sepulveda said.

Private security at the “tent courts” in Brownsville also enforcing different rules from one day to the next, that legal observers and attorneys said don’t make sense.

On the first day the public was allowed into the Brownsville facilities, private security agents said reporters weren’t allowed to attend hearings with a pen and notepad. Yet, on the second day they did allow journalists to take notes, but not observers like Udelsman of the Texas Civil Rights Project.

Private security officials are also only allowing the public to view master calendar hearings, the first time people see a judge, which tend to be short preliminary hearings. Requests to attend different master calendar hearings, other than the one room made available, were denied.

“They’re preventing anybody from being able to explain in the most accurate manner possible, what’s happening,” Udelsman said. “You’re prohibiting the public from knowing what’s happening in the courtroom and making life as difficult as possible for the few people who are able to report on what’s happening.”

Laura A. Lynch, Esq.

Senior Policy Counsel

Direct: 202.507.7627 I Email: llynch@aila.org

 

American Immigration Lawyers Association

Main: 202.507.7600 I Fax: 202.783.7853 I www.aila.org

1331 G Street NW, Suite 300, Washington, DC 20005

 

**********************************************

Thanks for passing this along and for all you do, Laura!

 

“Secret proceedings” and lack of transparency are key steps toward any neo-fascist state!

 

Due Process Forever!

 

PWS

01-14-20

 

 

 

 

ROGER ALGASE @ ILW.COM: How The Trump Regime’s Gross Immorality, Inhumanity, & Illegality Have Replaced America’s Moral Leadership On The World Stage!

Roger Algase
Roger Algase
Immigration Attorney
New York, NY

https://clicks.aweber.com/y/ct/?l=BXLvi&m=fxzs.sAL1oeaGWA&b=YSYqSh1DOxFOlVXvkRos2A

pastedGraphic.png

ImmigrationLawBlogs started a blog post As asylum-seeker kills himself at the border, leading Jewish cleric condemns administration’s inhumanity toward desperate immigrants. Meanwhile, Trump ramps up hate for 2020 election By Roger Algase

01-10-2020, 09:08 AM

Update: January 11 1:42 pm:

For another viewpoint on the urgency of defeating Trump’s politics of hate against immigrants and other minorities in he upcoming election this November, see Kristian Ramos in The Hill (January 11):

We can’t let ‘white nativism’ politics cloud 2020 election

We can’t let ‘white nativism’ politics cloud 2020 election

Update: January 11 at 9:15 am:

Two late-breaking January 10 news stories show that Trump and his Republican allies are ramping up the hate against legal non-European immigrants in preparation for this November’s election.

The Washington Post reports that Texas has become the first state to bar resettlement of refugees under Trump’s executive order giving them the authority to do so. Admission to the UIS of legal refugees this year is already at an historic low under the agenda of Trump and Miller. Miller reportedly didn’t want to any refugees at all to be admitted this year.

For more on this latest show of bigotry by Texas Republican governor Greg Abbot, see:

https://www.washingtonpost.com/immigration/2020/01/10/texas-becomes-first-state-publicly-reject-refugees-under-trump-order

On the same day, The Guardian reports that Trump is planning to add unspecified additional countries to his infamous Muslim ban order.

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/jan/10/trump-travel-ban-expansion

Both of these developments, which involve barring legal immigrants whose ethnicity or religion doesn’t happen to fit in with Trump’s avowed goal of admitting only immigrants from “Countries like Norway” and with Miller’s goal (expressed in almost 1,000 recent emails) of taking America’s immigration system back to the openly racist 1924 regime (which Adolf Hitler expressed so much admiration for in Mein Kampf) show that exploiting and stirring up more hate against nonwhite immigrants, including those eligible to come to the US legally, will be the order of the day for Trump’s re-election campaign.

