U.N. RECOGNIZES RIGHTS OF “ENVIRONMENTAL REFUGEES!” — No immediate impact expected

Rob Picheta
Rob Picheta
Digital Journalist
CNN

https://www.cnn.com/2020/01/20/world/climate-refugees-unhrc-ruling-scli-intl/index.html

Rob Picheta reports for CNN:

Refugees fleeing the effects of the climate crisis cannot be forced to return home by their adoptive countries, a United Nations panel has ruled, in a landmark decision that could open the door to a flood of legal claims by displaced people around the world.

The UN’s Human Rights Committee was making a judgment on the case of Ioane Teitiota, who applied for protection from New Zealand after claiming his life was at risk in his home country of Kiribati. The Pacific island is at risk of becoming the first country to disappear under rising sea levels.

The committee ruled against Teitiota on the basis that his life was not at imminent risk — but it also outlined that countries could violate people’s international rights if they force them back to countries where climate change poses an immediate threat.

“Without robust national and international efforts, the effects of climate change in receiving states may expose individuals to a violation of their rights,” its ruling said.

It’s unlikely the ruling will have an immediate impact on citizens of other countries, given that even Kiribati’s dire situation did not meet the threshold for Teitiota’s claim to succeed. But the decision could have a significant impact on future claims, as the number of people forced from their homes from the intensifying climate emergency grows.

Droughts, crop failure and rising seas are expected to forcetens of millions to move to other areas in the coming years. A 2018 study by the World Bank found that 143 million people across South Asia, sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America are at risk of becoming climate migrants.

In its ruling, the committee cited articles 6 and 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which ensure an individual’s inherent right to life.

“Given that the risk of an entire country becoming submerged under water is such an extreme risk, the conditions of life in such a country may become incompatible with the right to life with dignity before the risk is realized,” its decision added.

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has identified Teitiota’s home nation of Kiribati as one of the six Pacific Island countries most threatened by rising sea levels. The report claims that, due to coastal erosion and freshwater contamination, Kiribati could become uninhabitable as early as 2050.

It has been among a group of Pacific nations sounding the alarm over climate change in recent years but has run up against resistance from nearby Australia.

**********

Kind of reminds me of hypos in some academic articles and law school case books. Only, this problem is real! And, this might only be the beginning. 

What’s going to happen when Bangladesh sinks below sea level? Seems like it would be prudent to have elected leaders who acknowledge the problem and at least think about solutions, rather than just pretending like it doesn’t exist.

PWS

01-23-20

AS IMMIGRATION COURT BACKLOGS CONTINUE TO SPIRAL OUT OF CONTROL, TRUMP REGIME TURNS TOWARD PUNISHING MIGRANTS FLEEING LEFT-WING AUTHORITARIAN STATES — Cuban, Venezuelan, Nicaraguan Dissidents Now Squarely In Sights Of Regime’s White Nationalist Enforcement Agenda! — “To put this recent 65,929-case growth in the backlog in perspective, assuming the pace of new filings continues at the existing rate and each judge met their administration-imposed quota of closing 700 cases a year, it would still require the court to hire almost 400 new judges – while stemming resignations and retirements among current judges – to stop the backlog from growing further. And a much larger round of judge hirings than this would be required in order to begin to reduce the backlog.”

Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse

Cubans, Venezuelans, and Nicaraguans Increase in Immigration Court Backlog

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

The fastest growing segments of the Immigration Court backlog are now Cubans, Venezuelans, and Nicaraguans. Between September 2018, when fiscal year 2018 drew to a close, and December 2019, Cubans in the backlog increased by 374 percent, Venezuela increased by 277 percent, and Nicaraguans increased by 190 percent. These rates of increase stand out when compared to the overall growth of 42 percent across all nationalities during this same period.

Despite the many actions by the Trump Administration designed to stem the growth in the Immigration Court backlog, the court’s backlog continues to climb. In just the three-month period from October through December 2019 the backlog has grown by 65,929 new cases. The court ended December 2019 with 1,089,696 in its active backlog.

To put this recent 65,929-case growth in the backlog in perspective, assuming the pace of new filings continues at the existing rate and each judge met their administration-imposed quota of closing 700 cases a year, it would still require the court to hire almost 400 new judges – while stemming resignations and retirements among current judges – to stop the backlog from growing further. And a much larger round of judge hirings than this would be required in order to begin to reduce the backlog.

To read the full report, go to:

https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/591/To examine the court’s backlog in more detail, now updated through December 2019, use TRAC’s free backlog app:

https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/court_backlog/Additional free web query tools which track Immigration Court proceedings have also been updated through December 2019. For an index to the full list of TRAC’s immigration tools and their latest update go to:

https://trac.syr.edu/imm/tools/If you want to be sure to receive notifications whenever updated data become available, sign up at:

https://tracfed.syr.edu/cgi-bin/tracuser.pl?pub=1&list=immFollow us on Twitter at

https://twitter.com/tracreportsor like us on Facebook:

https://facebook.com/tracreportsTRAC is self-supporting and depends on foundation grants, individual contributions and subscription fees for the funding needed to obtain, analyze and publish the data we collect on the activities of the US Federal government. To help support TRAC’s ongoing efforts, go to:

https://trac.syr.edu/cgi-bin/sponsor/sponsor.pl

****************************************
The awful, unconstitutional mess in our Immigration Courts is a direct result of the regime’s “malicious incompetence” leading to round after round of “Aimless Docket Reshuffling” (“ADR”). Contrary to the regime’s false narratives and distortions these backlogs are NOT primarily the result of either a) systematic use of dilatory tactics by migrants and their attorneys, or b) lack of work ethic on the part of Immigration Judges and court staff.
Those of us “in my age group” can remember when a concerted attack on those fleeing from Communist countries or other leftist dictatorships would have earned more immediate “pushback” from the GOP both from Congress and from those within GOP Administrations.
Indeed, the Reagan Administration famously just stopped enforcing deportation orders against Nicaraguans in South Florida, even if they had been denied asylum, without ever announcing a formal policy of “deferred action.” This eventually led to creation of “Temporary Protected Status” by Congress and the “Nicaraguan and Central American Relief Act” (“NACARA”) to grant lawful permanent resident status to nationals of Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Guatemala, as well as some former Soviet-Bloc nationals who were in the U.S. without status.
As a former Immigraton Judge who saw the many positive effects of NACARA, it was one of the “smartest ever” bipartisan immigration programs enacted by Congress. It gave many deserving and hard-working families a chance to become permanent residents and eventually citizens. At the same time, it was easy to administer — so easy in fact that many asylum cases could be sent from the the Immigration Courts to the Asylum Offices for adjudication under NACARA, thereby freeing time and space on overcrowded court dockets. Moreover, the NACARA program was self-supporting, being financed from the filing fees charged by USCIS.
Basically, it was a win-win for everyone.
Similarly, the Bush I Administration declined to deport Chinese resistors to the “one-child” policy even where they had been denied asylum under the standards then in effect. This eventually led to a bipartisan amendment to the “refugee” definition to include those opposed to “coercive population control.”
A wiser Administration would draw on the many favorable lessons learned from TPS and NACARA to propose a large-scale legalization program to Congress. In the meantime, those with long residence and no serious crimes could be taken off Immigration Court dockets and granted work authorization pending Congressional action.
With dockets thus cleared of those with substantial equities whose removal actually would harm our national interests, the Immigration Courts could once again begin working “in the present tense” on cases of more recent arrivals who have not yet established equities. And it wouldn’t take another 400 Immigration Judges to put non-detained cases on a more reasonable and achievable 6-18 month completion schedule.
As it is, unless and until the Article III courts do their constitutional duty, or we have regime change and an independent Article I Immigration Court, the backlogs and injustices will continue to grow.

Due Process Forever!

PWS
01-22-20

WILLIAM SALETAN @ SLATE: “Trump Is a Remorseless Advocate of Crimes Against Humanity” – “But Trump’s election and his persistent approval from more than 40 percent of Americans are a reminder that nothing in our national character protects us from becoming a rapacious, authoritarian country. What protects us are institutions that stop us from doing our worst.” 

William Saletan
William Saletan
Writer & Political Journalist
Slate

https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2020/01/trump-remorseless-advocate-crimes-against-humanity.html

 

Saletan writes:

It’s hard to keep up with President Donald Trump’s scandals. One day he’s covering up taxpayer-funded travel expenses for his family. The next, he’s stealing money for his border wall. The next, he’s being implicated by an accomplice in the extortion of Ukraine. But one horror is right out in the open: Trump is a remorseless advocate of crimes against humanity. His latest threats against Iran, Iraq, and Syria are a reminder that he’s as ruthless as any foreign dictator. He’s just more constrained.

Trump admires tyrants and defends their atrocities. He has excused North Korean dictator Kim Jong-un’s mass executions (“Yeah, but so have a lot of other people”) and Russian President Vladimir Putin’s murders of journalists and dissidents (“At least he’s a leader”). As a presidential candidate, Trump shrugged off the gravity of using chemical weapons. “Saddam Hussein throws a little gas, everyone goes crazy,” he joked.

At home, Trump has encouraged religious persecution and political violence. He called for a ban on Muslims entering the United States (he later imposed a modified version of the ban) and for collective punishment of Muslims who live here. As a candidate, Trump urged his supporters to “knock the crap out of” protesters. In 2018, at a political rally, he praised a Republican congressman for criminally assaulting a reporter. “Any guy that can do a body slam,” said Trump, “he’s my guy.”

Trump has long advocated war crimes. He has endorsed torture not just for information, but because our enemies “deserve it.” As a candidate, he proposed that for the sake of “retribution,” the United States should “take out” the families of terrorists. Wives and children were legitimate targets, he argued, because by killing them, we could deter terrorists who “care more about their families than they care about themselves.” Two months ago, he intervened in legal and military proceedings to thwart punishment of three American servicemen who had been indicted for or convicted of atrocities. Then he deployed the men in his reelection campaign.

Trump agrees with past presidents that we and our terrorist adversaries have played by “two [different] sets of rules.” But unlike his predecessors, he takes no pride in America’s higher standards. He sees them as a needless impediment, defended by “weak” and “stupid” people. In 2016, Trump complained that ISIS was “cutting off the heads of Christians and drowning them in cages, and yet we are too politically correct to respond in kind.” Torture laws should be relaxed, he argued, “so that we can better compete with a vicious group of animals.” “You have to play the game the way they’re playing the game,” he explained.

Trump takes no pride in America’s higher standards. He sees them as a needless impediment, defended by “weak” and “stupid” people.

Some presidents have caused pain through recklessness or indifference. Trump inflicts pain on purpose. To deter migration from Latin America, his administration separated migrant parents from their children. Trump argued that the separation was a “disincentive.” Too many people, he explained, were “coming up because they’re not going to be separated from their children.” Later, he used the same sadistic logic to force a migration in Syria. He boasted that by facilitating Turkey’s invasion of that country, he had precipitated the “pain and suffering” necessary to compel Syrian Kurds “to leave.”

In Africa and the Middle East, Trump proudly advocates plunder. In October, he said the United States should have taken Iraq’s oil to make sure we were “paid back” for the costs of our occupation of that country. In Syria, he stationed U.S. forces at oil fields, explaining that he viewed those fields as a revenue stream. (“$45 million a month? Keep the oil.”) He proposed a business arrangement to exploit Syria’s oil: “What I intend to do, perhaps, is make a deal with an ExxonMobil or one of our great companies to go in there and do it properly.” Last Friday, in a Fox News interview, the president repeated that he cared only about the oil. “I left troops to take the oil,” he told Laura Ingraham. “The only troops I have are taking the oil.”

Two weeks ago, the United States killed Iranian Gen. Qassem Soleimani in a drone strike.
To deter retaliation, Trump threatened to bomb Iran’s cultural sites—an explicit war crime. “If Iran strikes any Americans, or American assets,” he tweeted, “we have targeted 52 Iranian sites … some at a very high level & important to Iran & the Iranian culture, and those targets, and Iran itself, WILL BE HIT VERY FAST AND VERY HARD.” In an exchange with reporters, Trump dismissed legal objections to his threat. “They’re allowed to kill our people. They’re allowed to torture and maim our people,” he fumed. “And we’re not allowed to touch their cultural site? It doesn’t work that way.”

Iraq’s Parliament, furious that Trump had killed Soleimani on its soil and without its consent, voted to expel American troops. But Trump refused to comply unless Iraq paid ransom. “We have a very extraordinarily expensive air base that’s there,” he told reporters. “We’re not leaving unless they pay us back for it.” He threatened to “charge them [the Iraqis] sanctions like they’ve never seen before.” Later, Trump told Ingraham that Iraq would also “have to pay us for embassies.” When she asked him how he planned to extract the payment, Trump replied, “We have $35 billion of their money right now sitting in an account. And I think they’ll agree to pay. … Otherwise, we’ll stay there.”

Trump views the military as a mercenary force he can send around the world for hire. A Very Stable Genius, the new book by Philip Rucker and Carol Leonnig of the Washington Post, describes a White House meeting at which Trump said American troop deployments should yield a profit. Trump told Ingraham he’s doing exactly that: “We’re sending more [troops] to Saudi Arabia, and Saudi Arabia’s paying us for it.” He recounted his business pitch to the Saudis: “You want more troops? I’m going to send them to you, but you’ve got to pay us.” And he proudly reported that the Saudis had accepted the deal. “They’re paying us,” he told Ingraham. “They’ve already deposited $1 billion in the bank.”

Trump’s amorality—his complete indifference to rules against theft, abuse, exploitation, and killing—is a public relations problem for his apologists. They struggle to cover it up. First they softened his Muslim ban to a “travel ban” on certain majority-Muslim countries. Then they concocted non-sadistic rationales for his family-separation policy. Last week, after Trump threatened Iran’s cultural sites, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo assured the public that Trump would obey the law. Pompeo also whitewashed Trump’s threats against Iraq, insisting that American troops were in that country to protect its “sovereignty.” Mark Esper, the secretary of defense, claimed that when Trump spoke of Saudi Arabia paying for U.S. troop deployments, “What the president is referring to is burden sharing.”

