Partner
Owings & MacNorlin
Atlanta, GA
Immigration Reporter
Gabby Del Valle reports in The Verge:
. . . .
Owings had left Monroe decades earlier to attend a small liberal arts college in Tennessee, where she studied English and Russian. After graduation, she moved to Georgia, where she worked as a preschool teacher for a year before going to law school. During her first seven years as an immigration attorney, she fought for her clients in Atlanta’s notoriously punitive immigration courts.
“For a long time, that was the only place I saw how things worked,” she said, “so I thought it was normal for a judge to be like, ‘Fuck you.’ Because that’s how things are here.”
Owings began taking cases in more isolated parts of the state. Almost every month, she drove 150 miles south of Atlanta, deep into rural Georgia, to visit clients detained at the Stewart Detention Center in Lumpkin. Stewart had opened in 2006, a year before Owings got her license. When it opened, the facility was so remote that it didn’t have a court of its own. The Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR), the federal agency that oversees the nation’s immigration courts, had yet to find judges who wanted to live in Lumpkin, a rural town of fewer than 2,000 pockmarked by vacant storefronts, where there are more immigrant detainees than actual residents. While it scrambled to bring the legal system to rural Georgia, the agency came up with a high-tech solution. Since it couldn’t get judges to come to Lumpkin, it would bring the detainees to Atlanta — not physically, but through videoconference.
Owings could have fought her clients’ cases remotely, too, from Atlanta, but it was important to be with them in person. For most of a decade, she worked this way: Atlanta, Lumpkin, court, new cases, asylum granted — or, more likely, denied.
Ten years and two presidential administrations later, the virtual courtrooms Owings had fought against had expanded to her hometown. Under President Trump, a crop of new detention centers began opening up in Louisiana in 2018 and early 2019, just a few hours from Monroe. “I was mad at my state, my home state, for having allowed this to happen,” she said. Owings expanded her practice to Louisiana in spring 2019 and started flying down to Monroe and crashing at her parents’ house the night before hearings.
In Lumpkin, Owings had seen firsthand how the government used rural, isolated detention centers to warehouse immigrants out of sight, far from their families, their lawyers (if they had any), and from anyone who might care about what happened to them. She had seen how private prison companies wooed local officials, convincing them that turning vacant local jails into immigrant detention centers would reverse decades of economic stagnation. The big business of detainees would save Louisiana’s dying towns.
But Owings understood the cost of opening detention centers. “We have these small jurisdictions that bit down on a dirty nickel hard because they’re starving for money. And so they’re going to lock up a bunch of humans in these conditions,” she said. “There’s going to be civil rights violations, there’s going to be medical neglect, there’s going to be terrible things that happen, and people are going to be put into these little boxes and forgotten about so that they can be disposed of as quickly as possible and made as miserable as possible through the process.”
As Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s (ICE) network of detention centers spread across the state, Owings’ fears quickly materialized. Like the immigrants she represented in Georgia at the beginning of her career, the people imprisoned in Louisiana are kept hundreds of miles away from lawyers and advocacy organizations that could help them — and now, even from the judges who determine whether they can stay in the country.
One of those jurisdictions is Winn Parish, a rural community in northern Louisiana, an hour-and-a-half drive from Owings’ childhood home. In 2019, the local government agreed to convert a local prison into an ICE detention center. That facility, the Winn Correctional Center, is where Samuel spent four of his six months in federal custody.
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Read Gabby’s complete article at the link, including the unusual “happy ending” for “Refugee Samuel.”
What was the point of Samuel’s detention? Of course, there wasn’t any! No legitimate point anyway!
He wasn’t a danger to society, and he wasn’t a “flight risk,” particularly with Sarah Owings representing him. The real reason was to punish him for seeking legal refugee, to coerce him into giving up his claim, and also to harass Owings by making her life more difficult. Unpleasant as Immigration Court tries to be these days, representing someone in detention in the middle of nowhere can be even worse. What a waste of taxpayer money that could be used to address pressing problems!
