"The Voice of the New Due Process Army" ————– Musings on Events in U.S. Immigration Court, Immigration Law, Sports, Music, Politics, and Other Random Topics by Retired United States Immigration Judge (Arlington, Virginia) and former Chairman of the Board of Immigration Appeals Paul Wickham Schmidt and Dr. Alicia Triche, expert brief writer, practical scholar, emeritus Editor-in-Chief of The Green Card (FBA), and 2022 Federal Bar Association Immigration Section Lawyer of the Year. She is a/k/a “Delta Ondine,” a blues-based alt-rock singer-songwriter, who performs regularly in Memphis, where she hosts her own Blues Brunch series, and will soon be recording her first full, professional album. Stay tuned! 🎶 To see our complete professional bios, just click on the link below.
Questions are still swirling around the immigration raids that President Donald Trump said he launched over the weekend, but one thing is certain: Many immigrants caught in their net will be sent into a court system already crippled by a vast backlog of ca…
This is a national disaster of gargantuan proportions unfolding in plain sight every day. Yet, somehow it remains largely “below the radar screen.” Nobody except those of us (and a few conscientious reporters, like Julia) who truly understand the relationship of the intentionally broken and thoroughly trashed U.S. Immigration Courts to our overall justice system seems motivated to fix this disgraceful mockery of fundamental fairness and impartial decision-making.
This definitely has the real potential to “crash” the entire U.S. justice system. Under Trump, Barr, and the rest of the sycophants, the backlogs will keep growing exponentially until the Immigration Court system collapses, spewing forth one to two million backlogged cases into the laps of those same smug Article IIIs who are closing their eyes to the miscarriages of justice befalling others on their watch. I guess you can’t hear the tormented screams of the abused way up in the “ivory tower.”
Obviously, as proved over and over again during the past two years, the Trump Administration is without shame, incompetent, and beyond accountability.
However, Members of Congress and the Article III Judges could act tomorrow (yes, there are bills already drafted that nobody is seriously considering, and the multiple Due Process violations of our Constitution infecting every part of this corrupt system are patently obvious, even to my Georgetown Law students, let alone so-called “real” judges) to put an end to this nonsense that is literally killing folks and destroying innocent lives. They should be held fully accountable for their gross dereliction of duty and their mass failure to uphold their oaths of office.
On a cheerier note, here’s my favorite comment about Julia’s article from my good friend, colleage, and fellow blogger, retired Judge Jeffrey S. Chase:
[Retired Judge] Bob Vinikoor and I are quoted.The author, Julia Preston, actually first asked me “Is this Jeffrey Chase, the actor?”She had seen me perform in the play [Waterwell’s NY production of ‘The Courtroom’], and said I had sworn her in as a US citizen in the last scene, which, since she was born in Illinois, was something she had not previously experienced.
Hope your Actor’s Equity Card is in good standing, my friend!
Go on over to ImmigrationProf Blog at the above link for all of the links necessary to get the abstract as well as the full article. Among the many current and former Immigration Judges quoted or cited in the article are Jeffrey Chase, Ashley Tabaddor, Dana Marks, Lory Rosenberg, Robert Vinikoor, and me. (I’m sure I’m missing some of our other colleagues; it’s a very long article, but well worth the read.)
In an article full of memorable passages, here is one of my favorites:
Full enforcement of the law requires full enforcement of provisions that grant protection as well as provisions that restrict border entry. This is the part of “enforcement” that the Department of Justice is not equipped to fully understand. The agency’s fundamental commitment to controlling unauthorized immigration does not allow it a neutral, open position on asylum questions. The foundational separation and balance of powers concerns at the heart of Chevron require courts to recognize that inherent conflict of interest as a reason Congress is unlikely to have delegated unchecked power on refugee protection to the prosecuting agency. In our constitutional structure, the courts stand as an essential check on the executive power to deport and must provide robust review to fully enforce the congressional mandate to protect refugees. If the courts abdicate this vital function, they will be abdicating their distinctive role in ensuring the full enforcement of all of our immigration law—including those provisions that seek to ensure compliance with our international obligations to protect individuals facing the danger of persecution.