But Trump refuses to be silenced. Hours after Pompeo promised that the president wouldn’t target Iran’s cultural sites, Trump repeated that he would. Later, Trump stiff-armed Ingraham’s attempts to clean up his language about stealing Syrian oil. “I left troops to take the oil,” he told her. She tried to correct him: “We’re not taking the oil. They’re protecting the facilities.” Trump shrugged off this reformulation. “Well, maybe we will, maybe we won’t,” he said. “Maybe we should take it. But we have the oil.”

Having an evil president doesn’t make the United States evil. We have a lot to be proud of: a culture of freedom, a strong constitution, vigorous courts, democratic accountability, and laws that protect minorities and human rights. On balance, we’ve been a force for good in the world. But Trump’s election and his persistent approval from more than 40 percent of Americans are a reminder that nothing in our national character protects us from becoming a rapacious, authoritarian country. What protects us are institutions that stop us from doing our worst.

Thanks to Magda Werkmeister and Daijing Xu for research assistance.

 

*********************************************

I’d argue that far from being a strong bulwark against Trump’s authoritarian tyranny, our democratic institutions – Congress, Article III Courts, the bureaucracy, and even much of the media — are in a state of constant meltdown under his regime’s relentless attacks. We can see that graphically played out every day in the GOP’s largely fact free and totally dishonest defense of Trump’s running roughshod over both the Congress and our Constitution.

I can’t detect a sliver of desire on the part of the GOP and its enablers to hold Trump accountable for any misdeed — even soliciting foreign interference in our electoral process and then lying to cover it up. The facts really aren’t in dispute here. Whether the U.S. could survive another four years of Trump and remain a democratic republic is still, unfortunately, an open question.

We can hope for the best. But, without “regime change” in November 2020, the worst might still be ahead.

In the meantime, the Article III Courts should do their constitutional duty and stop “coddling” the regime’s various schemes and gimmicks to commit, encourage, and enable “crimes against humanity.” We certainly aren’t going to get any accountability or restraint on Trump’s misconduct and open contempt for American institutions from a Congress where the Senate is led by “Moscow Mitch” and his enablers.

 

PWS

01-22-20

 

BIA’S “GONZO HIRING PLAN” & OTHER TALES FROM THE TRUMP REGIME TWILIGHT ZONE – The Gibson Report – 01-20-21 — Compiled By Elizabeth Gibson, Esquire, NY Legal Assistance Group

Elizabeth Gibson
Elizabeth Gibson
Attorney, NY Legal Assistance Group
Publisher of “The Gibson Report”

TOP UPDATES

 

New push to grant immigrants right to counsel gains support from advocates and lawmakers

Daily News: Legislation is being introduced Wednesday by Sen. Brad Hoylman (D-Manhattan) and Assemblywoman Catalina Cruz (D-Queens) that would create a statutory right to a lawyer for any New Yorker facing deportation who cannot afford an attorney on their own.​ See also What to look for in criminal justice reform in New York in 2020.

 

DOJ Hiring 36 New BIA Members

USAJobs: This listings appear to be for positions around the country and are likely aimed at obtaining faster denials.

 

The U.S. is putting asylum seekers on planes to Guatemala — often without telling them where they’re going

WaPo: [D]uring its first weeks, asylum seekers and human rights advocates say, migrants have been put on planes without being told where they were headed, and left here without being given basic instruction about what to do next. See also Central American migrants ford river into Mexico, chuck rocks and U.S. and Mexico Continue Interior Repatriation Initiative.

 

Green Light Law could cut access to DMV records for police agencies

WKBW: The Green Light Law no longer allows access to DMV records unless the law enforcement agencies agree not to share it with federal agencies like Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).… [N]ot all police and sheriff agencies met a January 11th deadline to sign the agreement and that means they cannot access DMV photos. See also NY Department Of Financial Services And Division Of Human Rights Take Action To Protect New York Drivers From Discrimination In Auto Insurance Based On Immigration Status.

 

White House considering dramatic expansion of travel ban

AP: Several of the people said they expected the announcement to be timed to coincide with the third anniversary of Trump’s first, explosive travel ban, which was announced without warning on Jan. 27, 2017 — days after Trump took office.

 

AP visits immigration courts across US, finds nonstop chaos

AP: “It is just a cumbersome, huge system, and yet administration upon administration comes in here and tries to use the system for their own purposes,” says Immigration Judge Amiena Khan in New York City, speaking in her role as vice president of the National Association of Immigration Judges. “And in every instance, the system doesn’t change on a dime, because you can’t turn the Titanic around.” The Associated Press visited immigration courts in 11 different cities more than two dozen times during a 10-day period in late fall.

 

Under the ‘Remain in Mexico’ policy, just 0.2% of cases result in relief

Guardian: Of the 56,000 cases brought under MPP only 117, or 0.2% of cases, have so far led to asylum relief for applicants, according to data from a monitoring project at Syracuse University. On Tuesday, House Democrats launched an investigation into the process, describing it as “a dangerously flawed policy that threatens the health and safety of legitimate asylum seekers – including women, children, and families” that “should be abandoned”.

 

US held record number of migrant children in custody in 2019

AP: This month, new government data shows the little girl is one of an unprecedented 69,550 migrant children held in U.S. government custody over the past year, enough infants, toddlers, kids and teens to overflow the typical NFL stadium.

 

Tent Immigration Courts Are Still Not Fully Open to the Public

AIC: By law, immigration courts must be accessible to everyone. But the government has denied access to these secretive courts since they opened in September 2019.

 

Hong Kong airline makes woman take pregnancy test before flying to Saipan

CNN: Saipan, part of the US commonwealth of Northern Mariana Islands, has emerged as a favorite destination for “birth tourism” — the practice of foreign nationals giving birth on US soil to ensure their babies become American citizens.

 

The CDC Is Screening Passengers At Three U.S. Airports For Chinese Coronavirus That Has Killed Two

Forbes: The three U.S. airports that will conduct screenings — JFK, SFO and LAX — receive most of the inbound travelers from Wuhan. Screening will begin with questionnaires that ask passengers about symptoms such as cough or fever, as well as if there has been any contact with meat or seafood markets in Wuhan. In addition, screeners will take a temperature check of passengers, said Dr. Cetron.

 

‘Treated like a terrorist’: US deports growing number of Iranian students with valid visas from US airports

Guardian: Last year, the Guardian reported US authorities were increasingly stopping Iranian students from boarding US-bound flights without informing them their visas had been cancelled prior to travel. In recent months, however, a growing number of Iranians with valid student visas have been detained upon arrival at US airports by Customs and Border Protection and deported back to Iran.

 

LITIGATION/CASELAW/RULES/MEMOS

 

USCIS Rejection of Form I-918 Due to Claimed Incompleteness

USCIS published an alert on its webpage for Form I-918, Petition for U Nonimmigrant Status, stating that it may reject Form I-918 or Form I-918 Supplement A if any field is left blank, unless the field is optional. AILA Doc. No. 20011330

 

New Acting ACIJ in New York

EOIR: Effective January 19, ACIJ Kevin Mart will begin serving as the Acting ACIJ for the New York – Broadway, New York – Varick, Fishkill, and Ulster Immigration Courts. ACIJ Mart is currently the ACIJ for the Louisville Immigration Court. ACIJ Sheila McNulty will begin her new role as Acting Deputy Chief Immigration Judge on January 19, 2020.

 

Federal judge temporarily halts Trump administration policy allowing local governments to block refugees

WaPo: U.S. District Judge Peter J. Messitte of Maryland temporarily halted President Trump’s executive order requiring governors and local officials nationwide to agree in writing to welcome refugees before resettlements take place in their jurisdictions.

 

Climate refugees can’t be returned home, says landmark UN human rights ruling

Guardian: The judgment – which is the first of its kind – represents a legal “tipping point” and a moment that “opens the doorway” to future protection claims for people whose lives and wellbeing have been threatened due to global heating, experts say.

 

Government comes to court for relief on immigration rule

SCOTUSblog: [T]he federal government called on the Supreme Court to intervene in a dispute over a new rule, known as the “public charge” rule, governing the admission of immigrants to the United States.

 

Knight Institute Challenges EOIR’s Muzzling Of Immigration Judges On 1st Amendment Grounds

Courtside: In a letter, the Institute argues that the agency’s policy, which it recently obtained through a FOIA request, violates the First Amendment

 

Trump Banished Immigration Rights Activist For Speaking Out. He’s Suing ICE To Come Back.

Intercept: The suit brought by Montrevil, 51, a founding member of the New Sanctuary Coalition of New York City, builds on a significant ruling last spring by the 2nd Circuit Court of Appeals in the case of a former colleague, activist Ravi Ragbir.

 

Groups File Federal Lawsuit Challenging Trump Administration’s So-Called ‘Safe Third Country’ Asylum Policy

ACLU: The lawsuit, U.T. v. Barr, was filed in U.S. District Court in Washington, D.C. It cites violations of the Refugee Act, Immigration and Nationality Act, and Administrative Procedure Act. Plaintiffs are asylum seekers who fled to the U.S. and were unlawfully removed to Guatemala, as well as organizations that serve asylum seekers.

 

House to investigate Trump ‘Remain in Mexico’ policy

Hill: The House Judiciary Committee on Tuesday announced that it plans to investigate the Department of Homeland Security’s Migrant Protection Protocols (MPP), which has been dubbed the “Remain in Mexico” policy for forcing some asylum-seekers from Central America to wait in Mexico during their claims process.

 

Executive Order Suspending Entry of Certain Persons Connected with Certain Industries in Iran

Presidential executive order imposing sanctions against certain persons connected with the construction, mining, manufacturing, or textiles industries in Iran, including the suspension of the immigrant or nonimmigrant entry of such persons into the United States. (85 FR 2003, 1/14/20) AILA Doc. No. 20011401

 

USCIS Issues Policy Alert on Replacing Permanent Resident Cards (Form I-90)

USCIS issued policy guidance in the USCIS Policy Manual regarding eligibility requirements, filing, and adjudication of requests to replace Permanent Resident Cards using Form I-90. The effective date for this policy is January 16, 2020. Comments are due by January 30, 2020. AILA Doc. No. 20011633

 

EOIR Releases Policy Memo on Management of Liberian Cases Related to NDAA for FY2020

EOIR released a policy memo providing guidance for addressing ancillary issues that may arise in immigration proceedings concerning Section 7611 of the recently enacted NDAA for FY2020 which established an eligibility program for adjustment of status for certain Liberian nationals. AILA Doc. No. 20011400

 

ACTIONS

 

 

RESOURCES

 

 

EVENTS

   

 

ImmProf

 

Monday, January 20, 2020

Sunday, January 19, 2020

Saturday, January 18, 2020

Friday, January 17, 2020

Thursday, January 16, 2020

Wednesday, January 15, 2020

Tuesday, January 14, 2020

Monday, January 13, 2020

 

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57 “judges,” multiple locations, no waiting, No Due Process! – GUARANTEED!

For those interested, the “blitzkrieg application period,” immediately following the holidays, has already “closed.” But, not to worry. Undoubtedly, the appointees were already “preselected” from among Government attorneys with enforcement backgrounds and “high-asylum-denying” Immigration Judges.

 

To state the obvious, a monstrosity of an “appellate court” with this bizarre configuration will cease to function like a unitary collegial Board. Instead, all important precedents and policy decisions will be “cooked” on the fifth floor of the DOJ. The bogus “appellate immigration judges” will merely be “clerical gatekeepers” to insure that nobody gets granted relief over ICE’s objection.

 

Clearly, the regime is counting on a gutless and complicit Article III judiciary to “rubber stamp” this parody of justice. We’ll see if they are right. But, history will be watching those who fail to live up to their sworn duty to uphold Constitutional Due Process against this type of attack!

 

Due Process Forever!

 

PWS

01-21-20

 

ROUND TABLE SPEAKS OUT AGAINST EXPANDED ASYLUM BARS!

Hon. Ilyce Shugall
Hon. Ilyce Shugall
U.S. Immigraton Judge (Retired)
Director, Immigrant Legal Defense Program, Justice & Diversity Center of the Bar Assn. of San Francisco.

ROUND TABLE SPEAKS OUT AGAINST EXPANDED ASYLUM

 

                                       January 19, 2020

 

VIA E-RULEMAKING PORTAL: www.regulations.gov

 

Lauren Alder Reid, Assistant Director

Office of Policy, Executive Office for Immigration Review

5107 Leesburg Pike, Suite 2616

Falls Church, VA 22041

 

Maureen Dunn, Chief

Division of Humanitarian Affairs, Office of Policy and Strategy

U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services

Department of Homeland Security

20 Massachusetts Ave. NW

Washington, DC 20529-2140

 

Re:      EOIR Docket No. 18– 0002

 

 

Dear Ms. Alder Reid and Ms. Dunn,

 

We are writing as members of the Round Table of Former Immigration Judges to express our strong opposition to the Department of Justice and Department of Homeland Security Joint Notice of Proposed Rulemaking (“proposed rule”) on “Procedures for Asylum and Bars to Asylum Eligibility”.

 

The Round Table of Former Immigration Judges is a group of former Immigration Judges and Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA) Members who united to file amicus briefs and engage in other advocacy work.  The group formed in 2017.  In just over two years, the group has grown to more than 40 members, dedicated to the principle of due process for all. Its members have served as amici 37 times in cases before the Supreme Court, various circuit courts, the Attorney General, and the BIA.  The Round Table of Former Immigration Judges has also submitted written testimony to Congress and has released numerous press statements and a letter to EOIR’s director. Its individual members regularly participate in teaching, training, and press events.

 

The Round Table opposes the proposed rule which violates the Immigration and Nationality Act, the United States Constitution, and the country’s international treaty obligations.  Each member of the Round Table has adjudicated applications for asylum and is intimately familiar with the asylum adjudication process.  Accordingly, the Round Table has the following concerns about the additional asylum bars and limits to immigration judges’, appellate immigration judges’, and asylum officers’ ability to exercise discretion in asylum cases.