My earlier comment follows below:

While the media remain focused on Donald Trump’s apparently now-abandoned threat to commit a war crime by blowing up cultural heritage sites in Iran, as an end result of his dehumanizing 2017 Muslim Ban order; or on the travesty that Senate Republicans are planning in order to “acquit” Trump of cravenly timid Democratic impeachment charges which entirely ignore his High Crimes and Misdemeanors against the basic human rights of nonwhite immigrants, what could very arguably be considered a Crime Against Humanity that the Trump administration is carrying out against desperate asylum seekers at the Mexican border in service of Stephen Miller’s white supremacist agenda is growing worse and worse.

The Guardian reports on January 9 that an obviously desperate Mexican asylum-seeker killed himself on the international bridge after being refused entry to the United States.

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/jan/09/mexico-asylum-seeker-refused-us-entry

This may be less surprising than it seems in light of the appalling, inhuman conditions that legitimate asylum seekers fleeing gang violence and other life-threatening conditions in Central America are forced to endure as a result of Trump’s racist and inhuman (as well as almost certainly illegal) “Remain in Mexico” asylum policy. See Vox (December 20, 2019):

In camps on the US-Mexico border, asylym-seekers have been abandoned

https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2019/12/20/20997299/asylum-border-mexico-us-io,-unhcr-usaid-migration-international-humanitarian-aid-m…

See also: Slate:

Trump’s tent cities are on the verge of killing immigrant children

https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2019/12/trump-tent-cities-mpp-killing-immigrant-children.html

This horrendous display of inhumanity by the Trump administration as led to a protest by a leading Jewish religious leader, Arnold Eisen, Chancellor of the Jewish Theological Seminary (in New York City) America’s leading institution for the Conservative branch of Judaism against what he calls America’s failure to carry out its moral obligation toward desperate asylum seekers and immigrants and other immigrants. See, The Hill, January 9:

https://the hill.com/opinion/immigration/477577/-our-moral-obligation-to-us-migrants-and-asylum-seekers

After visiting overcrowded immigrant border shelters , an ICE detention center and an asylum hearing courtroom along with other Jewish clergy, Eisen writes:

“What we saw was profoundly sobering. The predicament of those trapped at the Mexican border looks increasingly bleak as the federal government enacts more restrictive policies in the name of protecting Americans from the alleged invasion.”

Eisen then explains what motivated him to write:

“When people asked me why I was making this journey, my answer was simple: ‘Because I am a Jew.’ My grandparents arrived in this country seeking a better life, in some cases fleeing pogroms and persecutions, and the Torah’s command to care for the stranger summons me in a voice I dare not ignore. The Bible tells us that Jews are not permitted to stand by in the face of suffering and injustice.”

He then explains that this is not only a Jewish issue.:

“But the crisis at the border is a non-denominational issue and it should be non-partisan.” 

Unfortunately, in today’s America, the crisis caused by the Trumps administration’s egregious violations of essential human rights of nonwhite immigrants is anything but non-partisan. One party is blindly following its Leader into making hatred of non-European immigrants, both legal and “irregular”, as the centerpiece of its agenda, while the other party’s leaders are too cowardly to mount an effective defense of immigrants’ human rights which are being trampled on.

Ironically, the driving force of this agenda of anti-immigrant persecution, Stephen Miller, is also the grandchild of a Jewish immigrant. What kind of understanding of the Jewish heritage of care and compassion for the suffering of the stranger in our midst is he showing?

And how much understanding of this tradition of essential humanity does Miller’s boss Donald Trump, who claims to be a great friend of Israel and the Jewish people, show in his immigration policy, which includes drastic measures against even the most highly skilled and educated legal immigrants, not only asylum seekers and unauthorized immigrants?

Roger Algase

Attorney at Law

Last edited by ImmigrationLawBlogs; 01-11-2020, 01:43 PM.

***************

Unfortunately, for America and the world, Roger has it pegged exactly right. Humanity, compassion, decency, and equal justice for all have disappeared from U.S. foreign and domestic policy under Trump. That’s the essence of a White Nationalist kakistocracy. And, as Roger also recognizes, there is more than a little anti-semitism and racism mixed in and driving these policies. It just so happens that Hispanics and folks with brown skins are the current “target of the day.”  