This is a point that my friend and colleague Judge Lory Rosenberg made often during our tenure together on the BIA. All too often, her pleas fell on deaf ears.
The now abandoned pre-2001 “vision statement” of EOIR was “to be the world’s best administrative tribunals, guaranteeing fairness and due process for all.” Nothing in there about “partnering” with DHS to remove more individuals, fulfilling quotas, “sending messages to stay home,” securing the border, jacking up volume, deterring migration, or advancing other politically motivated enforcement goals. Indeed, the proper role of EOIR is to insure fair and impartial adjudication and Due Process for individuals even in the face of constant pressures to “just go along to get along” with a particular Administration’s desires to favor the expedient over the just.
Under all Administrations, the duty to insure Due Process, fairness, full protections, and the granting to benefits to migrants under the law is somewhat shortchanged at EOIR in relation to the pressure to promote Executive enforcement objectives. But, the situation under the xenophobic, disingenuous, self-proclaimed “Immigration Enforcement Czar” Jeff Sessions is a true national disgrace and a blot on our entire legal system. If Congress won’t do its job by removing the Immigration Courts from the DOJ forthwith, the Article III courts must step in, as Maureen suggests.
Take it from a former judge: Quotas for Immigration Judges are a Bad Idea.
On March 30th, the U.S. Department of Justice and Attorney General Sessions announced that Immigration Judges will now be subject to case completion quotas. This unprecedented change will be effective October 1, 2018, and starting then, immigration judges will be subject to performance reviews (tied to job security and raises) that focus on meaningless numbers and disregards due process. As a recently retired immigration judge, I believe this decision is short sighted and not fair to judges, or to the parties that appear in court on either side (government or immigrant and their families), or to our legal system.
Attorney General Sessions says that the current back log in immigration courts is a primary reason for this entirely new quota system; however, I know from experience that quotas will not reduce backlog and will in fact increase our current backlog problems. About 15 years ago, former Attorney General John Ashcroft attempted to reduce backlogs at the Board of Immigration Appeals (the court that hears all the appeals from immigration judges’ decisions). Ashcroft eliminated the Board’s authority to review de novo (or, review as if hearing the case for the first time) decisions of the Immigration Judges with regard to findings of fact and determination of an immigrant respondent’s credibility. As a result, the Board began issuing summary two page decisions, with little or no legal analysis. Those shortened decisions did reduce the amount of time cases were pending before the Board of Immigration Appeals, but had the opposite effect on the actual backlog of immigration cases as thousands of petitions for review were filed throughout the country with the Courts of Appeal. Given the increase in the number of filings and the decrease in the thoroughness of the decision, the Courts of Appeal became extremely hostile to the quality, professionalism and final agency work product of the immigration court judges and particularly the Board. Many cases were remanded, or sent back to immigration judges, for new hearings based on perceived mistakes at the trial level or at the Board, resulting in further delays in court processing times and the issuance of final decisions.
Attorney General Sessions would do well to learn from his predecessor’s mistake. Sessions’ mandate that the judges decide cases “faster” and more “efficiently” ignores the fact that the immigration court judges are currently rendering decisions in a timely manner. However, immigration judges must also follow the constraints of due process, which means giving both sides an opportunity to present their case and then for the judge to fully consider the applicable law and issue a thoughtful decision. A system that evaluates immigration judge performance based on how fast they can complete cases will certainly undermine the quality and thoroughness of decisions. Current law and our legal system requires full and fair hearings, followed by a well-reasoned decision that is consistent with the facts and relevant law. An immigration judge should be evaluated based on quality not quantity. Moreover, quotas will likely produce hastily-made decisions and result in grave errors. As we have seen before, poor decisions will directly result in more appeals to the Board of Immigration Appeals and the Courts of Appeal, causing more delays and running contrary to the goals of the Attorney General.