 

The Round Table asserts that immigration judges and asylum officers who have been tasked with adjudicating asylum cases, are in the best position to assess the impact of criminal conduct and convictions on asylum applications.  The task of analyzing and reviewing criminal conduct and convictions should not be taken away from the judges and asylum officers through regulation.  Asylum seekers are the most vulnerable members of society who are seeking refuge in the United States.  Trained judges and asylum officers should have the authority to consider their cases, even where the applicants have criminal convictions.  Such authority is designated to the judges and asylum officers by statute.[1]

 

The agencies justify the expansive limitations on asylum by citing the authority designated to the Attorney General in the statute: “Congress further provided the Attorney General with the authority to establish by regulation ‘any other conditions or limitations on the consideration of an application for asylum,’ so long as those limitations are ‘not inconsistent with this chapter.’ INA 208(d)(5)(B), 8 U.S.C. 1158(d)(5)(B); see also INA 208(b)(2)(C), 8 U.S.C. 1158(b)(2)(C).”  The new bars and limits on discretionary relief set forth in the proposed regulation are not consistent with the statute and are contrary to Congressional intent.  They also interfere with the role of immigration judges and asylum officers.  We therefore oppose the proposed additional bars to eligibility, the clarification of the effect of criminal convictions, and the removal of regulations regarding reconsideration of discretionary denials of asylum.

 

Additional Limitations on Eligibility for Asylum

 

The proposed rule intends to bar asylum to individuals convicted of nearly any criminal offense in the United States:

 

Those bars would apply to aliens who are convicted of (1) a felony under federal or state law; (2) an offense under 8 U.S.C. 1324(a)(1)(A) or 1324(a)(1)(2) (Alien Smuggling or Harboring); (3) an offense under 8 U.S.C. 1326 (Illegal Reentry); (4) a federal, state, tribal, or local crime involving criminal street gang activity; (5) certain federal, state, tribal, or local offenses concerning the operation of a motor vehicle while under the influence of an intoxicant; (6) a federal, state, tribal, or local domestic violence offense, or who are found by an adjudicator to have engaged in acts of battery or extreme cruelty in a domestic context, even if no conviction resulted; and (7) certain misdemeanors under federal or state law for offenses related to false identification; the unlawful receipt of public benefits from a federal, state, tribal, or local entity; or the possession or trafficking of a controlled substance or controlled-substance paraphernalia.[2]

 

In the domestic violence context, a conviction would not be required.[3]

 

The agencies rely on the language in 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(B)(ii) to assert that the Attorney General and Secretary of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) have the authority to classify all felony offenses as particularly serious crimes.[4]  However, such a blanket rule is not consistent with 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(B)(ii), which states that the Attorney General may designate “offenses that will be considered to be a crime described in clause (ii) or (iii) of subparagraph (A).”  8 U.S.C. §1158(b)(2)(A)(ii) specifies the bar to asylum is for a particularly serious crime wherein the non-citizen is a danger to the community.  Designating all felony convictions under all jurisdictions as bars to asylum is beyond what Congress intended and improperly removes all discretion and legal analysis from immigration judges and asylum officers.  Had Congress intended to bar all felony convictions, it would have specified that in the statute.

 

The agencies suggest that it has become too time intensive, difficult, and inefficient for immigration judges to make determinations about particularly serious crimes and aggravated felonies using the categorical approach required by the United States Supreme Court.[5]  However, it is the job of an immigration judge to employ his or her legal skills and analyze cases.  Moreover, the statute purposely does not limit the particularly serious crime bar to aggravated felonies.  Immigration Judges are in the best position to analyze whether a conviction, if not an aggravated felony, is nevertheless a particularly serious crime that should bar an individual from asylum.  Regulating away the immigration judge corps’ ability to exercise discretion does not render the process more efficient,[6] rather, it turns immigration judges into mindless adjudicators.  Moreover, the agencies cannot regulate out of existence Supreme Court precedent and international treaty obligations in order to promote efficiency.  The Supreme Court has held immigration judges to the categorical and modified categorical analysis when analyzing criminal convictions, as that is what the statute requires.[7]

 

Furthermore a conviction for a crime does not, without more, make one a present or future danger—which is why the Refugee Convention’s particularly serious crime bar, made part of United States law through 8 U.S.C. § 1158, should only properly apply if both (1) a migrant is convicted of a particularly serious crime and (2) a separate assessment shows that she is a present or future danger.[8]  By acceding to the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees,[9] which binds parties to the United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees,[10]the United States obligated itself to develop and interpret United States refugee law in a manner that complies with the Protocol’s principle of non-refoulement (the commitment not to return refugees to a country where they will face persecution on protected grounds), even where potential refugees have allegedly committed criminal offenses. As noted above, immigration judges and asylum officers already have over-broad authority to deny asylum based on allegations of criminal activity, which vastly exceeds the categories for exclusion and expulsion set out in the Convention. Instead of working towards greater congruence with the terms of the Convention, the Proposed Rules carve out categorical bars from protection that violate the language and spirit of the treaty.

 

Moreover, the Supreme Court in INS v. Cardoza-Fonseca found, “[i]f one thing is clear from the legislative history of the new definition of “refugee,” and indeed the entire 1980 Act, it is that one of Congress’ primary purposes was to bring United States refugee law into conformance with the 1967 United Nations Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees.”[11]  The proposed regulations do the exact opposite.

 

The suggestion that the extensive bar is intended to increase efficiencies is belied by the agencies’ instructions that judges and asylum officers use a “reason to believe” standard to determine whether an offense is in furtherance of a criminal street gang and to “assess all reliable evidence in order to determine whether [a] conviction amounts to a domestic violence offense.”[12]  Further, in the domestic violence context, the proposed regulation would require the judges and asylum officers to consider whether non-adjudicated conduct “amounts to a covered act of battery or extreme cruelty.”[13]

 

The proposed regulations bar asylum to those convicted of a crime involving a criminal street gang, regardless of whether the conviction is a felony or misdemeanor.[14]  Moreover, this proposed bar does not even require that the statute of conviction include involvement in a street gang as an element.  Rather, the proposal is that the judges and asylum officers use a “reason to believe” standard to make the determination.[15] Federal courts have set forth the way in which to perform the categorical approach, whereas, the “reason to believe” standard is arbitrary.  Such an approach in the street gang context will lead to the unpredictable results the agencies suggest they are trying to avoid in other sections of the proposed regulations.

 

Further, the agencies propose to bar asylum under 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(C) to “aliens who engaged in acts of battery and extreme cruelty in a domestic context in the United States, regardless of whether such conduct resulted in a criminal conviction.”[16]  As discussed above, these sweeping bars to asylum eliminate the discretionary authority given to immigration judges and asylum officers.   They also require an immigration judge to hold the equivalent of a criminal trial to determine if such activity has been “engaged in.”

 

Requiring immigration judges to make complex determinations regarding the nature and scope of a particular conviction or, in the case of the domestic violence bar, conduct, will lead to massive judicial inefficiencies and “mini-trials” within the asylum adjudication process. The scope of the “reliable evidence” available to immigration judges in asylum cases is potentially limitless; advocates on both sides would be obligated to present endless documents and testimony to prove their cases.  This would put an unsustainable burden on respondents, their counsel, and attorneys for DHS.  Asylum merits hearings, which tend to be three hours at most under current case completion requirements[17], would provide insufficient time for either side to fully present their cases and would make it impossible for immigration judges to complete cases under the current time constraints.

 

As the immigration courts contend with backlogs that now exceed one million cases, tasking judges and asylum officers with a highly nuanced, resource-intensive assessment of the connection of a conviction to gang activity and/or the domestic nature of alleged criminal conduct will prolong asylum cases and lead to disparate results that will give rise to an increase in appeals. The proposed regulations repeatedly cite increased efficiency as justification for many of the proposed changes. Yet requiring immigration judges to engage in mini trials to determine the applicability of categorical criminal bars, rather than relying on adjudications obtained through the criminal legal system, will dramatically decrease efficiency in the asylum adjudication process.

 

As discussed above, the Supreme Court has “long deemed undesirable” exactly the type of “post hoc investigation into the facts of predicate offenses” proposed by the agencies here.[18] Instead, the federal courts have repeatedly embraced the “categorical approach” to determine the immigration consequence(s) of a criminal offense, wherein the immigration judge relies on the statute of conviction as adjudicated by the criminal court system, without relitigating the nature or circumstances of the offense in immigration court[19]. As the Supreme Court has explained, this approach “promotes judicial and administrative efficiency by precluding the relitigation of past convictions in minitrials conducted long after the fact.”[20]

 

Furthermore, the Departments asks for comments on: (1) what should be considered a sufficient link between an asylum seeker’s underlying conviction and the gang related activity in order to trigger the application of the proposed bar, and (2) any other regulatory approaches to defining the type of gang-related activities that should render individuals ineligible for asylum. The premise of these questions is wrong: a vague “gang related” bar should not be introduced at all. The Immigration and Nationality Act and existing regulations already provide overly broad bars to asylum where criminal behavior by an asylum seeker causes concern by an immigration judge or asylum officer. Adding this additional, superfluous layer of complication risks erroneously excluding bona fide asylum seekers from protection without adding any useful adjudicatory tool to the process.      

 

Suggesting that the proposed regulations are aiming at efficiency while also requiring immigration judges to engage in excessive litigation is contradictory and makes it clear that the agencies are simply trying to eliminate asylum rather than increase efficiencies in adjudication.  This does not comport with the statute, constitution, or the United States’ international treaty obligations.  Finally, efficiencies will not result, as immigration judges will nevertheless be required to analyze the particularly serious crime bar for the withholding of removal analysis.[21]

 

In addition to creating new bars to asylum both by designating most crimes as “particularly serious crimes” pursuant to 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(B)(ii), the agencies also render most crimes categorically exempt from a positive discretionary adjudication of asylum pursuant to 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(C). This effort is unlawful. The agencies’ reliance on 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(C) to render all felony convictions a bar to asylum takes away the discretionary authority granted to immigration judges and asylum officers when it comes to assessing the impact of a conviction on asylum eligibility.  Immigration judges and asylum officers have the opportunity to review all evidence, including the circumstances of the conviction during asylum interviews and hearings.  Such discretionary determinations are consistent with the statute and the intent of asylum, which is to protect the most vulnerable individuals in society from persecution.  “The Secretary of Homeland Security or the Attorney General may grant asylum to an alien who has applied for asylum in accordance with the requirements and procedures established by the Secretary of Homeland Security or the Attorney General under this section if the Secretary of Homeland Security or the Attorney General determines that such alien is a refugee within the meaning of section 1101(a)(42)(A) of this title.”[22]

 

Setting arbitrary large-scale blanket bars to a discretionary determination is inconsistent with the statute and the United States’ international treaty obligations.  The statute provides specific language about criminal bars, persecutor bars, and particularly serious crimes.[23]  Had Congress intended to remove the discretionary authority to grant relief to nearly all applicants with criminal convictions, it would have made that clear in the above referenced sections.  However, Congress clearly delineated bars to asylum and while it also provided the Attorney General the authority to clarify such bars, it in no way suggested the Attorney General could regulate away legal analysis of the bars or an immigration judge’s or asylum officer’s discretion.[24]  The proposed rules add sweeping categories of offenses that automatically remove an applicant from the consideration of discretion—a regulatory proposal that is ultra vires to the plain text of the statute.

 

The agencies also propose to bar under 8 U.S.C. 1158(b)(2)(B)(ii) and (b)(2)(C) anyone convicted of alien harboring under 8 U.S.C. § 1324(a)(1)(A), (2),[25] illegal reentry under 8 U.S.C. 1326,[26] any convicted of a second or subsequent offense for driving while intoxicated, impaired (DUI), or under the influence or a single such offense that resulted in death or serious bodily injury.[27] The agencies further propose to bar asylum under 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(B)(ii) to all individuals convicted for domestic violence and child abuse, regardless of whether the conviction is a misdemeanor or felony.[28]  The proposed regulations do not render the adjudication process more efficient, as the language in the domestic violence and DUI bar is vague and requires a case by case assessment of the facts of the case.  The proposed regulations serve to eliminate discretion while increasing demands on immigration judges and asylum officers as well as the length and complexity of hearings and interviews.

 

Moreover, the proposed bar to asylum for multiple offenses for driving under the influence is problematic, particularly for individuals with offenses from states like New Jersey.  Unlike the majority of states, New Jersey does not criminalize the offense of driving while intoxicated (DWI).  In NJ, DWI is only a traffic offense.[29]  Individuals who have been arrested for a DWI have access to certain constitutional protections, such as being entitled to a public defender, and having the burden of proof of beyond a reasonable doubt.[30]  However, other constitutional protections are not available, namely the right to trial by jury.  This is true regardless of whether the DWI is a first, second, or third offense, and regardless of whether actual jail time may be imposed.[31]

 

As a practical matter. NJ DWI adjudications are conducted in municipal courts, in which judges, the prosecutors, and the public defenders are all part-time, township-appointed officials.  The dockets are often enormous, and, in many cases, defendants do not even seek time to obtain an attorney. They line up to meet with the prosecutor and enter into plea agreements that limit their amount of jail time and/or loss of license.  The defendants, with their attorneys if they have one, then appear before the judge and allocute to a brief set of facts and plead guilty; then pay their fines and leave.  The prosecutor does not normally even appear in court.

 

Thus, under the INA, a DWI offense under NJ law does not constitute a crime. In order to be found guilty of a crime, more is needed than just a formal judgment of guilt under a “reasonable doubt” standard, and some punishment was imposed.[32]  However, under the proposed regulations, such an offense could nevertheless bar an individual from asylum.

 

 

The agencies further propose to bar asylum under 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(C) to individuals convicted of an expansive list of misdemeanor convictions, including simple possession of a controlled substance.[33] Including such minor offenses in the list of convictions that lead to a bar to asylum further demonstrate that the agencies are working to eliminate discretion from the adjudicatory process.  Furthermore, although Congress assigned to the Attorney General the authority to promulgate regulations further defining the particularly serious crime bar and other limits on asylum, had Congress intended to bar from asylum all applicants with criminal convictions, it would have provided such direction in the statute.[34]  The language of the statute shows that Congress intended to distinguish particularly serious crimes and aggravated felonies from other crimes, as it set forth specific language barring applicants with such offenses from asylum.[35] Congress easily could have indicated that all felonies or all criminal convictions constitute particularly serious crimes, but it did not.  Accordingly, the bar is in conflict with the statute.

