MARK JOSEPH STERN @ SLATE: GONZO’S GONE! — Bigoted, Xenophobic AG Leaves Behind Disgraceful Record Of Intentional Cruelty, Vengeance, Hate, Lawlessness, & Incompetence That Will Haunt America For Many Years!

https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2018/11/jeff-sessions-donald-trump-resign-disgrace.html

Stern writes:

Attorney General Jeff Sessions resigned on Wednesday at the request of Donald Trump. He served a little less than two years as the head of the Department of Justice. During that time, Sessions used his immense power to make America a crueler, more brutal place. He was one of the most sadistic and unscrupulous attorneys general in American history.

At the Department of Justice, Sessions enforced the law in a manner that harmed racial minorities, immigrants, and LGBTQ people. He rolled backObama-era drug sentencing reforms in an effort to keep nonviolent offenders locked away for longer. He reversed a policy that limited the DOJ’s use of private prisons. He undermined consent decrees with law enforcement agencies that had a history of misconduct and killed a program that helped local agencies bring their policing in line with constitutional requirements. And he lobbied against bipartisan sentencing reform, falsely claiming that such legislation would benefit “a highly dangerous cohort of criminals.”

Meanwhile, Sessions mobilized the DOJ’s attorneys to torture immigrant minors in other ways. He fought in court to keep undocumented teenagers pregnant against their will, defending the Trump administration’s decision to block their access to abortion. His Justice Department made the astonishing claim that the federal government could decide that forced birth was in the “best interest” of children. It also revealed these minors’ pregnancies to family members who threatened to abuse them. And when the American Civil Liberties Union defeated this position in court, his DOJ launched a failed legal assault on individual ACLU lawyers for daring to defend their clients.

The guiding principle of Sessions’ career is animus toward people who are unlike him. While serving in the Senate, he voted against the reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act because it expressly protected LGBTQ women. He opposed immigration reform, including relief for young people brought to America by their parents as children. He voted against the repeal of Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell. He voted against a federal hate crime bill protecting gay people. Before that, as Alabama attorney general, he tried to prevent LGBTQ students from meeting at a public university. But as U.S. attorney general, he positioned himself as an impassioned defender of campus free speech.

While Sessions doesn’t identify as a white nationalist, his agenda as attorney general abetted the cause of white nationalism. His policies were designed to make the country more white by keeping out Hispanics and locking up blacks. His tenure will remain a permanent stain on the Department of Justice. Thousands of people were brutalized by his bigotry, and our country will not soon recover from the malice he unleashed.

His successor could be even worse.

*****************************

Can’t overstate the intentional damage that this immoral, intellectually dishonest, and bigoted man has done to millions of human lives and the moral and legal fabric of our country. “The Father of the New American Gulag,” America’s most notorious unpunished child abuser, and the destroyer of Due Process in our U.S. Immigration Courts are among a few of his many unsavory legacies!

The scary thing: Stern is right — “His successor could be even worse.”  If so, the survival of our Constitution and our nation will be at risk!

PWS

11-06-18

SESSIONS’S ANTI-ASYLUM BIAS HELPS SLASH IMMIGRATION COURT APPROVAL RATES TO LOWEST LEVEL IN MORE THAN TWO DECADES – More Refugees Than Ever, Conditions Haven’t Improved – So, Systemic Bias Appears To Be Driving The Plunge – But, Despite Sessions’s Efforts One In Three Still Qualify!

https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/hamedaleaziz/asylum-grants-lowest-rate-in-two-decades

Hamed Aleaziz reports for BuzzFeed News

Immigration courts under the Trump administration have approved asylum cases at the lowest rate in nearly two decades, according to an analysis of Department of Justice data.

The new figures come after a year in which Attorney General Jeff Sessions has taken a series of steps to curtail when individuals can gain asylum. In June, Sessions issued a major decision that eliminated claims of domestic violence or gang violence by nongovernmental actors as reasons for granting asylum. He also limited when judges can suspend or continue cases.

The new statistics illustrate the difficulty that many of those traveling with a new caravan across Mexico will face if they present themselves as asylum candidates at the US border.

Experts pointed to Sessions’ rulings and restrictions on judges as partly responsible for the drop in the number of asylum cases granted.

“Through a targeted and well-coordinated effort the Trump administration has significantly decreased the number of people who qualify for asylum,” said Sarah Pierce, an analyst at the Migration Policy Institute. “While it is true that our asylum system is in need of major reforms, the administration’s response has been to reverse years of case law dictating who are legitimate asylum seekers.”