An equally troubling consequence of the case completion requirement is the possibility of a judge’s decision being influenced by factors outside the facts of the case. For example, the court is asked for a continuance in many cases to await action or decision by the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) on pending applications. Such applications are “u” visas for crime victims, I-601A waivers for unlawful presence, I-130 visa petitions for family members of residents or citizens, or I-751 applications for certain individuals married to US citizens. By law, immigration judges cannot make a decision on these applications; USCIS has sole jurisdiction to make those decisions. To date, case law supports judges granting continuances, when it makes sense, in circumstances like these. However, under the new quota system, a judge could be influenced to deny a request for a continuance he or she otherwise would have reasonably granted, solely because of his concern about his completion numbers and keeping his job. That is not justice; it seems more like an assembly line. Similarly, in some cases a continuance may be necessary because of the need for additional evidence or because of a witness’s unavailability. But now, a judge will be hesitant to grant such a continuance if she is concerned about his completion numbers, salary, or job security.
Additionally, an arbitrary case completion number of 700 ignores the wide disparity of cases appearing before the immigration courts. Unrepresented cases at the border or cases in detention often are completed in expedited fashion where little or no relief is sought. However, in many of the interior courts, such as in Chicago where I was a judge, most applicants are represented, present multiple witnesses including experts, and submit sophisticated legal arguments requiring extended trial time. These interior courts complete far less merit cases than at the border, yet the decisions often involve more complex legal issues. To provide context, I’d guess that judges in the interior, working the same hours and pace as judges on the border, probably complete 400 or 500 cases per year. To average the nationwide completion rate completely ignores the wide disparity of decision complexity required in different parts of the country.
Finally, the new quotas are an affront to due process and our legal system. Immigration judges are required by law and the Constitution’s Fifth Amendment to exercise due process in all cases, considering all the facts of case. Judges currently do this and issue decisions in an expeditious manner as soon as possible; judges do not purposefully stall cases. Putting artificial pressure on judges to complete cases more quickly is wrong; Attorney General Sessions is essentially asking the judges to short cut or violate due process, by disregarding thoroughness, fairness, and litigants’ opportunity to be heard, and abandon current law-abiding procedures for case adjudication.
In short, I believe the administration’s plan to impose numeric quotas on immigration judges will not speed up “deportations” if this is their goal, and may result in unforeseen consequences that actual delay the fair hearing process that presently exists.
Judge Vinikoor joined the law firm of Minsky, McCormick & Hallagan, P.C., in 2017 after serving over 30 years as an Immigration Judge.
Judge Vinikoor was appointed as an Immigration Judge in January 1984. During his long tenure on the immigration bench, Judge Vinikoor has authored numerous precedent deciding cases covering topics such as crimes involving moral turpitude, aggravated felony offenses, frauds committed at time of entry and/or adjustment and claims to U.S. citizenship. Judge Vinikoor’s decisions helped define the age limitations for K-4 beneficiaries seeking adjustment of status, the use of Section 245(i) to waive inadmissibility, and the scope of numerous discretionary waivers. A number of published opinions have addressed Judge Vinikoor’s expert analysis in cases involving burden of proof, marriage fraud, and Section 216(c)(4) evidence. During the past 30 years Judge Vinikoor has heard evidence in asylum cases from around the world. His decisions have led to a better understanding of the scope and evidence needed to qualify as a “refugee” under the Immigration and Nationality Act. Upon his retirement from the bench, he was the second most senior Immigration Judge in the country.
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Prior to his retirement in 2017, my good friend and colleague Judge Bob Vinikoor was one of the most widely respected, indeed revered, U.S. Immigration Judges. Indeed, at the time of his retirement, he was #2 in seniority among all U.S. Immigration Judges.