 

Clarification on the Effect of Criminal Conviction

 

The agencies further propose to increase the burden on asylum applicants to prove that orders vacating convictions or modifying sentences were not entered to avoid immigration consequences or for rehabilitative purposes.[36]  They also create a rebuttable presumption against the validity of an order if such order was entered after the initiation of a removal proceeding or if the applicant moved for the order more than one year after the original order of sentencing.[37]  Furthermore, “the rule would provide that the alien must establish that the court issuing an order vacating or expunging a conviction or modifying a sentence had jurisdiction and authority to do so.”[38]  These new rules would increase, rather than decrease burdens on immigration judges and asylum officers.  It would require judges and asylum officers to look beyond a court order.  It would also require judges and asylum officers to make jurisdictional findings about state court orders on facially valid orders.  It is a long-standing legal principle that courts have jurisdiction to determine their own jurisdiction.[39]  If a state court has determined it had jurisdiction to issue an order, it is not the role of the immigration court or any other court to question that finding.

 

Removal of Regulations Regarding Reconsideration of Discretionary Denials of Asylum

 

“The proposed rule would remove the automatic review of a discretionary denial of an alien’s asylum application by removing and reserving paragraph (e) in 8 C.F.R. 208.16 and 1208.16.”[40]  The current regulatory section is consistent with the purpose of asylum—to protect the most vulnerable members of society, including family members of those fleeing persecution.  To remove it is inconsistent with the purpose of asylum and therefore inconsistent with the statute.  The agencies acknowledge that the purpose of the existing regulation is to promote family unity and reunification with spouses and children in third countries.[41]  However, the agencies suggest that the automatic reconsideration is unnecessary, as family unity is a discretionary factor that should be considered in the original adjudication.[42]  8 C.F.R. § 208.16(e) and 1208.16(e) provide additional procedural protections to vulnerable refuges who have been found eligible for withholding of removal.  While the existing regulations require reconsideration and a weighing of factors, including family reunification, they in no way require the immigration judge or asylum officer to grant asylum upon reconsideration.  The proposed regulation provides an extra layer of protection for vulnerable family members and should not be removed.

 

The agencies again suggest that efficiency is the reason behind eliminating this regulatory section.  However, as discussed above, there are multiple sections of this proposed regulation that render adjudications less, not more efficient.  The purpose of this proposed section is to further limit discretion and reduce access to asylum.

 

Conclusion

 

These proposed rules erode access to asylum in violation of Congressional intent, the United States Constitution, and international treaty violations.   The Round Table of Immigration Judges therefore urges the Department of Justice and DHS to withdraw, not implement this rule.

 

Very truly yours,

 

/s/

Stephen Abrams

Sarah Burr

Teofilo Chapa

Jeffrey Chase

George Chew

Bruce J. Einhorn

Noel Ferris

John Gossart

Paul Grussendorf

Miriam Hayward

Rebecca Jamil
Bill Joyce

Carol King
Elizabeth A. Lamb

Donn Livingston
Peggy McManus

Laura Ramirez

John Richardson

Lory Rosenberg

Susan Roy

Paul Schmidt

Ilyce Shugall

Denise Slavin

Andrea Sloan

Polly Webber

 

The Round Table of Former Immigration Judges

 

[1] 8 U.S.C. §§ 1158(b)(1)(A); 1229a

[2] 84 Fed. Reg. 69645 (December 19, 2019).

[3] Id.

[4] 84 Fed. Reg. 69645.

[5] Id. citing Taylor v. United States, 495 U.S. 575 (1990); Mathis v. United States, 136 S. Ct. 2243 (2016); Descamps v. United States, 133 S. Ct. 2276 (2013).

[6] 84 Fed. Reg 69646

[7] Taylor v. United States, 495 U.S. 575 (1990); Moncrieffe v. Holder, 569 U.S. 184, 186 (2013); Mathis v. United States, 136 S. Ct. 2243 (2016); Descamps v. United States, 133 S. Ct. 2276 (2013)

[8] See U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, Criminal Justice and Immigration Bill: Briefing for the House of Commons at Second Reading ¶ 11 (July 2007), http://www.unhcr.org/en-us/576d237f7.pdf (the Refugee Convention’s particularly serious crime bar only applies if (1) a migrant is convicted of a particularly serious crime and (2) a separate assessment shows she is a “present or future danger.”).

[9] United Nations Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, Jan. 31, 1967, [1968] 19 U.S.T. 6223, T.I.A.S. No. 6577, 606 U.N.T.S. 268.

[10] Convention Relating to the Statute of Refugees, July 28, 1951, 140 U.N.T.S. 1954 (hereinafter

“Refugee Convention”).

[11] INS v. Cardoza-Fonseca, 480 U. S. 421, 437 (1987)

[12] 84 Fed. Reg. 69649, 69652

[13] 84 Fed. Reg 6952.

[14] Id.

[15] Id.

[16] Id.

[17] Memorandum, James R. McHenry III, Case Priorities and Immigration Court Performance Measures, January 17, 2018; see alsohttps://www.npr.org/2018/04/03/599158232/justice-department-rolls-out-quotas-for-immigration-judges (discussing memorandum requiring that Immigration Judges complete 700 cases per year).

[18] Moncrieffe v. Holder, 569 U.S. 184, 186 (2013).

 

[19] See Moncrieffe, 569 U.S. at 191 (“This categorical approach has a long pedigree in our Nation’s immigration law.”).

[20] Moncrieffe, 569 U.S. at 200-201.

[21] 8 U.S.C. § 1231(b)(3)(B)(ii)

[22] 8 U.S.C. §1158(b)(1)(A) (emphasis added)

[23] 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(A), (B)

[24] 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(C) (“The Attorney General may by regulation establish additional limitations and conditions, consistent with this section…”) (emphasis added)

[25] 84 Fed. Reg. 69647

[26] 84 Fed. Reg. 69648

[27] 84 Fed. Reg. 69650

[28] 84 Fed. Reg. 69651

[29] See NJSA § 39:4-50; see generally NJSA §§2C:1-98 (NJ criminal code, in which DWI does not appear)

[30] See, e.g. State v. Ebert, 871 A.2d 664 (App. Div. 2005)

[31] State v. Hamm, 121 N.J. 109, 577 A 2.d 1259 (1990)

[32] Castillo v. Att’y Gen., 729 F.3d 296 (3d Cir. 2013)

[33] 84 Fed. Reg. 69653

[34] 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(B)(ii) (“The Attorney General may designate by regulation offenses that will be considered to be a crime described in clause (ii) or (iii) of subparagraph (A).”)

[35] 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(A)(ii), (B)(i)

[36] 84 Fed. Reg. 69654

[37] 84 Fed. Reg. 69655

[38] 84 Fed. Reg. 69656

[39] United States v. United Mine Workers of America, 330 U.S. 258, 289 (1947)

[40] 84 Fed. Reg. 69656

[41] 84 Fed. Reg. 69656

[42] 84 Fed. Reg. 69657

 

*************************

Many, many thanks to our wonderful Round Table colleague Judge Ilyce Shugall, who organized and coordinated our response!

 

PWS

01-21-20

 

49ERS ARE SUPER, PACK NOT SO MUCH: Green & Gold’s “Magic Season” Ends With Resounding Thud!

49ERS ARE SUPER, PACK NOT SO MUCH: Green & Gold’s “Magic Season” Ends With Resounding Thud!

By Paul Wickham Schmidt

Exclusive For Courtside Sports

Alexandria, VA, Jan. 20, 2020.  All week, Aaron Rodgers and Matt LaFleur promised that Sunday’s NFC Championship game against the San Francisco 49ers at Levi’s Stadium “would not be a repeat” of the Niners 37-8 blowout of the Pack in week 12.  They were right. It wasn’t a repeat; it was much worse!

With a ferocious defense and an unstoppable running game, San Fran turned this into a “yawner” with just under a minute to go in the first half by jumping to a 27-0 lead, thus topping their 24-0 halftime margin in November. They toyed with the Pack in a largely meaningless second half, coasting to a 37-20 victory that wasn’t nearly that close. The Pack won the opening coin toss, but that was the last moment that it looked like they might belong on the same field with the boys from the Bay.

49er running back Raheem Mostert, a fine and obviously underrated player, but by no means an NFL “household name,” raced to 220 yards and four touchdown as his team out-gained the inept Pack attack on the ground 285-62. So complete was the domination that quarterback Jimmy Garoppolo, thought to be the “potential weak link” in the Niners’ armor, only had to throw eight passes, completing six of them for 77 yard and zero touchdowns. It didn’t matter. 

Meanwhile, the Packer offense under Aaron Rodgers showed little resemblance to the relatively efficient machine that beat the Seattle Seahawks the week before. Fumble, interceptions, sacks, “three and outs,” inability to run, it all came undone.

Indeed, prior to the three largely meaningless touchdowns in the second half against a “relaxed” San Francisco defense that knew they had the game in the bag, the Pack offense looked eerily similar, if not even worse, than their week 12 debacle at Levi’s. But, even a better offensive showing by the Packers would have made little difference against a 49er attack that ran at will against the bewildered and outmanned Packer “D.” Indeed, the only reason that Mostert didn’t run for 300 yards and six touchdowns was because he didn’t have to.

So, for the fifth time in six tries in his otherwise storied career, Rodgers and the Pack came up short in the Conference Championship Game. That inevitably will lead to more criticism of the Packers’ signal caller as being unable to win the “big one,” notwithstanding his triumph in the 2011 Super Bowl. And, unquestionably first year Packer Coach LaFleur was outsmarted at every turn by his friend and former colleague Kyle Shanahan.

However, all is not lost for the Pack. Their 14-4 season, ending one game short of the Super Bowl, is nothing to be ashamed of. Indeed, it far exceeded expectations following last year’s 6-9-1 mark. 

While many say that the “talent gap” between Green Bay and Super Bowlers San Francisco and Kansas City is so great that this could have been Rodgers’s “last shot” at his second ring, it’s not necessarily so. There is no better example of that than San Francisco, which last year won only four game and was picked by most to finish behind the Rams, Seahawks, and even the pathetic Cardinals in the NFC West. 

The Pack needs to beef up the run defense and add a little speed to the offense during the offseason. But Packers General Manager Brian Gutekunst has shown that he is perfectly willing and able to break from the often limiting “build from the inside” tradition by going into the marketplace and getting the players necessary to fill gaps and improve the team. The addition of the “Smith boys” on defense and their instant impact, as well as the hiring of Lafleur, were great examples of “immediate return on investment.” 

Sure, Aaron Rodgers is now in the “autumn” of his great career and probably can no longer legitimately be classified as among the “elite” who have ever played the game. But, he was no slouch this year, and is still very very good. Almost any team not named the Chiefs or the Ravens would drool at the chance to have him at the helm next season.

As for my Super Bowl predictions:  It’s hard to pick against the Niners with their powerful running game and overpowering defense. But, after watching the Kansas City offense the last two weeks, it’s difficult to see anyone catching up with quarterback Patrick Mahomes over an entire 60 minutes. So, I’m betting that the next batch of State Farm commercials will feature Mahomes sporting a ring like that worn by his buddy, Aaron Rodgers. Chiefs by 13.

PWS

01-20-20

  

COLBY KING @ WASHPOST: “The values preached by Martin Luther King Jr. need rediscovering in 2020” — “Knowing right from wrong; honesty; justice. Basic values preached by Martin Luther King Jr. still need rediscovering in 2020.”

Colbert I. King
Colbert I. King
Columnist
Washington Post

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/the-values-preached-by-martin-luther-king-jr-need-rediscovering-in-2020/2020/01/17/8225eeb8-3896-11ea-bf30-ad313e4ec754_story.html

By

Colbert I. King

Columnist

Jan. 17, 2020 at 2:47 p.m. EST

It was a 25-year-old Martin Luther King Jr., whose birthday is celebrated on Monday, who stood in the pulpit of Detroit’s Second Baptist Church on Feb. 28, 1954. The Montgomery bus boycott, which would launch the future leader of the American civil rights movement to national prominence, was nearly two years away.

King roused the Second Baptist congregation that Sunday morning with a sermon that did not once mention race. Discrimination, segregation, protest demonstrations — these were not on his agenda. The young preacher went deeper, if such a thing was possible during an era of racial turmoil.

King got the congregation thinking about values, a subject as relevant today as it was in 1954.

King talked about lost values and the need for rediscovering them.

Listen to the Voices of the Movement podcast: Stories from civil rights leaders who changed America

Something seemed fundamentally wrong in society, he preached. And it wasn’t because society didn’t know enough. Scientific progress was amazing. King said in 18th-century America, it took three days for a letter to go from New York City to Washington; in 1954, a person could go from Detroit to China in less time.

It’s even more astonishing today. Breakfast can be had in Washington, teatime enjoyed in London and a nightcap swallowed in New York City — all in the same day.

The trouble, he said, was not that we don’t know enough but that “we aren’t good enough.” Scientific genius, he said, has outpaced “our moral genius.” The greater danger facing the country in ’54, King noted, was not “the atomic bomb that was created by physical science” that could be dropped on the heads of thousands of people, but “that atomic bomb which lies in the hearts and souls of men, capable of exploding into the vilest of hate and into the most damaging selfishness.”

That thought calls to mind the more than three dozen countries in the world with unmanned, missile-armed drones capable of being launched from afar under remote control and striking and killing with precision. Think about what lies within the hearts and souls of leaders in countries such as North Korea, China, Iran, Russia, Turkey and, yes, the United States.

King called attention to shaky moral foundations and the “relativistic ethic” that was being applied to right and wrong. He described it as an ethic that says “since everybody is doing it, it must be right” — an ethic that means “people can’t stand up for their . . . convictions, because the majority of people might not be doing it.” He said it’s “a sort of numerical interpretation of what’s right.”

King’s teaching got me to thinking about the 53 Senate Republicans who know that some things are right and some things are wrong, but adjust their attitudes relative to the behavior of President Trump.