The Department of Justice released the asylum data Friday. According to Pierce’s analysis, the asylum approval rate is just over 33% for the 2018 fiscal year, which ended in September. Under the Obama administration, the rate hovered between 44% and 55%. The last time the rate dipped below 33% was in 1999, during the Bill Clinton administration, when it was 31%, according to Pierce’s analysis.

The Department of Justice declined to comment on the analysis.

The administration is processing the largest number of asylum cases in years and has granted asylum to more individuals — more than 14,000 — than in any year since at least 1996. Yet, the number of denials also dwarfs those of the past two decades — more than 28,000. The previous high for denials was more than 25,000 in 1996.

The rates do not include cases processed by US Citizenship and Immigration Services when individuals voluntarily apply for asylum before being placed in deportation proceedings. Individuals who are denied after applying through USCIS are then processed through the immigration courts in deportation proceedings, according to Pierce.

Sessions has long been critical of the way asylum cases are handled. In an October 2017 speech to immigration judges, he tipped off his future attempts to restrict asylum grants, arguing that the laws were never intended to provide asylum to those who had a fear of generalized violence or crime and that those claims had swamped the system. He hit out against “dirty immigration lawyers” who allegedly were persuading clients to make false claims of asylum.

Unlike other US courts, immigration judges are employees of the Justice Department whose evaluations are based on guidelines Sessions lays out. In that role, Sessions already has instituted case quotas, restricted the types of cases for which asylum can be granted, and limited when judges can indefinitely suspend certain cases.

Jeffrey Chase, a former immigration judge, said that the numbers can also be attributed to the fact that many asylum cases in recent years don’t fall within the classic asylum formula that was developed as a response to World War II. In his decisions, Sessions cut the kinds of arguments individuals could make to potentially gain asylum.

“Sessions,” Chase said, “skewed the numbers in the most recent fiscal year through his issuance of precedent decisions that reflect his personal, politically motivated views on immigration, as opposed to proper legal reasoning.”

*******************************************************

This evidence strongly suggests that with reasonable access to lawyers and a truly fair, impartial, and unbiased judicial system, a majority of those seeking refuge in the U.S. probably could qualify for asylum or some other type of protection.

Will the Article III Courts continue to “go along to get along” with this mockery of justice involving life or death claims. Or, whether “conservative” or “liberal” will the “real” Article III independent judiciary step in and force immigration hearings to be conducted fairly and impartially and without the overriding influence of biased officials like Sessions who treat the courts as appendages of the DHS enforcement system? Only time will tell. But, history will record who stood tall and who went small!

PWS

01-29-18

READE LEVINSON & KRISTINA COOKE @ REUTERS: HASTE MAKES WASTE: Administration’s Short- Sighted Legal Strategies & Mismanagement Continue To Create Unnecessary Chaos In Already Highly Dysfunctional U.S. Immigration Court System!

http://flip.it/3.h7Lq

Reade Levinson & Kristinas Cooke report for Reuters:

(Reuters) – Liliana Barrios was working in a California bakery in July and facing possible deportation when she got a call from her immigration attorney with some good news.

The notice to appear in court that Barrios had received in her deportation case hadn’t specified a time or date for her first hearing, noting that they would be determined later. Her lawyer was calling to say that the U.S. Supreme Court had just issued a ruling that might open the door for her case, along with thousands of others, to be dismissed.

The Supreme Court case involved Wescley Fonseca Pereira, a Brazilian immigrant who overstayed his visa and was put into deportation proceedings in 2006. The initial paperwork he was sent did not state a date and time of appearance, however, and Pereira said he did not receive a subsequent notice telling him where and when to appear. When he failed to show up in court, he was ordered deported.

The Supreme Court ruled that paperwork failing to designate a time and place didn’t constitute a legal notice to appear in court.

The ruling sparked a frenzy of immigration court filings. Over ten weeks this summer, a record 9,000 deportation cases, including Barrios’, were terminated as immigration attorneys raced to court with challenges to the paperwork their clients had received, a Reuters analysis of data from the Executive Office for Immigration Review shows. The number represents a 160 percent increase from the same time period a year earlier and the highest number of terminations per month ever.

For a graph of the trend, click here: tmsnrt.rs/2QCbeJZ

Then, just as suddenly as they began, the wave of case terminations stopped. On August 31, in a different case, the Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA) ruled that charging documents issued without a date and time were valid so long as the immigrant received a subsequent hearing notice filling in the details, as is the usual procedure.