He was widely known for his fairness, scholarship, kindness, practical wisdom, humor, and ability to “move” a docket while respecting everyone’s rights. In a rational judicial system, those in charge would be looking for a way to “clone” someone like Judge Vinikoor and use his knowledge and skills to teach and mentor younger judges, rather than letting him pass into retirement.
In the “Age of Trump & Sessions” — with a blatant effort underway to “dumb down” the U.S. Immigration Judiciary and reduce it to an assembly line operation — it’s highly unlikely that there will be more Judge Vinikoors. That’s a huge loss for everyone, but particularly for the cause of justice in America and for those who depend on the Immigration Court system to deliver potentially life saving Due Process and fairness!
“On September 4, immigration judge Denise Slavin followed orders from the Department of Justice to drop everything and travel to the U.S.-Mexico border. She would be leaving behind an overwhelming docket in Baltimore, but she was needed at “ground zero,” as Attorney General Jeff Sessions called it—the “sliver of land” where Americans take a stand against machete-wielding, poison-smuggling criminal gangs and drug cartels.
As part of a new Trump administration program to send justices on short-term missions to the border to speed up deportations and, Sessions pledged, reduce “significant backlogs in our immigration courts,” Slavin was to spend two weeks at New Mexico’s Otero County Processing Center.
But when Slavin arrived at Otero, she found her caseload was nearly half empty. The problem was so widespread that, according to internal Justice Department memos, nearly half the 13 courts charged with implementing Sessions’ directive could not keep their visiting judges busy in the first two months of the new program.
“Judges were reading the newspaper,” says Slavin, the executive vice president of the National Immigration Judges Association and an immigration judge since 1995. One, she told POLITICO Magazine, “spent a day helping them stock the supply room because she had nothing else to do.”
Slavin ended up leaving Otero early because she had no cases her last day. “One clerk said it was so great, it was like being on vacation,” she recalls.
In January, President Donald Trump signed an executive order directing the DOJ to deploy U.S. immigration judges to U.S. detention facilities—most of which are located on or near the U.S.-Mexico border. The temporary reassignments were intended to lead to more and faster deportations, as well astake some pressure off thecurrently overloaded immigration court system. But, according to interviews and internal DOJ memos, since the new policy went into effect in March, it seems to have had the opposite result: Judges have frequently had to cancel cases on their overloaded home dockets only to find barely any work at their assigned courts—exacerbating the U.S. immigration court backlog that now exceeds 600,000 cases.
According to internal memos sent by the DOJ’s Executive Office of Immigration Review (EOIR) and obtained by the National Immigrant Justice Center (NIJC) via a Freedom of Information Act request, judges delayed more than 20,000 home court hearings for their details to the border from March to May.
“I canceled about 100 cases in my home court to hear 20,” says Slavin, who was forced to postpone those Baltimore hearings by a year since her court schedule was already booked through most of 2018. In Otero, she had no more than 50 hours of work over the course of two weeks (she typically clocks 50 hours per week in Baltimore). But she couldn’t catch up on her work at home because she had no access to her files.
Her three colleagues at the facility who had also been ordered there by the DOJwere no busier. One who had been sent to Otero previously told her the empty caseloads were normal.
“Sending judges to the border has made the backlog in the interior of the country grow,” says Slavin, “It’s done exactly the opposite of what they hoped to accomplish.”
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On April 11 in Nogales, Arizona, Sessions formally rolled out the DOJ’s judge relocation program. “I am also pleased to announce a series of reforms regarding immigration judges to reduce the significant backlogs in our immigration courts,” he told the crowd of Customs and Border Protection personnel gathered to hear him. “Pursuant to the president’s executive order, we will now be detaining all adults who are apprehended at the border. To support this mission, we have already surged 25 immigration judges to detention centers along the border.”