King said he was at Second Baptist to say that some things are right and wrong, eternally and absolutely. “It’s wrong to hate,” he declared. “It has always been wrong, and it always will be wrong. It’s wrong in America, it’s wrong in Germany, it’s wrong in Russia, it’s wrong in China. It was wrong in 2000 B.C., and it’s wrong in 1954 A.D. It always has been wrong, and it always will be wrong!”

That got me thinking about White House senior policy adviser Stephen Miller. How can a person who pushes white nationalism, invokes a 1924 American immigration law extolled by Adolf Hitler, is bigoted and racially intolerant — how can he end up in the White House?

Then I stopped to think about who put Miller where he is — President Trump. The same President Trump who recently retweeted to his 71 million followers a doctored photo of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) wearing a hijab and Sen. Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.) with a turban on his head in front of an Iranian flag with a caption reading, “the corrupted Dems trying their best to come to the Ayatollah’s rescue.” Why wouldn’t an insulter of Islam and Muslims, who also inflicts cruelty at our southern border, want to have the likes of Stephen Miller at his side?

King’s sermon derided what he regarded as a pragmatic test applied to right and wrong: “If it works, it’s all right. Nothing is wrong but that which does not work. If you don’t get caught, it’s right.”

=Which made me think of Trump using the powers of his office to solicit a foreign government to help take down a domestic political opponent, lying about his successes and taking credit for things he didn’t do — all because it works. And his adoring believers eat it up.

King reminded the Second Baptist worshipers that “it’s possible to affirm the existence of God with your lips and deny his existence with your life.”

Which makes me visualize Trump basking at evangelical rallies and paying lip service to God, while paying actual service to himself.

Knowing right from wrong; honesty; justice. Basic values preached by Martin Luther King Jr. still need rediscovering in 2020.

*********

Amen!

PWS

01-20-20

TRUMP REGIME’S DISHONEST BATTLE TO “SNUFF” NAIJ SHOWS CONTEMPT FOR UNIONS, WORKING PEOPLE, CAREER EMPLOYEES, DUE PROCESS, FAIRNESS, MIGRANTS, JUDICIARY, & AMERICAN VALUES ALL WRAPPED INTO ONE VILE PACKAGE!

Joe Davidson
Joe Davidson
Federal Employment Columnist
Washington Post

 

https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/trump-has-attacked-federal-unions-now-for-the-first-time-hes-trying-to-bust-one/2020/01/17/3426d8ea-3971-11ea-a01d-b7cc8ec1a85d_story.html

 

By

Joe Davidson

Columnist

Jan. 18, 2020 at 6:00 a.m. EST

President Trump is escalating his attacks on federal unions to a new level.

For the first time, the Trump administration is seeking to bust a union, the National Association of Immigration Judges, by declaring that its members are managers ineligible for labor organization membership. It’s tantamount to decertification.

A possible change in the judges’ status from staffers to managers raises another issue beyond union membership: Should judges be part of the Justice Department, the law enforcement agency whose cases the judges consider?

Making immigration judges part of the department’s management could politicize their role during a period when Trump’s aggressive immigration practices are among his more controversial policies.

This case intensifies a series of administration actions designed to undermine federal labor organizations. The most notable of those occurred in May 2018 when Trump issued three executive orders that hit federal unions by, among other things, making it harder for union leaders to organize, represent employees and use agency facilities.

Arguments from both sides of the attempted union busting are now being considered by the Federal Labor Relations Authority, a small independent agency that resolves federal labor-management disputes. Two of the three authority members are Trump appointees.

Justice Department officials say the judges are essentially management officials “and should be excluded from a bargaining unit” in papers filed this month with the authority.

The department is fighting history, hoping it does not repeat.

In 2000, when Bill Clinton was president, the authority considered the same issue and, as the administration’s brief acknowledges, “determined that immigration judges are not management officials.”

So why re-fight a lost battle?

Justice officials now contend that decision “was wrongly decided” and has been undermined by changes in the law that affect immigration judges’ decisions.

Administrative decisions and federal court rulings since the authority’s 2000 decision, according to Justice, significantly influence “the ability of immigration judges to determine, formulate, or influence policy of the Agency,” rendering them more management than labor.

A decision by an immigration judge, the brief added, “commits or binds the Agency to a course of action,” a characteristic of management. Currently there are 465 immigration judges, the most ever, according to the department.

The association, however, says not only have the judges’ duties not changed since the earlier decision, but they are “less able to influence policy” than they were then.

“Immigration Judges are now subject to mandatory performance reviews and efficiency metrics,” the association said in its brief. “The Agency has increased control over the procedures and protocols of the judges’ courtrooms. It has implemented a restrictive public speaking policy, blocking judges from many speaking engagements,” the union’s brief said.

On top of that, agency managers “are frequently in the courthouses, supervising and evaluating the Immigration Judges. These changes give the judges yet less authority than before, showing that the Agency clearly treats them as employees.”

The judges have important allies.

When the union hit was proposed last year, a statement by House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jerrold Nadler (D-N.Y.) and immigration subcommittee Chairwoman Zoe Lofgren (D-Calif.) said the administration “has taken unprecedented steps to strip immigration judges of judicial independence.”

The union-busting attempt, they added, “underscores why we need an immigration court system that is separate and independent from the Executive Branch.” The committee leaders planned a hearing on creation of an independent immigration court.

During an interview, union president A. Ashley Tabaddor said housing the current immigration court in the Justice Department is a “major structural design defect” whose conflicts of interest, vulnerabilities and weaknesses have been particularly exploited under Trump.

She likened the immigration courts under him to a “widget factory model process [where] the judges have been subjected to quotas and deadlines, which intrudes upon their decision-making authority. The court system has been micromanaged from the top based on law enforcement priority.”

Busting the union would be “a dark day not only for every immigrant who appears before the immigration court, but also for the deeply [held] American principle that courts must be balanced and neutral in order to administer justice,” according to an email from Gregory Chen, the American Immigration Lawyers Association’s government relations director.

If the union is busted, he said, “There will be no voice that speaks for the judges, and the administration will have unchecked power to pressure the courts to serve as a tool of enforcement rather than justice.”

******************************************

As Due Process and fundamental fairness die in America, all of us are losers. And, the Trump regime is making a concerted effort to dismember every American institution that protects constitutional rights and due process for all.

 

PWS

01-20-20

NY TIMES BLASTED FOR GIVING FORUM TO WHITE NATIONALIST PROPAGANDA FROM CIS SHILL! — “The organization has gained credibility by writing pseudo-science ‘research’ papers that are little more than racist ideology dressed up in scholarly language.”

 

 

Sebastian Murdock
Sebastian Murdock
Senior Reporter
HuffPost

https://www.huffpost.com/entry/new-york-times-anti-immigration-op-ed-hate-group_n_5e21d9d8c5b673621f752f9c

The Center for Immigration Studies, an anti-immigration think tank, is categorized as a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center.

BY SEBASTIAN MURDOCK

SENIOR REPORTER

HIUFFPOST

The New York Times published an op-ed decrying immigration by an author claiming to be a “liberal restrictionist” who is in fact attached to a known hate group.

The column, published Friday, was written by , “a senior research fellow at the Center for Immigration Studies,” according to the biography listed under his byline.

CIS, which calls itself “an independent, non-partisan, non-profit, research organization,” is a known hate group that has been described by the Southern Poverty Law Center as an anti-immigrant movement that hires racist writers and associates with white nationalists.

“I’m a Liberal Who Thinks Immigration Must Be Restricted,” Kammer’s headline reads. The piece begins with an anecdote about how immigrants take the jobs of American-born workers and later claims “many liberal Democrats” want illegal immigration to run rampant:

Now many liberal Democrats, including those who call for the abolition of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, seek to erase the distinction between legal and illegal immigration. Under the banner of inclusiveness, equality, human rights, racial reconciliation and reparations for American interventions in the third world, those liberals demand sanctuary for those who make it past the Border Patrol or overstay a visa. Few speak openly of open borders, but that is essentially what they are calling for.

Throughout the piece, Kammer seems set on reminding readers that he is liberal, even if his views might suggest otherwise.

“That’s why I call myself a liberal restrictionist,” Kammer, a former journalist, writes. “I have long considered myself a moderate liberal, in part because Democrats have always been the allies of working people.”

White House adviser Stephen Miller, a white nationalist, has cited CIS when speaking about immigration, and in 2011, the group released a report attempting to connect immigration with the creation of future terrorists, calling them “terror babies.”

The organization has gained credibility by writing pseudo-science “research” papers that are little more than racist ideology dressed up in scholarly language. According to the SPLC, “longtime CIS executive director Mark Krikorian’s contributions to the immigration policy debate rarely rise above petulant commentary dashed with extremist statements.”

Running a column by an author employed by a known hate group is the latest in the Times’s run of publishing racist pieces in its opinion section. In December, columnist and known bedbug Bret Stephens cited a study by a white nationalist that falsely claimed Ashkenazi Jews have a higher IQ than other races. The study he cited “traffics in centuries-old anti-Semitic tropes,” according to the SPLC.

Do better, New York Times.

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Ben Mathis-Lilley
Ben Mathis-Lilley
Chief News Blogger
SLATE

https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2020/01/times-op-ed-white-nationalist-center-for-immigration-studies.html

THE SLATEST

Times Taps White Nationalist Organization for Thought-Provoking Perspective on Immigration

By BEN MATHIS-LILLEY

JAN 17, 20206:42 PM

The New York Times opinion section under editor James Bennet ostensibly aims to challenge the paper’s predominately liberal readers by presenting them with thoughtful critiques of their worldview. In practice, it runs pieces like this recent argument that launching a war against Iran would end attacks against American interests in the Middle East—which was written by a veteran of the Bush administration who had predicted confidently in a 2003 piece also published by the Times that launching a war against Iraq would end attacks against American interests in the Middle East. There was no acknowledgment in the new piece of the old one, as an opinion section committed to intellectual honesty might require, nor was it particularly challenging in the sense of being difficult to rebut. But it did make people on the left feel bad, and like they were losing their minds, which is the bar that Bennet’s section requires an argument to clear.

The essay “I’m a Liberal Who Thinks Immigration Must Be Restricted,” published in the Times Thursday, may represent the nadir of this approach. It makes a familiar argument: that “the left” believes in a “post-national” system of open borders which sacrifices the interests of native-born working Americans to the interests of low-skilled foreign immigrants who drive down wages and disrupt the cultural cohesiveness of their communities. It argues for respecting a distinction between legal and illegal immigration and asserts that Donald Trump’s position on immigration can be appreciated, in a non-racist way, as “a patriotic battle to defend common people.” It accuses Trump’s critics of having had their minds addled by “tribal passions” and a fetish for conflict “between ethnic groups,” and it proposes a “conciliatory” policy that would offer amnesty to existing undocumented workers but institute a crackdown regime of visa enforcement that would prevent future undocumented individuals from finding jobs.

The familiarity of the article’s arguments is matched by the familiarity of its flaws. While large-scale immigration is, in fact, believed by some non-racists to flatten wages at the bottom of the pay scale, it’s also known to accelerate rather than retard economic expansion overall, and tends to be supported by progressives who advocate for other means of increasing working-class wages and sharing the benefits of GDP growth. The distinction between “legal” and “illegal” immigration is not some ancient, race-agnostic pillar of global affairs, but rather a concept that was instituted in the United States in the early 20th century to explicitly discriminate against Asian, southern European, and eastern European individuals and expanded in the 1960s to explicitly discriminate against Mexicans. Trump’s support is strongest in areas where there are fewer undocumented immigrants, not more, and he lost four of the five states that have the highest undocumented populations per capita. Many of the most immigration-heavy and ethnically diverse cities in the U.S. are also the safest and wealthiest and are considered so desirable to live in by migrating native-born Americans that they are experiencing housing crises.

As to whether criticizing an administration that instituted the premeditated, systematic separation of young children from their parents after they applied legally for asylum is a matter of unseemly “tribal passions,” or whether support for the principles of inclusive American citizenship described on the Statue of Liberty constitutes “post-national” anti-patriotism, perhaps we can agree to disagree.

More concerning than any of these specific problems, though, is the piece’s provenance: It’s written by someone named Jerry Kammer, a fellow at a think tank called the Center for Immigration Studies. Kammer has made a career out of covering immigration policy, he writes, for two reasons: “I was fascinated by its human, political and moral complexity. I also wanted to push back against the campaign by activist groups to label restrictionism as inherently racist.” He expresses regret that “odious people” with white-power affiliations have given the cause of cutting back on immigration a “bad name.”

What neither Kammer nor the Times discloses is that the Center for Immigration Studies was in fact founded by these people, most prominent among them a white nationalist named John Tanton who died last year. Tanton, as the Southern Poverty Law Center has documented, believed that the United States needed to maintain a “European-American majority, and a clear one at that”; he founded CIS, he wrote in the 1980s, in order to give his ideas the appearance of independent “credibility.”

Kammer does write that he disagrees with “some of the center’s hard-line positions.” Among his more hard-line colleagues at CIS are a writer named Jason Richwine, who contributed to a journal founded by white supremacist Richard Spencer and who has said that “IQ” is the “most important” difference between racial groups. (As the SPLC has documented, CIS has circulated literally hundreds of articles by explicit white supremacists like Spencer via links in its weekly newsletter. Its director once accused Barack Obama of trying to “foment race war.”) A statement of purpose on the CIS website is credited to longtime Tanton collaborator Dan Stein, who once complained that mass immigration was a tool developed by “Ted Kennedy and his political allies” in approximately 1958 to “retaliate against Anglo-Saxon dominance.”

In 1997, the Wall Street Journal wrote about Tanton in a piece called “The Intellectual Roots of Nativism.” It was a scathing article which noted that Tanton had once described the immigrant’s contribution to society as “defecating and creating garbage and looking for jobs.” The piece expressed concern that “otherwise sober-minded conservatives” and “reasonable critics of immigration” were affiliating themselves with his ideas. The author of that WSJ article, a 28-year-old journalist named Tucker Carlson, has since made the career-advancing decision to embrace Tanton-style nativism; he was in the news not too long ago for complaining in his role as a Fox News host that immigrants make the United States physically “dirtier.”