A Department of Justice official said that as a result of the BIA decision, the issues “have been solved.”

The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) did not respond to requests for comment, but the agency laid out its thoughts on the terminations in court documents opposing the motions to terminate. In a San Diego case, DHS wrote that the motions were based on a “misreading” of the Supreme Court decision. “If read in a manner most favorable to the respondent, the practical impact would be to terminate virtually all immigration proceedings.” The Supreme Court decision “nowhere purports to invalidate the underlying removal proceedings,” DHS wrote.

The dueling interpretations will now be weighed by a federal appeals court, which could uphold or overturn the BIA decision in coming months. The case could ultimately end up before the Supreme Court.

“ONE GASP”

 

Having a removal case terminated, as Liliana Barrios and many others did over the summer, does not confer legal status, but it does remove the threat of imminent deportation and provide an immigrant time to pursue legal ways of staying in the country, such as asylum or by accruing enough time in the country to be eligible to stay through a process known as cancellation of removal.

The Supreme Court ruling provided a “brief glimmer of hope”, said immigration lawyer Aaron Chenault, “like when you are almost drowning and you get one gasp.”

The Department of Homeland Security can appeal the case dismissals or it can restart deportation proceedings by issuing a new notice to appear. By the end of August, the most recent date for which records are available, government attorneys had appealed only 2,100 of the cases terminated in the wake of the decision, according to a Reuters analysis.

Roxie Rawls-de Santiago, an immigration attorney in New Mexico, said that for some of her clients, even a few months of not being in active deportation proceedings could make a difference. One woman whose case was terminated, for example, has a U.S. citizen daughter who turns 21 next year, the age at which she can sponsor her mother for permanent residency, and the woman is now hopeful she can stave off deportation proceedings until then.

CHAOS IN THE COURTS

At the Department of Justice, which administers the immigration courts, chaos reigned in the weeks following the June decision. Immigration judges and officials struggled to agree on an interpretation of the Supreme Court ruling, according to internal emails obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request by immigration attorney Matthew Hoppock and shared with Reuters.

“The issue has VERY large implications, in that DHS has put the actual “time and date” on VERY, VERY few NTA’s, if any. Any guidance would be helpful,” wrote Memphis immigration judge Richard Averwater in an email to an assistant chief immigration judge days after the ruling. Averwater declined to discuss the email further.

In San Francisco alone, immigration judges terminated 2,000 cases between June 21 and August 31, sometimes more than 100 a day, according to a Reuters analysis. In San Antonio, more than 1,200 cases were terminated.

“The court was getting dozens and dozens and dozens of those a day,” said Ashley Tabaddor, president of the immigration judges’ union. “The large number of terminations that happened were directly a result of Pereira.”

The door to mass dismissals for such cases could be reopened or remain closed depending on how the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals rules on the Board of Immigration Appeals decision that stopped them.

For Barrios, 20, who was caught crossing the Southern border illegally with her toddler two years ago, her dismissal has meant more time to file for a special visa for immigrants under the age of 21 who have been abandoned or neglected. Barrios said she was abandoned by her mother.

Having her case terminated “lifted the pressure a bit,” said Barrios, who makes cream for cookies at a wholesale bakery in California during the day and studies English at night. The Department of Homeland Security has appealed her case termination.

Reporting by Kristina Cooke and Reade Levinson; Editing by Sue Horton and Paul Thomasch

*************************************************
Gee whiz, my time of solving Immigration Enforcement’s legal problems for them ended over three decades ago. But it sure seems to me that taking the following very “doable” steps would have forestalled this mess:
  • Conceding the respondent’s jurisdictional point “arguendo” (in other words, without taking a position on whether it was legally correct or not);
  • Immediately reissuing and serving the Notice to Appear (“NTA”) containing a correct time, date, and place of hearing; and
  • Sitting down with EOIR officials and getting back “online” the formerly existing “interactive scheduling system” that allowed DHS officials issuing NTAs to essentially reserve certain actually available court times and dates to place on the NTAs at time of issuance.

I don’t understand how continuing to litigate this jurisdictional issue or, as some DHS offices have bone-headedly done, issuing NTAs with obviously “fake” dates (like Christmas, weekends, or other holidays) advances either DHS’s particular enforcement needs or the need for an orderly system.