I feel for the residents of places like Winn Parish. Certainly, if we put our heads together, we could help them come up with some type of economic development that would use their skills and work ethic, without exploiting the human misery of others. Maybe these are the types of ideas that both immigrant entrepreneurs and immigration/human rights advocates have to work on along with Americans in economic distress. Perhaps refugees like Samuel, creative, courageous folks who have had to “reinvent themselves” in a strange land could help out!
Last night, I was on a “Zoom Seminar” dealing with the lessons from the Netflix series “Immigration Nation.” One of my fellow panelists was a doctor from Cuba who had spent a lengthy time in DHS detention and been treated badly before finally being granted asylum with the help of counsel.
Nobody in the audience could fathom why their taxpayer dollars had been used to unnecessarily detain and abuse this talented individual Obviously, she was neither a security nor a flight risk. Rather, her presence in the U.S. as a recognized refugee benefits both her and our country.
We had to explain to the audience that immigration detention these days has more to do with punishment, coercion, and a race-driven White Nationalist immigration agenda than it does with any legitimate governmental purpose. The “New American Gulag” is just another par of the Trump regime’s false immigration narrative that neither Congress nor the Article III courts have bothered to critically examine.
In some ways, Sarah and Samuel might have caught a break; apparently the San Diego Immigration Judge both understood asylum and protection laws and was unafraid to go against “Billy the Bigot’s” preferred result of deny everything. Hats off to that Immigration Judge for courageously “doing the right thing” even in the face of political pressure to cut corners and railroad refugees out of the country without due process!
All to often, the highly politicized EOIR — “Home of The American Star Chamber” stocks detention center “courts” with judges whom they believe to be predisposed to the White Nationalist “deny, discourage, disparage, and deport” program. Seldom are they disappointed; at most detention center “kangaroo” courts the denial rates hover close to 100%.
Adding insult to injury, some of the worst judges, with horrible public reputations for unfair and rude treatment of asylum seekers and their attorneys, and astronomical asylum denial rates, were actually promoted by “Billy the Bigot” to his wholly owned and highly biased appellate “tribunal,” known as the BIA. Some of these unqualified judges were from the Atlanta Immigration Court, whose attitude toward refugees and their attorneys was accurately portrayed by Owings as “so I thought it was normal for a judge to be like, ‘Fuck you.’”
Advocacy groups have made a well-documented case for Atlanta as an “asylum free zone.” Its “judges” apparently revel in that reputation. So much so, that Billy the Bigot seeks to make Atlanta the “model” for his entire unconstitutional “court system” that isn’t a “court system” in any normal sense of the word — except, perhaps, in as the term would be used in a corrupt third-world dictatorship.
Many thanks to Sarah Owings for dong this work and for doing it so well and faithfully under such difficult circumstances. You are truly an “American heroine,” Sarah!
To state the obvious, a system run in accordance with our Constitution, that honored human dignity, and that actually sought “full due process with efficiency” would have dedicated due process, practical-solution-oriented individuals like Sarah on a new, independent, Article I Immigration Bench. Additionally, the immigration appellate level is sorely hurting for judges with the necessary qualifications.
I hope that the day won’t be far off when Sarah and many of her courageous and multi-talented colleagues in the “New Due Process Army” will assume their proper roles on the Federal Bench and in the immigration policy apparatus.
The inexcusable national disgrace and abrogation of justice taking place in Atlanta, Lumpkin, Jena, Winn Parish, and many other “Immigration Star Chambers” is helping to fuel the continuing racial injustices in Minneapolis, Milwaukee, Memphis, Rochester, and numerous other locations throughout our nation.
“Dred Scottification” is all about “dehumanization of the other before the law.” The failure of the Article III Judiciary, starting with the feckless Supremes, and our inept Congress to put an end to these racist-inspired abuses in Immigration Court and elsewhere is a national tragedy of the highest and most debilitating proportions: One that is literally ripping our country apart.
It also shows why we need a new, diverse, representative, progressive Federal Judiciary with judges committed to due process, equal justice, racial justice, and social justice. We’re a long way from that now; and the existential struggles our nation is experiencing at all levels, and the scandalous inability of our institutions competently to solve problems in a constructive manner, shows why change and progress must start sooner rather than later!
Due Process Forever!
PWS
09-09-20