Whatever space ever existed between mainstream conservatism and white-power nationalism, Carlson demonstrates, has collapsed. And it turns out that the “odious people” that Kammer references in the Times are actually his colleagues and forebears, who created his organization so that policies intended to perpetuate “European-American” and “Anglo-Saxon” superiority could be laundered into the respectable discourse. What else is there to say but: It worked!

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So, we have a White Nationalist in the White House assisted by neo-Nazi advisor Stephen Miller actually turning nativism into “Government policy.” Other white supremacists are scattered in key positions throughout the Government, particularly the immigration bureaucracy. Trump tweets and right-wing media put out a constant barrage of nativist lies, misrepresentations, false narratives, and racial, ethnic, and religious slurs.

So, just why is it that the “mainstream media” owes White Nationalists yet another forum to spread their nativist propaganda?

It’s not limited, of course, to just the Times. The WashPost regularly publishes largely fact and value free right-wing blather from professional shills like Marc Thiessen and Hugh Hewitt under the guise of “op-eds.”

And Chuck Todd regularly invites GOP congenital liars and Trump toadies like Sen. Ron Johnson (R-WI), Sen. John Kennedy (R-LA), and Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX) to spread their lies, false narratives, and debunked “conspiracy theories” from the “bully pulpit” of “Meet the Press.” To top it off, Chuck then appears to be flabbergasted that when he confronts these guys with truth and facts, they “double down” continuing to lie to his face, ignore established facts, and spread Putinesque conspiracy theories. 

Fact is, most of the Trump agenda is corrupt, counterfactual, unethical, inhumane, divisive, and corrosive to American democracy. We receive enough of it from lots of sources every day, pretty much 24-7-365. Is it really necessary for those supposedly dedicated to truth and democracy to give more free “air time” to nativist shills spreading their racially corrosive, divisive, anti-democracy propaganda?

PWS

01-18-20

83% OF AFRICAN AMERICANS SAY TRUMP IS A RACIST: What Planet Has The Other 17% Been Living On? — “He has taken hatred against people of color, in general, from the closet to the front porch.”

 

https://apple.news/ABd8vQaHZQJm6eDhvbK3j0Q

The WashPost reports:

BY CLEVE R. WOOTSON JR., VANESSA WILLIAMS, DAN BALZ AND SCOTT CLEMENT

President Trump made a stark appeal to black Americans during the 2016 election when he asked, “What have you got to lose?” Three years later, black Americans have rendered their verdict on his presidency with a deeply pessimistic assessment of their place in the United States under a leader seen by an overwhelming majority as racist.

The findings come from a Washington Post-Ipsos poll of African Americans nationwide, which reveals fears about whether their children will have a fair shot to succeed and a belief that white Americans don’t fully appreciate the discrimination that black people experience.

While personally optimistic about their own lives, black Americans today offer a bleaker view about their community as a whole. They also express determination to try to limit Trump to a single term in office.

More than 8 in 10 black Americans say they believe Trump is a racist and that he has made racism a bigger problem in the country. Nine in 10 disapprove of his job performance overall.

The pessimism goes well beyond assessments of the president. A 65 percent majority of African Americans say it is a “bad time” to be a black person in America. That view is widely shared by clear majorities of black adults across income, generational and political lines. By contrast, 77 percent of black Americans say it is a “good time” to be a white person, with a wide majority saying white people don’t understand the discrimination faced by black Americans.

Courtney Tate, 40, an elementary school teacher in Irving, Tex., outside Dallas, said that since Trump was elected, he’s been having more conversations with his co-workers — discussions that are simultaneously enlightening and exhausting — about racial issues he and his students face everyday.

“As a black person, you’ve always seen all the racism, the microaggressions, but as white people they don’t understand this is how things are going for me,” said Tate, who said he is the only black male teacher in his school. “They don’t live those experiences. They don’t live in those neighborhoods. They moved out. It’s so easy to be white and oblivious in this country.”

Francine Cartwright, a 44-year-old mother of three from Moorestown, N.J., said the ascent of Trump has altered the way she thinks about the white people in her life.

“If I’m in a room with white women, I know that 50 percent of them voted for Trump and they believe in his ideas,” said Cartwright, a university researcher. “I look at them and think, ‘How do you see me? What is my humanity to you?’ ”

The president routinely talks about how a steadily growing economy and historically low unemployment have resulted in more African Americans with jobs and the lowest jobless rate for black Americans recorded. Months ago he said, “What I’ve done for African Americans in two-and-a-half years, no president has been able to do anything like it.”

But those factors have not translated positively for the president. A 77 percent majority of black Americans say Trump deserves “only some” or “hardly any” credit for the 5.5 percent unemployment rate among black adults compared with 20 percent who say Trump deserves significant credit.

In follow-up interviews, many said former president Barack Obama deserves more credit for the improvement in the unemployment rate, which declined from a high of 16.8 percent in 2010 to 7.5 percent when he left office.

Others said their personal financial situation is more a product of their own efforts than anything the president has done.

“I don’t think [Trump] has anything to do with unemployment among African Americans,” said Ethel Smith, a 72-year-old nanny who lives in Lithonia, Ga., a suburb of Atlanta. “I’ve always been a working poor person. That’s just who I am.”

Black Americans report little change in their personal financial situations in the past few years, with 19 percent saying it has been getting better and 26 percent saying it has been getting worse. Most, 54 percent, say their financial situation has stayed the same.

A similar 56 percent majority of African Americans rate the national economy as “not so good” or “poor,” contrasting with other surveys that find most Americans overall rate the economy positively, although there are sharp political divides on this question.

Beyond questions about the economy, African Americans see a range of concerns impacting the country overall as well as their own communities.

Just 16 percent of black Americans believe that most black children born in the U.S. today have “a good opportunity to achieve a comfortable standard of living.” A 75 percent majority think most white children have such an opportunity.

More than 8 in 10 say they do not trust police in the United States to treat people of all races equally, and 7 in 10 distrust police in their own community.

Black Americans also widely sense that their experiences with discrimination are underappreciated by white Americans. Just about 2 in 10 say that most white Americans understand the level of discrimination black Americans face in their lives, while nearly 8 in 10 say they do not.

The starkly negative outlook appears to be a turnabout from previous points during both the Obama and George W. Bush presidencies, according to surveys asking related questions. A 2011 Washington Post-Kaiser Family Foundation survey found 73 percent of black women said it was a “good time” to be a black woman in America, while a similar survey in 2006 found 60 percent of black men saying it was a good time to be a black man.

Yet the Post-Ipsos poll also finds that 65 percent of black Americans say they feel optimistic about their own lives most or all of the time. This positive personal outlook crosses age and political groups, and while it peaks among those who are older and with higher incomes, roughly half of black Americans with incomes under $35,000 annually say they feel optimistic about their own lives.

Dana Clark, a father of 11 children in Ontario, Calif., said he tells all of his children that it’s possible to succeed in America, but that they’ll have to work harder than the white children they encounter.

“I tell them we’re going to set this plan up. Whatever you want to do you’re going to be able to do it,” he said. “But it ain’t going to be easy, especially if [you] want to make some money because you’re going to be in a world where they’re not going to expect you to be there. You can get what you want, but you’ve got to work harder, faster and stronger.”

The survey, by The Post and Ipsos, a nonpartisan research firm, is one of the most extensive recent surveys focused on views of the country and President Trump among black Americans, who are often represented by only small samples in customary national polls. It was conducted among 1,088 non-Hispanic black adults, including 900 registered voters, drawn from a large online survey panel recruited through random sampling of U.S. households.

Few black voters responded positively to Trump’s campaign appeal for their votes. Exit polls taken during the 2016 election showed just 8 percent of African Americans supported Trump and 89 percent backed Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton, although black turnout was significantly lower than in 2008 and 2012 for the election and reelection of Obama, the country’s first black president.

In the Post-Ipsos poll, roughly three-quarters of black adults say the things that Trump is doing as president are “bad for African Americans,” while a similar majority says Obama’s actions as president were good.

Kenneth Davis, a truck driver who lives outside Detroit, said that when Trump was elected, co-workers who secretly harbored racist thoughts felt emboldened to publicly express them.

“One gentleman is waving the Confederate flag on the back of his pickup truck,” said Davis, 48, who is a Marine Corps veteran. “He was very brave to say ‘Trump’s president, I’m going to get my window (painted).’ ”

Retired federal prison warden Keith Battle said the political climate has exposed “unresolved racial issues” and that Trump has emboldened white supremacists. Battle, who lives in Wake Forest, N.C., said white supremacists “are not the majority of whites in America, but there is a significant amount still, I’d say 30 percent, and I think they’re just leading the country down a path of, eventually, chaos. They’re feeling jeopardized of losing their white privilege.”

Survey respondents were asked to say how Trump’s presidency has affected them personally or African Americans in general. The responses illuminated the data in the poll.

“Donald Trump has not done anything for the African American people,” said one person.

“He has created an atmosphere of division and overt racism and fear of immigrants unseen in many years,” said another.

A third said, “He has taken hatred against people of color, in general, from the closet to the front porch.”

Others echoed that sentiment, saying that the president has emboldened those with racially prejudiced views and therefore set back race relations for years. “I sense a separation between myself and some of my white associates,” one person wrote.

Trump’s overall approval rating among black Americans stands at 7 percent, with 90 percent disapproving, including 75 percent who disapprove “strongly.”

Similarly large majorities of black men and women disapprove of Trump, as do black Americans across different age, education and income levels. Trump receives somewhat higher marks among self-identified black conservatives, with 25 percent approving of his performance, compared with 5 percent of moderates and 3 percent among liberals.

Few black Americans appear open to supporting Trump’s bid for reelection at this point. He receives between 4 and 5 percent support among black registered voters in head-to-head matchups against eight potential Democratic nominees. But the level of Democratic support depends on who is the party’s nominee, peaking at 82 percent for former vice president Joe Biden and falling to 57 percent for former South Bend, Ind., mayor Pete Buttigieg.

The Post-Ipsos survey was conducted Jan. 2-8, 2020, through Ipsos’s KnowledgePanel, a large online survey panel recruited through random sampling of U.S. households. Overall results have a margin of sampling error of plus or minus 3.5 percentage points among the sample of 1,088 black adults overall, and four points among the sample of 900 registered voters.

Emily Guskin contributed to this report.

Cleve R. Wootson Jr. is a national political reporter for The Washington Post, covering the 2020 campaign for president. He previously worked on The Post’s General Assignment team. Before that, he was a reporter for the Charlotte Observer.

Vanessa Williams is a reporter on the National desk.

Dan Balz is chief correspondent at The Washington Post. He has served as the paper’s deputy national editor, political editor, White House correspondent and Southwest correspondent.

Scott Clement is the polling director for The Washington Post, conducting national and local polls about politics, elections and social issues. He began his career with the ABC News Polling Unit and came to The Post in 2011 after conducting surveys with the Pew Research Center’s Religion and Public Life 

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Unfortunately, it’s painfully simple. The GOP is the “21st Century Party of Jim Crow.” Those of us who believe in the 14th Amendment, equal justice, and human decency had better hang together to remove Trump and as many of his GOP toadies as possible from office in 2020. 

Otherwise, we’ll all be reliving one of the worst chapters in American history. And that will be tragic for future generations of Americans of all races.

Make America REALLY great by voting Trump and his White Nationalist kakistocracy out of office on every level of our political system. There are enough of us out there in the majority to get the job done this time — if we only hang together and get out the vote everywhere!

PWS

01-17-20

POLITICS: DANIEL DENVIR @ LITERARY HUB: The Case Against Immigration Centrism – Liberals Inevitably Get Co-Opted Into “Nativism Lite” & The Result Is Donald Trump & His Overtly White Nationalist GOP!

Daniel Denvir
Daniel Denvir
American Journalist

https://apple.news/ASCSwefgISM2mLjzRVdJeWQ

 

When It Comes to Immigration, Political Centrism is Useless

With Trump in office, things can seem absurdly bleak. But after Republicans lost the House, it became clear that Trump’s first two years were for nativists a critical opportunity to reshape the contours of the American demos. And they blew it: Republicans had total control of government yet legislative cuts to legal immigration went nowhere. Meanwhile, Democratic voters are moving sharply left in the face of accelerating Republican extremism. The percentage of Americans calling for a decrease in legal immigration has plummeted since the early 2000s—particularly but not exclusively among Democrats. Indeed, since 2006 Democratic voters have swung from a strong plurality supporting legal immigration cuts to a stronger plurality backing increased legal immigration.

In promoting attacks on “illegal immigration” and militarizing the border, establishment politicians from both major parties inflamed popular anti-immigrant sentiment. But they helped move the Overton window so far right that it snapped loose of its bipartisan frame, prompting vociferous resistance on the left. The war on “illegal immigrants” was based on a bipartisan consensus. It is becoming very partisan. That’s good.

As nativists well know, immigration means that we the people is increasingly made up of people who don’t look like Trump and his base. And they correctly worry that immigration is driving a large-scale demographic transformation that could ultimately doom the conservative movement—a prospect that the most honestly racist figures on the far-right call “white genocide.” Non-white people disproportionately vote Democrat—a trend gravely exacerbated by unconstrained Republican racism that has alienated even wealthy and economically conservative non-white people. Demographics aren’t destiny. But thanks to the foundational role that racism plays in American capitalism, they do mean quite a bit.

In August 2019, Trump finally implemented an aggressive attack on legal immigration, expanding the definition of what makes an immigrant “likely to become a public charge” and thus excludable from the country.28 The rule further empowers immigration officers to deny entry to poor and working-class immigrants, particularly from Latin America, or to deny immigrants already in the country a green card. The rule radically expands a provision of US immigration law dating back to the Immigration Act of 1882 and, before that, to New York and Massachusetts’s enforcement targeting Irish paupers. The Migration Policy Institute predicts that the rule “could cause a significant share of the nearly 23 million noncitizens and U.S. citizens in immigrant families using public benefits to disenroll.” And visa denials under Trump had already skyrocketed before the new rule was in place.

It is unclear how profoundly the rule will reshape either the size or the class, national, and racial makeup of legal immigration. But regardless, the new rule is a reflection of Trump’s inability to secure cuts or changes to legal immigration in Congress. The rule will very likely be rolled back under even a milquetoast Democratic president. The same holds true with Trump’s deep cuts to refugee admissions, and the draconian proposal pushed by some in his orbit to cut admissions to zero. Trump is effectively terrorizing migrants in the present but failing to secure the enduring legislative change that would outlast his presidency.