Both Judge Jeffrey Chase and I have commented previously on the problematic nature of the BIA’s decision in Matter of Bermudez-Cota, 27 I&N 441 (BIA 2018), that mindlessly “blew off” the Supreme’s reasoning, hints, and suggestions and enabled yet a new round of somewhat mindless and totally unnecessary litigation. http://immigrationcourtside.com/2018/09/18/supremes-sleeper-case-pereira-v-sessions-roiling-the-waters-in-immigration-courts-dhss-eoirs-questionable-approach-in-thumbing-their-noses-at/

http://immigrationcourtside.com/2018/09/02/hon-jeffrey-chase-on-how-the-bia-blew-off-the-supremes-matter-of-bermudez-cota-27-in-dec-441-bia-2018-is-the-bia-risking-docket-disaster-to/

Nor do I think we can assume that this is  “slam dunk winner” for the Administration, even with a supposedly “more conservative” Supreme Court. Indeed, a “plain meaning” or “strict textualist” reading of the INA appears to support the respondents’ position rather than DHS’s. The BIA essentially “rewrote the statute” to reach its result in Bermudez. They certainly weren’t implementing the “plain language” of the statute which clearly and specifically defines what a “Notice to Appear” shall contain.

Sometimes (as I can attest from years of experience) the law is inconvenient for the Government bureaucracy. But, that doesn’t mean it’s not the law. And, it’s always better to “do it right the first time” rather than being forced into “redos” by the Federal Courts.

PWS

10-16-18

 

 

JUDICIAL CATASTROPHE: By Any Sane Standard, The U.S. Immigration Court In Baltimore Is A Total Administrative Disaster – But, That Hasn’t Stopped White Nationalist AG Jeff Sessions From Demanding That The Already Overworked & Demoralized Judges Forget About Fundamental Fairness & “Just Pedal Faster!” — “All this is going to be litigated at taxpayers’ expense, but it’s all in the effort to fulfill a political promise,” Says Retired Judge John Gossart, Jr.!

https://news.vice.com/en_us/article/xw94ea/leaked-report-shows-the-utter-dysfunction-of-baltimores-immigration-court

Ani Ucar reports for Vice News in an article featuring quotes from “Our Gang” members retired U.S. Immigration Judges Jeffrey Chase and John Gossart, as well as current (soon to be retired, perhaps?) Judge Denise Slavin:

By Ani Ucar Oct 3, 2018

Overwhelmed immigration courts are a national problem, and the growing backlog means an average immigration case is waiting in court for a record 717 days, as of 2018, according to Syracuse University.

But Maryland, with its more than 34,000 pending cases, has the fastest-growing backlog, largely because its sole immigration court, the Baltimore Immigration Court, is one of the most beleaguered and understaffed in the country, according to a confidential Department of Justice review obtained by VICE News.

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VICE News first obtained a heavily redacted version of the report through a records request but later obtained an uncensored version of the review, which paints a portrait of dysfunction at one of the busiest immigration courts in the country.

Completed in 2018 and covering the years 2014 to 2017, the review shows a department so understaffed that basic functions such as address changes or orders to appear in court were not processed or sent out as caseloads piled up. Failing to process key documents could deny migrants the opportunity to be heard in court. “Poor management of this core process leads to additional work for the Court and can result in respondents being ordered removed in absentia through no fault of their own,” the report says.

Read: Being a kid is a “negative factor” under Trump’s new immigration rule

As the court’s caseload mounted, the number of sitting judges stayed the same, fluctuating between four and five. As a point of reference, Chicago’s immigration court, which has a comparable caseload, has twice the number of sitting judges.

NO HABLA ESPAÑOL

The court’s office had no Spanish speakers on staff, even though 84 percent of its cases involved a respondent who only spoke Spanish. The equipment in the office was dated and often nonfunctional. “The two existing HP copiers in the Baltimore Court have had numerous issues and there have been literally days when the Court is unable to use either copier,” the report said.

A lack of administrative staff meant boxes with thousands of documents were left sitting on the floor or on top of file cabinets, and the report describes “hallway space filled with files, file carts, printers and the like.”

One judge currently on the court told VICE News that as cases and administrative work piles up, the court may not be able to provide due process.

“I’m happy to be retirement-eligible, and quite frankly a lot of us are,” said Baltimore Immigration Judge Denise N. Slavin, who spoke to VICE News in her capacity as president emeritus of the National Association of Immigration Judges. “I feel like if I get pushed to a point to violate due process, or I’m being disciplined for not doing something that I thought would violate due process, I would be able to leave.”