But, actually, nobody is safe in the “Age of Trump” as his sycophants and supporters have found out (see., e.g., Jeff “Gonzo Apocalypto” Sessions, Kristjen Nielsen, Steve Bannon, John Bolton, Michael Cohen, et al.). The only thing or person that Donald Trump has ever cared about is (surprise): Donald Trump. Everybody else, including our nation, the environment, and world civilization, is expendable.

I also appreciate Roger’s “outing” of bigoted Texas Gov. Greg Abbott for his ridiculous and disingenuous attempt to “bar” refugee resettlement in Texas. For the record, quite contrary to Abbott’s racist whining, few states have benefitted more than Texas from migrants, whether they be refugees, asylum recipients, documented, or undocumented.  See, e.g., https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/research/immigrants-in-texas

In the “race to the bottom,” never count out Donald Trump and his GOP stalwarts!

PWS

01-13-20

VIRGINIA HEFFERNAN @ LA TIMES: Yes, Trumpism Is a Cult: “To see Trumpism as a cult is not to refuse to engage with its effects, the crimes committed in its name or the way it has awakened and emboldened the cruelest and most destructive beliefs and practices in the American playbook.”

Virginia Heffernan
Virginia Heffernan
American Journalist & Author

http://enewspaper.latimes.com/infinity/article_share.aspx?guid=c7eff502-0fc6-4c15-a5a9-4fd8adb62bb5

Trumpism deserves to be called a cult

VIRGINIA HEFFERNAN

The comparisons have come hard and fast, at least since 2015. Trump is like Silvio Berlusconi, like Adolf Hitler, like Boris Johnson. A 2018 film called “The Trump Prophecy” took the evangelical route, comparing Trump to Cyrus the Great, the 6th century BC Persian monarch chosen by God to free Jewish captives in Babylon.

But maybe it’s time to stop searching for the exact analogy for Trump, be he Cyrus or Boris, Adolf or a Silvio. What demands analysis is less the arrogant 73-year-old mediocrity in the Oval Office, but the worshipful attitude so many Americans have toward him.

A lot of nut jobs have peddled lies to Americans before, and even styled themselves as messianic. But at no time in history have so many Americans been drawn to what’s looking increasingly like a cult. I don’t use the term recklessly.

When Steven Hassan, an expert in cults and an ex-Moonie (as in the Unification Church, founded by a Korean businessman, the Rev. Sun Myung Moon), published “The Cult of Trump” last spring, some reviewers objected to his use of the cult framework as incendiary and not all that useful.

Indeed, for Trump critics to call his admirers cult members might be just another salvo in our nasty political warfare. It’s similar to the Trump psychologizing over the years that often doubles as name-calling: He’s a baby, a psychopath, a stone-cold narcissist.

The discourse around cults partakes of some woolly theories. “Mind control” and “brainwashing” are shibboleths from the 1950s, when the coinages were used to describe what Chinese Communists did to convert freethinkers to their cause. The implicit suggestion is that unsavory ideas and ideologies can only win adherents using extreme and witchy measures.

All that put me off the notion of Trumpism as a cult. But then in August, Trump looked heavenward and called himself “the chosen one.”

Suddenly, among evangelicals, it wasn’t enough to make comparisons with Cyrus or even King David. He had to be the savior himself. The far-right radio host Wayne Allyn Root called Trump “the second coming of God.” Then former Energy Secretary Rick Perry straight up affirmed Trump’s craziness, telling him, “You are here in this time because God ordained you.”

As 2019 drew to a close, my doubts about Trumpism as a cult dissolved. And I’m not alone.

Republican lawyer George Conway reportedly described his wife, Trump’s presidential counselor Kellyanne Conway, as a member of a cult. Former GOP strategist John Weaver has used the term. Anthony Scaramucci, Trump’s onetime communications director, concurs. Also news vet Dan Rather, conservative political scientist Norman Ornstein, science journalist Steve Silberman, pastor John Pavlovitz and academic and journalist Jared Yates Sexton.