The idea was to send U.S. immigration court judges currently handling “non-detained” immigration cases—cases such as final asylum decisions and immigrants’ applications for legal status—to centers where they would only adjudicate cases of those detained crossing the U.S.-Mexico border, along with others who had been picked up by ICE for possible deportation. More judges would follow, the attorney general said.
But as Sessions spoke, nearly half of those 25 “surge” judges—whose deployments typically last two weeks or a month—were largely unoccupied. One week before the attorney general’s Nogales announcement, EOIR—the Justice Department office that handles immigration cases—published an internal memo identifying six of 13 detention centersas offering inadequate work for their visiting justices.
“There are not enough cases to fill one immigration judge’s docket, let alone five,” the DOJ wrote of Texas’ T. Don Hutto facility, which had been assigned five Miami judges to hold hearings via video teleconference with the women detained there.
One judge sent to the South Texas Residential Center, a family detention facility, had no cases at all; a judge at another family facility, Karnes Residential Center, had a “light” docket; and Texas’ Prairieland Detention Center, which had received a judge, also was “not receiving enough cases to fill a docket or even come close to it,” the memo stated.
The two judges assigned to New Mexico’s Cibola Detention Facility also had barely any work to do, and Louisiana’s La Salle Detention Center—not on the border but treated as such in its receipt of five “surge” judges—had similarly been overstaffed. “There is not enough work for five judges,” said one DOJ memo. “There is enough work for a reasonable docket and three judges.”
The Justice Department documents also revealed a number of logistical issues with the border courts, including a lack of phone lines or internet connectivity, and noise infiltrating the courtroom from the detention facility. “The courtrooms at Imperial Regional Detention Facility are not suitable for in-person hearings because security is wholly inadequate,” said one memo of the California facility. “The court cannot do telephonic interpreters and the request for in-person interpreters remains pending. … Last week an immigration judge was left in the courtroom without a bailiff.”
Meanwhile, the judges sent to the border were forced to abandon thousands of home court cases—which the DOJ was aware could increase pressure on the U.S. immigration court system, where a specialized cadre of judges handles questions over whether people can remain in the country or face deportation. “It is likely that the backlog will increase for the locations from which a judge is assigned,” predicted one March 29 document, which also projected the deployments would cost $21 million per fiscal year.
Within the first three months of the program, judges postponed about 22,000 cases around the country, including 2,774 in New York City alone, according to the DOJ memos. (The delays added to an already clogged system: New York City’s immigration court backlog stood at 81,842 as of July, according to the immigration data tracker TRAC Immigration.)
When asked about these FOIA documents, and why the DOJ had deployed judges where they were not needed, a Justice Department spokesmanresponded that the program had improved in recent months. “After the initial deployment, an assessment was done to determine appropriate locations to increase the adjudication of immigration court cases without compromising due process,” he said.
Immigration judges and advocates acknowledge that the program has slightly improved since May—but many say that’s largely because the DOJ is sending fewer judges on temporary missions. “Some of the least productive assignments have either been discontinued or converted to video teleconferencing hearings, and it seems that fewer judges are being sent overall,” says National Association of Immigration Judges President Dana Marks, who serves as an immigration judge in San Francisco. But, she says, “the basic problem still persists.”
More than 100 total judges have been reassigned since March, but Politico was not able to obtain data on whether deployments are declining or increasing, or how many judges are still facing empty caseloads.
The spokesperson declined to comment on Slavin’s experience at Otero. But the DOJ discontinued deployments to Otero this month, as soon as Slavin completed her assignment there.
The U.S. immigration court backlog has increased under Trump, moving from 540,000 in January to 600,000 in July. But the DOJ spokesperson denied thatthe deployments were responsible for the bump, instead blaming the overloaded system on the Obama administration’s policies. He noted that the first six months of the Trump administration had seen a14.5 percent increase in final immigration court rulings from the previous year,and that more than 90 percent of cases by “surge” judges had led to deportation orders.