Read: This toddler got sick in ICE detention. Two months later she was dead

As bad as it’s been in the Baltimore Immigration Court, it’s about to get worse. On Monday, a new policy backed by Attorney General Jeff Sessions went into effect mandating that the nation’s roughly 330 immigration judges process at least 700 cases per year. The Department of Justice has said it will hire 100new immigration judges this calendar year to help with the backlog, but current and former immigration judges say more judges without commensurate support staff will only add to the problem.

The confidential report on the Baltimore Immigration Office was performed by a court administrator at the request of the Office of the Chief Immigration Judge, a branch of the DOJ. Unlike state or federal courts, immigration courts are part of the Department of Justice, and therefore part of the executive branch of government.

SURGING CASES

The review took place in November and December of last year, and focused on the time period from 2014-2017, when the Baltimore Immigration Court caseload nearly quadrupled.

Though the caseload was rising during that period, the court was shedding staff: They lost seven full-time permanent employees. “The shortage of staff in the Baltimore Court was so severe the Court did not have enough employees to manage the Court’s core processes,” the report says.

The report coincides with a 2014 surge of crossings at the U.S.-Mexico border. Baltimore’s caseload began to grow rapidly afterward. Despite having completed 33.11 percent more cases from 2015 to 2016 combined, the court’s efforts were not enough to keep pace with the mounting backlog. At the end of 2014, the court had 8,331 pending cases, and by December 2017 the pending caseload jumped to 29,184, according to the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse database, or TRAC, at Syracuse University.

“It feels like you are being buried alive”

Backlogs in the immigration courts have historically been impacted by shifting migration patterns, immigration policy changes, and hiring freezes on judges and staff. But since President Trump took office in 2017, the number of pending cases in immigration courts has increased 41 percent, bringing the total to 764,561 as of August 31, 2018, according to TRAC.

“It feels like you are being buried alive,” said Los Angeles Immigration Judge Ashley Tabaddor, speaking as president of the National Association of Immigration Judges. “It’s like this tsunami of cases that just never goes away, and instead of [us] being helped, the department is just adding more pressure.”

QUOTA SYSTEM

Sessions has said the quota system will help cut down the record-high backlog, but immigration judges, both current and retired, have pushed back, saying the standard would threaten due process and judicial independence.

“There’s an overabundance of attention on efficiency and there seems to be little to no concern from higher-ups on getting the decisions right,” said retired New York City Immigration Judge Jeffrey S. Chase.

Read: Jeff Sessions wants to remove immigration judges who aren’t deporting people fast enough

Baltimore’s immigration court is relatively small, but it has been operating with a caseload similar to that of a large immigration court. While more populous states have a number of immigration courts—there are seven courts in California, for instance, and six in New York—the Baltimore facility is the only one in Maryland.

The report describes at length how staff failed to maintain order as paperwork grew. “As of early December 2017, there were approximately 700-1,000 additional filings sitting in the Court that are made up of EOIR-28s, EOIR-33s, returned notices, general correspondence and motions that have not been processed,” the report says. (An EOIR-28 is a notice of appearance in court. An EOIR-33 is a change-of-address form.)

“How the Baltimore court manages motions still needs improvement. Poor management of this core responsibility leads to additional work for the Court, and it sends the message to the private bar and to DHS that the Court is not organized and cannot be relied on,” the report said.

The Department of Justice declined to comment on the report.

At the time of the review, the Baltimore court had 24,142 pending cases in which the respondent spoke Spanish but no Spanish-speakers on staff. At one point, the staff resorted to pulling two judges off the bench to help the front desk with translation needs, said one EOIR employee.

Other times they had to enlist the help of someone in the waiting room to interpret for people. “Sometimes they were not getting the best information or even accurate information about their case,” said the EOIR employee.

“Recruitment of a Spanish Interpreter should be a priority,” the report says, but that position has yet to be filled.

All these issues are expected to worsen with the rollout of the quota system. “We’ll have preliminary success with getting a large number of cases out and temporarily reduce the backlog, but ultimately a large number of those cases will come back on appeal, thus making the backlog even worse,” Slavin said.

At the end of the day, the taxpayer will be on the hook for the cost of the immigration policy, said retired Baltimore immigration judge F. Gossart Jr. “All this is going to be litigated at taxpayers’ expense, but it’s all in the effort to fulfill a political promise.”