What the cult diagnosis may lack in scholarly rigor, it makes up for in explanatory power. When polled, far too many Republicans come across as having abandoned their commitment to libertarianism, family values or simple logic in favor of Trump worship. They’re lost to paranoia and factually unmoored talking points, just the way Hassan was lost to Sun Myung Moon.

It can be heartbreaking when loved ones succumb to Trumpism. (It’s a double whammy when your grief is dismissed as liberal tears.) A true believer undergoes a “radical personal change,” as Hassan puts it. The person you once knew seems somehow … not there.

Journalists Luke O’Neil and Edwin Lyngar, as well as Jen Senko in “The Brainwashing of My Dad,” have compiled stories of Americans who have gone over. O’Neil summarized the transformation this way: “A loved one … sat down in front of Fox News, found some kind of deep, addictive comfort in the anger and paranoia, and became a different person.”

Sounds about right.

Hassan — who remembers, during his Moonie days, shouting, “I don’t care if Moon is like Hitler. I’ve chosen to follow him, and I’ll follow him to the end” — broke free, and became an expert on cults and how to leave them. He has spent his career proving it’s possible.

To see Trumpism as a cult is not to refuse to engage with its effects, the crimes committed in its name or the way it has awakened and emboldened the cruelest and most destructive beliefs and practices in the American playbook. Instead, the cult framework should relieve the pressure many of us feel to call Trumpites back to themselves, to keep arguing with them. They are stuck in a bad relationship with a controlling figure.

Understanding Trump is a fool’s errand. He’s sui generis, and far too erratic and finally insubstantial to reward close attention. Trump zealots are another matter. They are part of the tradition of radical converts in American history who elected to forfeit their authentic personalities and principles rather than refine or strengthen them. We need to stay focused on how so many Americans came to this pass and took this destructive course. The Trump cult will define American politics for decades to come, even after its dear leader is gone.

Twitter: @page88

*************************

Heffernan’s analysis leads to the conclusion that it’s naive for Dems to keep wishing, hoping, and thinking that they can just speak truth and advance facts and thereby expect Trump’s followers to wake up, discover decency,  and suddenly embrace humanity and rationality again. 

No, the way the Democratic majority takes back the White House is by making sure that they get maximum turnout among the majority of Americans not enthralled by Trump and, particularly, that they fight through concerted GOP voter suppression efforts to appeal to, register, and get out the many new and younger voters who don‘t identify with Trump’s dark, White Nationalist view of America and the unfailingly false, cruel, and negative values that he so arrogantly projects to his cult followers.

PWS

01-11-20

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE: CLYDE W. FORD @ LA TIMES: “Opinion: The immigration crisis and the racism driving it have roots in Hitler’s ‘bible’”

Clyde W. Ford
Clyde W. Ford
American Author

https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2020-01-07/great-race-passing-trump

Ford writes:

OPINION

Opinion: The immigration crisis and the racism driving it have roots in Hitler’s ‘bible’

 

By CLYDE W. FORD

JAN. 7, 2020

 

3:01 AM

The images horrify.

On the banks of the Rio Grande, a child floats lifelessly, her arm around her father, both drowned while trying to cross from Mexico into the United States. Refugees crossing the Mediterranean from Africa into Europe regularly drown. A Honduran mother dragging children flees from tear gas at the U.S. border. Children in cages.

The policies terrify. A border wall. Family separation. The purgatory of waiting for asylum in a third country.

In December, the Washington Post reported that U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement wants to use migrant children in detention as bait. Adults who show up to claim them would be targeted for arrest and deportation.

The words incite fear. “Bad hombres.” “Rapists.” “Criminals.” “Shithole countries.” When uttered by a U.S. president, they carry even greater weight.

Britain, Poland, Italy, the United States. Around the world, countries once proud of welcoming immigrants seem determined to find ever more devious ways to keep them out. Are these signs of a newly ascendant nationalism? Or the last gasps of existential fear?

The worldwide immigration crisis — and the racism apparently driving it — can trace its roots in part to a century-old book, Madison Grant’s “The Passing of the Great Race.”