But just because judges have ruled on more cases doesn’t mean the Trump administration hasn’t worsened the backlog, NIJC communications director Tara Tidwell Cullen says. In fact, it could likely mean the opposite. Trump’s first six months in power saw 40 percent more immigration arrests in the country’s interior than the year before, adding more cases to already overloaded dockets.
“The ‘home’ courts where judges are sent from continue to be understaffed and their caseloads are adversely impacted as judges are sent to temporary assignments,” adds Marks, the San Francisco judge. Adding to the problem, she points out, istheadministration’s decision to detain immigrants without allowing the Department of Homeland Security to grant them bonds. Now, detainees have to go to immigration court to get a bond, creating extra work for those justices.
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Not everyone thinks sending judges to the border is a bad idea.
“The best use of resources is to throw them all at detention,” says Leon Fresco, who served as deputy assistant attorney general under President Barack Obama. Judges typically release individuals detained for more than 90 days with no trial on habeas corpus, he explains, in which case the government has “wasted money in detaining them” to start. Better, then, to hear all the detained cases quickly.
Any administration will have to make tough calls, says Fresco. “You have just about 300 judges to hear more than 500,000 cases, so you have to prioritize.” Under Obama, the DOJ—while it hadn’t sent judges to the border—had also prioritized recent border crossers in order to send a message that the U.S. would immediately hear their cases, rather than allow them to “wait eight years to be adjudicated” while staying in the country, Fresco says. Trump’s priorities similarly send a message to potential border crossers that “we do have quick justice.”
The problem, Fresco adds, is that the Trump administration has been clumsy in its border deployments—sending judges to places where they aren’t needed. “There are ways to do this, but they need to be more flexible and nimble, and they’re not being as nimble as they can be,” he says. “EOIR is an agency badly in need of some sort of consulting firm. … There’s still too little rhyme or reason about how case assignments work—you shouldn’t have weeks with judges with hours of idle time.”
Chicago immigration judge Robert D. Vinikoor says his deployment went smoothly. He had a full caseload in his two-week detail at Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego this April, and he maintains that the reassigned judges were necessary to get immigrants out of detention as expeditiously as possible. “DHS is detaining more and more people and keeping them in custody, so that’s the need for the judges,” says Vinikoor, who retired in June after serving 33 years as an immigration judge. “The question is: Are they over-detailing? In some cases they put the cart before the horse.”
But Marks, who has been an immigration judge for 30 years, disagrees. Even if the DOJ gets deployments right, she says, the surge policy shows the administration has the wrong priorities. She says the administration’s biggest mistake was making a “politically motivated decision” and not consulting immigration judges. “The judges weren’t asked and that’s always been our big frustration,” she says.” The judges are the ones who are the experts in handling their cases.”
Marks notes that her union had similar frustrations with the Obama administration’s prioritization of recent border crossers—predominantly Central American women and children seeking asylum—to send a message they would be deported quickly if they could not prove they qualified for asylum. That decision, she says, worsened the backlog, too.
The overloaded system jeopardizes due process for immigrants, says NIJC’s policy director Heidi Altman, who filed the FOIA for EOIR’s memos after hearing about “chaos” in the courts when the border details began.
“When the backlog is exacerbated it makes it exponentially harder for us and other legal services to take on clients,” says Altman, whose NIJC organizes pro-bono attorneys handling immigration cases, which do not guarantee legal representation. Without a lawyer handling a case, she says, it is less likely to proceed fairly.
But there’s another reason that Trump might want to reconsider the border surge, says John Sandweg, former acting director of ICE under the Obama administration: It takes the pressure off the undocumented immigrants who have lived in the country for years and may be fighting to prevent an order of deportation.“They’re basically giving amnesty ironically to the non-detained docket.”
“By shifting the judges away they’ll never have their hearing so they’ll never be ordered deported,” he says. “You’re letting them stay.”