****************************************************
Wow! An Attorney General who consistently shows bias and maliciousness combined with incompetence. What a horrible combination! And throw into the mix a complete abdication of oversight functions by the GOP-controlled Congress.
Sessions is pouring taxpayer money down the drain in an effort to actually make the system more dysfunctional and less fair. It’s the type of fraudulent, wasteful, and abusive conduct that in normal times might result in criminal prosecutions and jail sentences. We also know that he is promoting similar dysfunction in the criminal justice system with his inane and ineffective “zero tolerance” policy that has also made him the nation’s most notorious un-prosecuted child abuser. Yet, Sessions walks free, while the victims of his misconduct, many vulnerable children and women merely seeking the justice to which they are entitled, rot in his “New American Gulag” and/or suffer grossly substandard “justice” in a totally out of control charade of a “court system” where Due Process is mocked every day.
When the only thing that keeps you going is the knowledge that you can retire any day, you know that your job is really screwed up! (Hint to the un-retired but eligible: The very best time to retire is before you get to the foregoing point.)
If this isn’t your vision of America, then take Willie Nelson’s advice and “Vote ‘Em Out.”
PWS
10-04-18

THE GIBSON REPORT — 10-01-18 — Compiled By Elizabeth Gibson, Esq., NY Legal Assistance Project

TOP UPDATES

USCIS to Begin Implementing New Policy Memorandum on Notices to Appear

USCIS: USCIS will take an incremental approach to implement this memo… The June 2018 NTA Policy Memo will not be implemented with respect to employment-based petitions and humanitarian applications and petitions at this time. Existing guidance for these case types will remain in effect.

 

Proposed I-912 Fee Waiver Form Revision

USCIS: USCIS is proposing to revise our Form I-912, Request for Fee Waiver, to remove the receipt of means-tested benefits from the eligibility criteria… Eligibility for these benefits can vary from state to state, depending on the state’s income level guidelines.  As a result, individuals who would not otherwise qualify under the poverty-guideline threshold and financial hardship criteria have been granted fee waivers by USCIS.

 

EOIR Announces Largest Ever Immigration Judge Investiture

DOJ: The Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR) announces the investiture of 46 immigration judges, including two assistant chief immigration judges, marking for the second month in a row the largest class in the agency’s history. IJ bios here.

  • Samuel M. Factor, Immigration Judge, New York City Immigration Court
  • Brian T. Palmer, Immigration Judge, New York Immigration Court
  • Oshea Denise Spencer, Immigration Judge, New York City Immigration Court

 

AILA, CLINIC, and NILC Provides Update on FAM Changes to Public Charge

AILA, CLINIC, and NILC provided a summary of issues discussed during a 9/12/18 telephonic call with representatives from DOS concerning FAM changes and consulates’ public charge determinations and associated Form I-601A revocations. AILA Doc. No. 18092632

 

Which Immigration Cases Will the Supreme Court Hear This Term?

AIC: Although only one immigration case is currently scheduled to be heard, challenges to President Trump’s immigration policies will likely end up in front of the Court by the end of the term.

 

Policy Brief: S. 3478 Would Codify Cruelty Against Arriving Children

In this policy brief, AILA expresses its opposition to S. 3478, which would eviscerate long-standing legal standards and protections for immigrant children and families seeking asylum who arrive at the U.S. border. AILA Doc. No. 18092500

 

Tracking Over 2 Million ICE Arrests: A First Look

TRAC: Historically, the vast majority of ICE arrests occur when the agency assumes custody of immigrants from another law enforcement agency. Since Trump assumed office, roughly three out of four ICE arrests were what ICE refers to as “custodial” arrests…The remaining one-quarter (25%) were individuals arrested at their home, place of work, or elsewhere in the wider community including at courthouses or at DHS offices when the immigrant had appeared for an appointment.

 

New Immigration Policy Gives USCIS Adjudicators Full Discretion to Deny Cases Without Issuing RFE

AILA member Taymoor Pilhevar discusses USCIS’s policy memorandum issued on 7/13/18 on the rescission of the standing policy that RFEs and NOIDs must be issued before a denial is issued. AILA Doc. No. 18092730

 

Dozens of Doctors Who Screen Immigrants Have Record of ‘Egregious Infractions,’ Report Says

NYT: The report looked at more than 5,500 doctors across the country used by United States Citizenship and Immigration Services as of June 2017 to examine those seeking green cards. More than 130 had some background of wrongdoing, including one who sexually exploited female patients and another who tried to have a dissatisfied patient killed, the report said.