There is no majority constituency today for enacting such legislation—nor any viable institutional vehicle for it. Whatever opportunity existed to leverage a white-grievance-fueled presidency toward a full nativist program has faded even as the right clings to power thanks to the system’s profoundly anti-democratic features. The left is nowhere near winning. But it is at long last emerging as a real force in clear conflict with both the Trumpist right and the center that facilitated its rise.

For Bill Clinton, Hillary Clinton, Obama, Biden, Feinstein, Schumer, and a host of other Democrats, a measure of nativism was useful. Quite a bit more than that has proven necessary for Republicans. But too much nativism is a problem: no rational capitalist favors shutting out exploitable migrant labor. As Karl Marx wrote in The Eighteenth Brumaire, political stances that seem rooted in principle are in reality founded—if often in indirect, unconscious, and obscure ways—in “material conditions of existence.” This is no doubt the case here.

The United States has undergone decades of enforcement escalation, fashioning a useful scapegoat for neoliberalism and empire while maintaining a segmented labor market. But business frequently lost too, most spectacularly with the repeated defeat of comprehensive immigration reform. Business wants the undocumented to be legalized and guest workers who provide the benefits of undocumented labor without the risk. But what perhaps best reflects—but by no means exclusively reflects—the power of business is what hasn’t happened: deep legislative cuts to authorized immigration have been consistently off the table for more than two decades. This has been the case since the 1996 legislation to slash legal immigration was defeated in favor of a law to persecute undocumented immigrants and “criminal aliens.” The immigration debate has taken on a bizarre and contradictory life of its own. The unspeakability of cuts to authorized immigration, and the failure to impose effective employer sanctions and employment verification systems reveal that immigration policy was still tethered, narrowly but firmly, to the interests of capital. With Trump, full nativism is spoken. But substantial immigration reductions still cannot pass Congress.

A full examination of the complex role of business, the rich, and their various factions during the past two decades of immigration politics is yet to be written. Some of its basic contours, however, are clear. For one, the capitalist class has become recklessly polyphonic. Lumpen-billionaires like the Mercer family and the Koch brothers have spent vast amounts to promote their ideologically distinct priorities rather than those of the collective. The Tanton network is a case in point: it received more than $150 million since 2005 from the Colcom Foundation, founded by the late Mellon heir Cordelia Scaife May. Ironically, independent right-wing oligarchs who pursue idiosyncratic agendas now rival the Chamber of Commerce for influence thanks to the policy achievements of groups like the Chamber of Commerce, which helped those oligarchs make and keep their billions. But does establishment big business even care about immigration anymore?

Political scientist Margaret Peters argues that productivity gains and globalization’s facilitation of an overseas supply of low-wage labor has led to a lessening of business’s need for immigrant workers, resulting in more restriction. The evidence for this, however, is mixed. On the one hand, business has not won a major legislative expansion of immigration since 1990. But it has also not suffered a major defeat. What’s clear is that business can tolerate border security theatrics and the demonization of “criminal aliens,” and is content to exploit undocumented workers. As anthropologist Nicholas De Genova writes, “It is deportability, and not deportation per se, that has historically rendered undocumented migrant labor a distinctly disposable commodity.”34 Business opposes dramatic cuts to authorized immigration, effective employer sanctions, and mandatory employee verification. Business prefers legalization, but that doesn’t rival priorities like tax cuts and deregulation; if it did, business would abandon the Republican Party. The roles played in immigration politics by business interests with various and often bipartisan attachments require further research, which will in turn help to clarify the woefully under-studied sociology of ruling class power more generally.

Meanwhile, business’s hold on the Democratic Party has come under intense assault. The war on “illegal immigrants” that accelerated in the 1990s is facilitating a realignment of left-of-center politics in favor of a diverse, immigrant-inclusive working class in opposition to war, neoliberal oligarchy, and hard borders. The post–Cold War dominance of carceral neoliberalism had made such a popular coalition impossible; the exhaustion of that model signaled by the 2008 crisis has made it astonishingly credible. Record deportations and a radicalizing racist right triggered a revolt among the Democratic Party’s young and increasingly diverse base. That base has along with much of American public opinion moved to perhaps the most staunchly pro-immigrant position in American history—and, in doing so, toward a radically inclusive vision of the American working class. Amid a post-Recession boom in labor militancy, that portends trouble for the entire political establishment and the racist and oligarchic order it protects.

Trump’s election set that trajectory into overdrive, rendering opinions on immigration a basic proxy for one’s partisan allegiance. Border militarization that once garnered bipartisan support is now the polarizing Wall. Obama’s brutal migrant detention centers have under Trump been labeled “concentration camps.” The number of Republicans who believe that the United States risks losing its national identity if the country welcomes immigrants from the world over has increased since Trump’s election.35 At the same time, Democrats have become more hostile to enforcement. In 2010, 47 percent of Democrats said that they equally prioritized a pathway to legalizing undocumented immigrants and “better border security and stronger enforcement of immigration laws,” while just 29 percent prioritized a pathway to legalization alone. By 2018, the number prioritizing legalization alone skyrocketed to 51 percent. As the war on immigrants kicked into high gear in 1994, just 32 percent of Democrats and 30 percent of Republicans agreed that immigrants strengthened the country. By 2016, the share of Democrats who said so had surged to 78 percent.

Extreme polarization, the establishment’s bête noire, is in fact the only solution to the long-standing bipartisan agreement that immigration is a problem for enforcement to solve. Demanded and rejected, oppressed and expelled, this country’s many others have long insisted that the promise of American freedom, designed for if never truly delivered to white settlers, belongs to them too because they too are the people. And contrary to what Trump’s presidency might suggest, a growing number of Americans agree and are turning against nativism and war. Racism is, as the remarkable number of Americans embracing socialism understand, an obstacle to freeing everyone.

The issue of borders is, in turn, a simple one in principle for socialists: borders are a nationalist enterprise and thus incompatible with an internationalist workers’ creed. Migration is a symptom of social violence when it is compelled by poverty, war, or climate change. But moving to faraway and strange places is often a beautiful journey too, one nurtured by love, adventure, and the drive for self-determination and realization. Migration should be free and the choice to migrate should be freely made. The border does not protect Americans against cultural change, economic insecurity, and terrorism. It bolsters a system of global inequality that harms people everywhere by dividing them.

Even with public opinion moving rapidly to our side, border controls will not fall anytime soon. To chip away at them, we must understand their historical particularity. The legal right to travel was, for most white people, a basic one for much of American history. It remains so for wealthy people, particularly those with passports from rich countries. Border controls arose in the United States not out of any neutral law enforcement principle but to exclude Asians, Jews, Italians, Latinos, blacks, Muslims, and other Others in the service of an exploitative and expansionist empire. Our land borders began to harden only alongside the rise of industrial capitalism, and were only militarized in recent decades.

If Democrats stick to the center on immigration, they will find themselves fighting on two fronts. A fight against Republicans, with the left at their back, will be far easier to win—and a more noble victory. Simple realism dictates that no legislation to grant citizenship to millions will be passed until Republicans are defeated. There’s no use trying to appease them. The bipartisan consensus supporting harsh immigration and border enforcement has fractured. Democratic elected officials need to catch up or be defeated too. It’s the task of the left to accelerate the nascent split, demanding radical reforms that correspond to our dream of a world where no human being is illegal. We must transform nation-states so that they no longer divide workers but instead are conduits for the democratic control of our social, economic, political, and ecological futures.

We must urgently develop demands for policies that will not create an open border overnight but a radically more open border soon. The border must be demilitarized, which would include demolishing the hundreds of miles of already existing wall and dramatically downsizing the Border Patrol. Criminal sanctions on illegal entry and reentry and the public charge rule must be repealed. Links between ICE and local law enforcement created by Secure Communities and 287(g) must be broken. Opportunities for legal immigration, particularly from Mexico and Central America, must be expanded. The right to asylum must be honored. And citizenship for those who reside here must be a stand-alone cause, unencumbered by compromises that are not only distasteful but also politically ineffectual—and that today would provoke opposition from both the nativist right and the grassroots left.

 

************************************************

The nativists start with lies, myths, and distortions. The liberals start with truth and humane values. They used to meet in the “center right” which is “nativism lite” and bad news for migrants and for humane values.

 

With some logic, Denvir argues that the nativist right has now come “out of their shell” and just advocates against all foreigners and for maximum human cruelty.  In other words, complete dehumanization and abandonment of the common good: A trashing of the “Statute of Liberty” (see, e.g., Stephen Miller & “Cooch Cooch”) and an obliteration of the real, diverse America, a nation of immigrants, in favor of a mythical “Whitbread” version that never really existed (as American has always been heavily reliant on the labor of non-white immigrants — but they often were intentionally kept without social standing or political power).

 

In many ways, the right’s abandonment of the “pro-immigration, anti-illegal immigration” false narrative frees liberals to explore more robust, realistic immigration policies that would serve the national interest, recognize the truth of American as a rich and diverse nation of immigrants, and, perhaps most helpfully, sharply reduce the amount of time, effort, and goodwill squandered on ultimately unrealistic and impractical immigration enforcement schemes and gimmicks (see e.g., “The Wall” & “The New American Gulag”). In that context, immigration enforcement could be rationalized and made more efficient to serve the actual national interests rather than the political (and sometimes financial) interests of the far-right nativist minority.

 

Interesting thoughts to ponder.

 

PWS

 

01-17-20

DUE PROCESS MOVES FORWARD IN NY:  Universal Representation In Immigration Court Bill Introduced!

 

Sent: Wednesday, January 15, 2020 1:47 PM
Subject: [NY Asylum] New York introduces right to universal representation legislation

 

Hi all,

 

Apologies for the cross-post but we are very excited to announce that today New York introduced a bill that will create a statutory right to counsel for individuals facing deportation and live/are present in New York. The campaign is in the beginning stages and we know that we have a lot of educating and other ground-laying work ahead of us, but we also want to acknowledge the tremendous amount of work that it took, both in our State and nationally, to get us to a point in the conversation where drafting and introducing this bill became possible.

 

The Access to Representation Act to create a statutory right to counsel for immigrants facing deportation in New York.  You can see the press release HERE and read a summary of the bill HERE.

 

In solidarity,

Camille

 

Camille J. Mackler, Esq.

Director of Immigration Legal Policy

She/Her/Hers

 The New York Immigration Coalition

 

**************************************************

It’s a beginning.  And, something that won’t require action from the screwed-up Feds. The New Due Process Army keeps fighting for American justice, for everyone in America, in the age of Trump!

Due Process Forever!

 

PWS

 

01-17-20

🤡WELCOME TO CLOWN COURT: Where The Lives Of Millions Of Humans & The Future Of America Are Treated Like A Cruel Joke, As Complicit Article III Courts Watch This Grotesque Unconstitutional Spectacle & Parody Of Justice Unfold On Their Watch!

Kate Brumback
Kate Brumback
Reporter
Associated Press
DEEPTI HAJELA
Deepti Hajela
Reporter
Associated Press, NY
Amy Taxin
Amy Taxin
Reporter
Associated Press

https://apple.news/A9aA4TWFpQoSBoXVeAOv_Rg

By KATE BRUMBACK, DEEPTI HAJELA and AMY TAXIN, THE ASSOCIATED PRESS

In a locked, guarded courtroom in a compound surrounded by razor wire, Immigration Judge Jerome Rothschild waits — and stalls.

A Spanish interpreter is running late because of a flat tire. Rothschild tells the five immigrants before him that he’ll take a break before the proceedings even start. His hope: to delay just long enough so these immigrants won’t have to sit by, uncomprehendingly, as their futures are decided.

“We are, untypically, without an interpreter,” Rothschild tells a lawyer who enters the courtroom at the Stewart Detention Center after driving down from Atlanta, about 140 miles away.

In its disorder, this is, in fact, a typical day in the chaotic, crowded and confusing U.S. immigration court system of which Rothschild’s courtroom is just one small outpost.

Shrouded in secrecy, the immigration courts run by the U.S. Department of Justice have been dysfunctional for years and have only gotten worse. A surge in the arrival of asylum seekers and the Trump administration’s crackdown on the Southwest border and illegal immigration have pushed more people into deportation proceedings, swelling the court’s docket to 1 million cases.

“It is just a cumbersome, huge system, and yet administration upon administration comes in here and tries to use the system for their own purposes,” says Immigration Judge Amiena Khan in New York City, speaking in her role as vice president of the National Association of Immigration Judges.

“And in every instance, the system doesn’t change on a dime, because you can’t turn the Titanic around.”

The Associated Press visited immigration courts in 11 different cities more than two dozen times during a 10-day period in late fall. In courts from Boston to San Diego, reporters observed scores of hearings that illustrated how crushing caseloads and shifting policies have landed the courts in unprecedented turmoil:

–Chasing efficiency, immigration judges double- and triple-book hearings that can’t possibly be completed, leading to numerous cancellations. Immigrants get new court dates, but not for years.

–Young children are everywhere and sit on the floor or stand or cry in cramped courtrooms. Many immigrants don’t know how to fill out forms, get records translated or present a case.

— Frequent changes in the law and rules for how judges manage their dockets make it impossible to know what the future holds when immigrants finally have their day in court. Paper files are often misplaced, and interpreters are often missing.

In Georgia, the interpreter assigned to Rothschild’s courtroom ends up making it to work, but the hearing sputters moments later when a lawyer for a Mexican man isn’t available when Rothschild calls her to appear by phone. Rothschild is placed on hold, and a bouncy beat overlaid with synthesizers fills the room.

He moves on to other cases — a Peruvian asylum seeker, a Cuban man seeking bond — and punts the missing lawyer’s case to the afternoon session.

This time, she’s there when he calls, and apologizes for not being available earlier, explaining through a hacking cough she’s been sick.

But by now the interpreter has moved on to another courtroom, putting Rothschild in what he describes as the “uneasy position” of holding court for someone who can’t understand what’s going on.