In publishing a centenary edition of the 1916 work, white nationalist Ostara Press praised the book as a “call to American whites to counter the dangers both from non-white and non-north Western European immigration.” Grant proposed a “Nordic race,” loosely centered in Scandinavia, as principally responsible for human social and cultural development. He feared immigration and intermarriage would dilute this race, dooming it to extinction.

Grant’s fears of his “great race” passing are very much alive today.

The Southern Poverty Law Center’s ongoing study of emails sent by Stephen Miller to Breitbart News in the lead-up to the 2016 presidential election document his affinity for white nationalism. Miller, an architect of the Trump administration’s immigration policies, lauds former President Calvin Coolidge for signing the Immigration Act of 1924, which hardened non-white immigration and eased white immigration from Western Europe. It also established the U.S. Border Patrol, the predecessor of Customs and Border Protection and ICE.

Grant’s writing is credited as part of the inspiration for the creation and passage of that 1924 Act. Hitler called Grant’s book, “my bible.” Grant’s ideas defined apartheid. His book fueled the U.S. eugenics movement.

Eugenics is a pseudoscience of race that seeks to breed and maintain a “Nordic stock” of human beings, while culling undesirables — blacks, Jews, Asians, South Americans, homosexuals, the physically and mentally ill, and others — through measures ranging from forced sterilization to death.

In Grant’s day, eugenics attracted the rich and famous — Carnegies, Rockefellers, and the Kelloggs of Corn Flakes fame. Eugenicist Margaret Sanger, founder of Planned Parenthood, saw birth control work as eliminating “human weeds” and Alexander Graham Bell presided over the scientific directors of the Eugenics Records Office, a research institute in Cold Spring Harbor, N.Y.

Eugenics is very much in vogue among white nationalists and far-right groups worldwide, though refashioned now into broader conspiracies like “replacement theory,” which originated in France with the writings of Renaud Camus and proposes that U.S. and European whites are being intentionally “replaced” through low birth rates and liberal immigration policies.

“We can’t restore our civilization with somebody else’s babies,” tweeted U.S. Rep. Steve King (R-Iowa) in 2017. A gunman in Norway who murdered 80 people in 2011 portrayed the act as a defense of the Nordic race from the scourge of Islamic immigration. Similar “replacement theory” fears influenced mass shooters in Christchurch, Pittsburgh, El Paso and Charleston.

Surprisingly, Grant was as an early conservationist who saw in the fate of endangered species — the moose, the buffalo, the redwood tree — a similar fate awaiting his “Nordics.” He helped establish the U.S. National Park system. Modern-day environmental and climate movements have roots in Grant’s work, leading to a convoluted, bizarre specter:

The U.S. and European countries that Grant lauded manufacture the “greenhouse gases” threatening the environment that Grant sought to protect. Meanwhile, the climate crisis produces refugees from countries that Grant abhorred, seeking shelter in countries with draconian immigration policies that Grant helped to create.

Yet Grant was right. His “great race” is passing. Studies cite 2050 as the tipping point, when U.S. whites will become a statistical minority, and most Americans will be people of color. Whether crafted in overtly racist language or couched in covertly racist immigration policies, fear of the “great race” passing is used to win elections, cling to power, manipulate public opinion and grow organizational membership.

Immigrants built America. This new wave is no different. They are the face of the future, deserving new lives in a country that helps them succeed.

Yes, the “great race” is passing. Good riddance. And we should turn to finding ways to help everyone accept this inevitability — and thrive from it.

Clyde W. Ford is the author of “Think Black,” a memoir about his father, the first black software engineer in America.

*************************************

Like those who were behind or “went along to go along” with horrible parts of our history like Dred Scott, Plessy v. Ferguson, the Chinese Exclusion Laws, or Jim Crow, Trump’s supporters and enablers eventually will have much to answer for in the “court of history.”

“Fake news.” “alternative facts,” false narratives, and internet myths might be gospel to Breitbart, Fox News, GOP sycophants, and Trump voters, but eventually, particularly in an age of information and documentation, “truth will out.” And, it won’t be pretty for the “Modern Day Jim Crows” any more than it was for the segregationists and other racists who preceded them.

PWS

01-10-20