 

In the Face of a Shutdown, Trump and Congress Delay Border Wall Fight Until December

AIC: This continuing resolution sets up a potential major battle over immigration enforcement, border wall funding, and other immigration issues—which could all come to a head in the face of a December government shutdown.

 

An Illinois Priest Living Legally in the U.S. for 14 years Is Being Deported – Over a Single Vote He Shouldn’t Have Cast

WaPo: Boase was placed in removal proceedings last month, roughly a year after he admitted during his citizenship interview with U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services that, yes, he once registered to vote, and yes, he once cast a vote.

LITIGATION/CASELAW/RULES/MEMOS

 

Class Action Lawsuit Filed Challenging Termination of TPS for El Salvador, Haiti, Nicaragua, and Sudan

The plaintiffs filed a class action suit and motion for preliminary injunction to force the government to preserve TPS for more than 200,000 individuals, stating that TPS terminations was unconstitutional and violated the Administrative Procedure Act. (Ramos et al. v. Nielsen et al, 3/12/18) AILA Doc. No. 18092833

 

CA9 Holds CBP Officer Is Not Entitled to Qualified Immunity and Holds BivensCan Be Extended

The court held that, taking the facts as alleged in the complaint, CBP officer is not entitled to qualified immunity due to violation of clearly established unreasonable seizure, and can be subject to a Bivens claim by mother of the deceased. (Rodriguez v. Swartz, 8/7/18) AILA Doc. No. 18092534

 

CA9 Holds BIA Erred in Denying Cancellation Based on Incorrect Application of Categorical and Modified Categorical Approaches for CIMT

The court held BIA erred in concluding OR witness tampering statute was categorically CIMT and that statute was not divisible; under modified categorical approach, court found statute was divisible and applicable subsection also not categorically CIMT. (Vasquez-Valle v. Sessions, 8/10/18) AILA Doc. No. 18092536

 

C.D. Cal. Grant Injunctive and Declaratory Relief Pursuant to FloresSettlement

Plaintiffs seek class certification to have ORR policies/practices be declared unlawful and to enjoin due process violations in evaluating fitness of custodians, placement in secure facilities, administering psychotropic drugs, and lack of access to counsel. (Lucas R. v. Azar, 6/29/18) AILA Doc. No. 18092670

 

C.D. Cal. Grants Class Certification to Certain Cambodian Nationals Affected by New ICE Re-Detention Policy

The court granted class certification to putative class of 1900 individuals subject to an October 2017 ICE policy of re-detention without notice or individual analysis to determine necessity of re-detention; class seeks injunctive and declaratory relief. (Chhoeun v. Marin, 8/14/18) AILA Doc. No. 18092537

 

C.D. Cal. Receives APA and Mandamus Complaint of Honorably Discharged Noncitizen Vet Who Claims Unreasonable Delay in Naturalization Application

Complaint alleges unreasonable delay of naturalization application that was part of DOD’s MANVI program; seeks mandamus compelling government action. Lack of adjudication within normal processing times and under policies to expedite military applications violate APA. (Sea v. DHS, 7/19/18) AILA Doc. No. 18092701

 

E.D. Wash. Grants Motion to Dismiss, Holds IJ Deportation Decision Void for Lack of Proper Notice Due to Deficient NTA

The court found that despite a timely delivery to hearing due to being in custody, defendant was deprived of proper notice because NTA failed to state time and date of hearing; IJ, thus, had no jurisdiction to enter deportation order. (U.S. v. Virgen-Ponce, 7/26/18) AILA Doc. No. 18092731

 

W.D. Wash. Grants Summary Judgment for Noncitizen’s APA Claim, Reinstates LPR Status Until Removal Proceedings Are Complete

The court held that revocation of green card/LPR status as void ab initio outside of INA’s five-year rescission period without a hearing was a due process violation and an agency action “not in accordance with law”; ordered status reinstated until hearing complete. (Lai v. U.S., 7/17/18) AILA Doc. No. 18092702

 

  1. N.J. Grants TRO to Stay Removal and Habeas to Release Petitioner from Detention While Pursuing Provisional Unlawful Presence Waiver

The court held that detention and attempted deportation of petitioner while he pursued a provisional unlawful presence waiver violated the APA and Fifth Amendment. Formal opinion forthcoming. (Martinez v. Nielsen, 8/3/18) AILA Doc. No. 18092601