“I hate for a guy to leave a hearing having no idea what happened,” he says, and asks the lawyer to relay the results of the proceedings to her client in Spanish.

After some discussion, the lawyer agrees to withdraw the man’s bond petition and refile once she can show he’s been here longer than the government believes, which could help his chances.

For now, the man returns to detention.

. . . .

********************

Read the full article at the link.  Yes, there’s lots of blame to go around: Administrations of both parties, an irresponsible Congress, several decades of underfunding and poor management.

But that doesn’t change these simple truths:

  • We have a scofflaw regime that glories in committing “crimes against humanity” directed at migrants;
  • We have a feckless Congress that won’t legislate responsibly as long as “Moscow Mitch” McConnell and his Trump-toady GOP control the Senate;
  • The only branch of Government that could put a stop to this unconstitutional and unconscionable mess is the Article III Federal Judiciary;
  • And, this highly privileged group of jurists, the only public officials I’m aware of with the “protective insulation” of life tenure, has stood by and watched their fellow humans being “thrown to the lions” in this disgraceful display of unconstitutional injustice.

Do your duty Article IIIs and put an end to the EOIR Clown Show! History is recording your failures to act, every day!

Due Process Forever; Clown Courts 🤡 and Their Complicit Enablers, Never!

PWS

01-17-20

ANOTHER ONE BITES THE DUST: BIA Appellate Immigration Judge Linda Wendtland To Retire

 

Another one bites the dust
Another one bites the dust
And another one gone, and another one gone
Another one bites the dust…

—“Another One Bites The Dust” by Queen

 

ANOTHER ONE BITES THE DUST: BIA Appellate Immigration Judge Linda Wendtland To Retire

 

By Paul Wickham Schmidt

Exclusive for Courtside

 

Alexandria, VA, Jan. 16, 2019. Appellate Immigration Judge Linda Wendtland will soon retire from the BIA. Acting Chair Garry D. Malphrus made the announcement to judges and staff.

Judge Wendtland is the fourth veteran appellate jurist to leave the BIA recently, following the retirements of Judges Patricia Cole, John Guendelsberger, and Molly Kendall Clark at the end of 2019. Additionally, former BIA Chair Judge David Neal retired suddenly in October.

Thus, the Trump regime’s aggressive effort to “dumb down” and weaponize the U.S. Immigration Courts as a means of depriving migrants of any semblance of due process of law appears to be taking its toll on our nation’s highest administrative immigration tribunal. The BIA now has six vacancies among its 21 authorized judges, including the Chair. Based on recent hiring, we can expect only candidates with established pro-enforcement records and inordinately high rates of asylum denial to be appointed to BIA judgeships by Attorney General Barr.

Judge Wendtland was appointed in 2008 by Attorney General Mukasey, following a long career as a senior litigator in the Office of Immigration Litigation in the DOJ’s Civil Division. She is generally regarded as scholarly, analytical, and occasionally willing to take positions favoring migrants rather than DHS in appellate decisions, notwithstanding her government litigation background. The qualities of scholarship, impartial analysis, and decisional independence appear to have fallen “out of vogue” in the selection of Immigration Judges at both the trial and appellate levels in the Trump regime’s DOJ.

Indeed, and shockingly to those of us in the Round Table of Former Immigration Judges, former Attorney General Jeff Sessions publicly emphasized that Immigration Judges should be “partners” with DHS enforcement while he spread false, unsupported narratives about widespread asylum fraud and “dirty” immigration lawyers. Many found these biased statements of expected “judicial subservience” to a highly politicized and controversial immigration enforcement agenda to be astounding, particularly since most of the “fraud” that has come to light recently relates to the regime’s inhumane treatment of asylum seekers and denial of their due process and legal rights to apply for protection in the United States. All of the actions to date by Attorney General Barr show that he shares the same biased, enforcement skewed view of the Immigration Courts as mere appendages of DHS enforcement as did his predecessor.

Judge Wendtland’s departure will be yet another blow to the few remnants of EOIR’s once proud, but now forgotten and despised, “vision” of “through teamwork and innovation, be the world’s best administrative tribunals guaranteeing fairness and due process for all.” Sadly, that’s now become a cruel joke for many endangered asylum seekers being rejected at our Southern Border without any semblance of fairness or due process whatsoever.

Thanks for your service, Judge Wendtland, and best wishes in the future.

 

PWS

01-16-20

 

 

 

THE NDPA STRIKES BACK:  ACLU Sues In DC To End The Regime’s Bogus “Safe Third Country” Abuse Of Human Rights & The Rule Of Law! — Regime’s Actions Could Be Characterized As “Crimes Against Humanity!”

Camilo Montoya-Galvez
Camilo Montoya-Galvez
CBS Journalist

https://apple.news/ALbDFozeyQemj7zT-zO0VUA

 

Camilo Montoya-Galvez reports for CBS News:

 

 ACLU files lawsuit to halt Trump policy of sending asylum-seekers to Guatemala

Washington — The American Civil Liberties Union on Wednesday mounted the first legal challenge against the Trump administration’s policy of sending migrants who seek protection at the U.S.-Mexico border to Guatemala, a country with a skeletal asylum regime that has seen an exodus of hundreds of thousands of its own citizens in the past two years because of extreme poverty and endemic violence.

The lawsuit filed in the U.S. District Court in Washington, D.C., seeks to halt the implementation of a controversial asylum agreement with the Guatemalan government. Under the deal forged last summer, the U.S. has sent more than 150 asylum-seekers from Honduras and El Salvador to Guatemala, denying them access to America’s asylum system and requiring them to choose between seeking refuge in the Central American country or returning home.

The agreement, the ACLU said in its 54-page complaint, amounts to “a deadly game of musical chairs that leaves many desperate asylum-seekers without a safe haven, in violation of U.S. and international law.”

“If this rule remains in effect, it means that the U.S. can completely wash their hands of any responsibility to provide safe haven for people fleeing persecution,” Lee Gelernt, the ACLU’s top immigration litigator, told CBS News. “It would end asylum at the southern border, plain and simple.”

A spokesperson for the Department of Homeland Security told CBS News that while it cannot comment on litigation, “the U.S. Government and the Government of Guatemala remain committed to the asylum cooperative agreement and stand behind the integrity of the program.”

For lead plaintiff, returning home isn’t an option

As of last week, 158 Honduran and Salvadoran migrants have been rerouted by the U.S. to Guatemala, including dozens of families and at least 43 children, according to the Guatemalan migration institute. Nine people initially chose to request protection in Guatemala, but five of them have since abandoned their claims, the institute said. The rest have asked for help returning to their home countries.

The lead plaintiff in the ACLU’s lawsuit is a gay man from El Salvador who was sent by the U.S. to Guatemala after asking for asylum at the southern border. The man, identified only by the initials U.T., says he was sexually abused as a child, disowned by his family because of his sexuality and threatened by a gang member who solicited him for sex in El Salvador.

When he arrived at the U.S.-Mexico border, he was told he would be sent to Guatemala. He told Customs and Border Protection (CBP) officials, who make the initial determination about whether migrants should be subject to the U.S.-Guatemala deal, that he feared being sent to Guatemala. His concerns fell on deaf ears.

He was then referred for an interview with an asylum officer and again expressed fear of persecution in Guatemala. Nonetheless, he was deported to the country shortly afterward.

During these types of interviews, migrants must affirmatively say they fear being sent to Guatemala. Even if they do, they have to meet a fear of persecution threshold that is much higher than that of the typical “credible fear” interviews most asylum-seekers at the southern border are subject to.

The ACLU says the man applied for asylum once in Guatemala, but officials there advised him to seek protection in Mexico instead, since Guatemala is “unsafe for gay people.” The State Department warns of “societal discrimination” and police abuse against LGBTI people in Guatemala.

Returning to El Salvador is not an option for the asylum-seeker, who is currently in Mexico, since he “fears that he will be attacked or killed for his sexual orientation if he tries to live openly as a gay man,” according to the ACLU.

“A way for the U.S. to simply pass the buck”

There are five other individual plaintiffs in the ACLU’s lawsuit, including a woman and two families who were sent to Guatemala by the U.S. The Tahirih Justice Center and Las Americas Immigrant Advocacy Center, two organizations that provide legal services to asylum-seekers, are also named as plaintiffs in the lawsuit — which the National Immigrant Justice Center, Center for Gender & Refugee Studies and Human Rights First joined the ACLU in filing.

The group is asking the court to prohibit officials from enforcing a regulation the administration unveiled in November to implement the Guatemala deal and similar agreements that the U.S. brokered with Honduras and El Salvador which have not yet been implemented. The suit also challenges a U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) guidance document for asylum officers carrying out the agreement.

The ACLU alleged that both measures violate U.S. statutes designed to prevent officials from sending asylum-seekers to places where they may face persecution and that provide legal safeguards for migrants the government seeks to deport quickly. The group also said the policy violates administrative law, since the administration did not give the public a chance to comment on it and failed to provide “reasoned explanations” for dramatically changing the asylum system at the southern border.

The administration maintains that its agreements with Guatemala and the other countries in Central America’s Northern Triangle will foster the “distribution” of asylum claims among nations in the region and provide protection to migrants “closer to home.” But the ACLU says the so-called “Asylum Cooperative Agreements” represent a dramatic departure from the “safe third country” provision in U.S. law that the administration is using to defend their legality.

In 1996, President Bill Clinton signed into law an act that codified the “safe third country” concept, allowing the U.S. to enter into bilateral or multilateral agreements to send asylum-seekers to third countries, as long as the U.S. government made sure those asylum-seekers would not face persecution based on a protected ground under U.S. asylum law and would have access to a “full and fair” process to request protection in those nations.

Gelernt and his group believe the accords with Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras violate this law because the countries do not have fully functioning asylum regimes, unlike Canada — the only nation which has an official “safe third country” agreement with the U.S.

“There is no way the administration can plausibly claim that Guatemala can provide a safe, fair and full asylum process. This administration has simply thumbed their nose at Congress,” Gelernt said, noting that Canada, a developed country with a robust asylum system, is a safe place for refugees.

“This is not a way to provide people with a fair asylum process but a way for the U.S. to simply pass the buck,” he added.

Guatemala has experienced moderate economic growth since the end of a bloody civil war in the 1990s, but it continues to grapple with high homicides rates, drug trafficking, political instability and widespread poverty, especially among its large indigenous communities in the Western highlands of the country. Only about 262 migrants sought refuge in Guatemala in 2018, according to the United Nations.

The ACLU also noted in its lawsuit that the Trump administration hasn’t publicly revealed any designations certifying that the Northern Triangle countries have the capacity to take in migrants rerouted there by the U.S., despite a requirement that such a certification be included in the government regulation to enforce the asylum agreements.

Sweeping implications for asylum-seekers

All three agreements the U.S. made last year suggest that they could grant the U.S. the power to reroute most asylum-seekers from any country in the world, barring a few exceptions, like unaccompanied children, to Central America. The ACLU underscored the sweeping nature of the deals in its suit, saying that in practice, the U.S. could send asylum-seekers from Afghanistan to one of the Northern Triangle countries, even if they did not travel through there to get to the U.S. southern border.

The administration believes it can include “all populations” in the agreements, and it recently announced it was planning to send Mexican asylum-seekers to Guatemala. The move sparked scathing criticism at home and abroad, with Mexico’s government objecting to the proposal.

Unlike migrants from Honduras and El Salvador, Mexican asylum-seekers do not travel through Guatemalan territory to reach the U.S.-Mexico border. A plan to subject Mexicans to the U.S.-Guatemala accord could, in practice, lead to the U.S. flying a Mexican asylum-seeker from Tijuana, San Diego’s neighboring city, some 1,500 miles away, asking her to seek protection in Guatemala.

How Guatemala continues to implement its “Asylum Cooperative Agreement” with the Trump administration will now be decided by conservative government of President Alejandro Giammattei, who took office on Tuesday.

The asylum agreements with countries in Central America are part of a series of policies the administration rolled out over the past year to restrict asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border. These also include a sweeping rule that renders most non-Mexican migrants ineligible for asylum and the Migrant Protection Protocols program, which has required more than 57,000 asylum-seekers from Central America to wait in dangerous Mexican border cities for the duration of their U.S. immigration proceedings.

First published on January 15, 2020 / 4:19 PM

© 2020 CBS Interactive Inc. All Rights Reserved.

 

********************************************

The bogus “Safe Third Country Agreements” with Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras, clearly unsafe countries without functioning asylum systems, in violation of U.S. and international laws, are daunting acts of malicious fraud. This fraud is undertaken, in the open, by a neo-fascist regime that has contempt for humanity and human rights, believes itself above the law, and has no fear of being held accountable by the Federal Courts or Congress (notwithstanding Trump’s impeachment).

 

The regime’s unlawful fraudulent actions are defended in court by DOJ lawyers who believe the obligation of truthfulness before tribunals and other ethical requirements simply don’t apply to them. And, that’s probably with good reason.

 

The Trump regime has been peddling lies, false narratives, and bad faith legal arguments to the Federal Courts, all the way up to the Supremes, for nearly three years now with no consequences to the lawyers or their political clients. Indeed, Wilbur Ross lied under oath in the “Census Case,” but continues to be the Secretary of Commerce; to my knowledge, the Government lawyers who tried to present, defend, and rationalize. Ross’s census fraud are still on the payroll. A few Supremes even voted to sweep it all under the rug. It took an unusual display of backbone by Chief Justice Roberts to prevent the fraud from being perpetrated on American voters, particularly targeting voters of color.

 

Private lawyers who conducted themselves in a similar manner would likely be facing state disciplinary proceedings. A private executive who lied under oath like Ross probably would have been referred for a perjury prosecution or held in contempt of court.

 

But, Federal Judges, who are used to giving U.S. government lawyers pretty much a “free pass,” don’t seem to “get” that they are now dealing with a willfully corrupt, thoroughly dishonest, neo-fascist regime, not “just another Administration.”

 

When the laws, rules, and our Constitution don‘t apply to our Government, and nobody is held accountable for outrageous official wrongdoing (arguably “crimes against humanity” in the “Safe Third Country Fraud”) we all lose!

 

Due Process Forever! Complicity In The Face Of Tyranny, Never!

 

PWS

 

01-16-20