 

CA DC Reverses and Remands, Vacating USCIS Determination that USC Lacked “Intention” to Relinquish U.S. Nationality

The court held USCIS did not properly interpret “intention” in 8 USC §1481(a), stating that a USC’s potential inability to leave and be admitted elsewhere did not mean USC lacked “intention” to relinquish nationality under the domestic-renunciation provision. (Kaufman v. Nielsen, 7/20/18) AILA Doc. No. 18092602

 

DHS OIG Finds USCIS’s Medical Admissibility Screening Process Needs Improvement

DHS OIG found that USCIS has inadequate controls for verifying that foreign nationals seeking LPR status met health-related standards for admissibility. DHS OIG made recommendations that, when implemented, will improve USCIS selection and oversight of physicians and its review of medical forms. AILA Doc. No. 18092573

 

USCIS Issues Policy Alert on Special Naturalization Provisions for Children

USCIS issued a policy alert updating the USCIS Policy Manual with guidance to clarify certain special naturalization provisions for children. This guidance is effective 9/26/18, and is controlling and supersedes any prior guidance. Comments are due by 10/9/18. AILA Doc. No. 18092605

 

Congress Urges DHS Inspector General to Investigate Allegations of Coercion and Abuse Against Separated Immigrant Parents

On 9/26/18, members of the House and Senate sent a letter to the Department of Homeland Security’s Acting Inspector General, urging for an investigation of allegations of coercion and abuse by DHS officers against immigrant parents separated from their children at the border. AILA Doc. No. 18092633

 

RESOURCES

EVENTS

 

ImmProf

 

Monday, October 1, 2018

Sunday, September 30, 2018

Saturday, September 29, 2018

Friday, September 28, 2018

Thursday, September 27, 2018

Wednesday, September 26, 2018

Tuesday, September 25, 2018

Monday, September 24, 2018

 

AILA NEWS UPDATE

http://www.aila.org/advo-media/news/clips

 

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Thanks, Elizabeth!

Check out the “Litigation Section” to see how “real” Article III Courts continue to reject the legal arguments pushed by the Sessions DOJ.

Perhaps the “sleeper” here is US v. Virgen-Ponce, ED WA.  The District Judge rejected the BIA’s position in Matter of Bermudez-Cota, 27 I&N Dec. 441 (BIA 2018)  that a “Notice to Appear” that fails to specify the actual time, date, and place of hearing is sufficient to vest jurisdiction with an Immigration Judge.  The “boneheaded” position taken by the BIA and DHS under Sessions (rejecting the Supreme Court’s interpretation) could, if rejected by more Article III Courts and ultimately the Supremes, invalidate most of the 760,000 cases now pending in Immigration Court! Read my colleague Judge Jeffrey Chase’s outstanding blog about the BIA’s “dereliction of duty” in Matter of Bermudez-Cota, 27 I&N Dec. 441 (BIA 2018) http://immigrationcourtside.com/2018/09/02/hon-jeffrey-chase-on-how-the-bia-blew-off-the-supremes-matter-of-bermudez-cota-27-in-dec-441-bia-2018-is-the-bia-risking-docket-disaster-to/

While this is only one District Court, the legal argument is being pursued across the country. This could potentially effectively “invalidate” the entire Immigration Court System. Given the toxic, lawless actions of AG Jeff Sessions, a “complete restart” under a neutral and competent court-appointed “Special Master” could be the country’s only salvation until Congress establishes an independent Immigration Court that actually complies with our Constitution.

Given such a chance at restart, probably 60% -75% of today’s Immigration Court docket could be left off docket pending a rational legalization program of some type.

With a remaining docket of 200,000 to 350,000 cases that actually need to be litigated, and a more disciplined and professional DHS that respects court time and follows the same type of prosecutorial discretion guidelines as almost every other law enforcement agency in America, an independent Immigration Court with today’s number of Immigration Judges could actually  maintain an ideal 6-18 month “decision cycle” without building new backlog, and most importantly, without denying Due Process or fundamental fairness to anyone. It actually could  fulfill it’s once-stated (but forgotten under Bush and Obama and then trashed by Sessions) vision of “being the world’s best tribunals, guaranteeing fairness and Due Process for all.”

What a difference honest, rational administration that actually encouraged compliance with the laws (including asylum and other protection laws) and our Constitution, instead of mocking and violating them, could make!

PWS

10-01-18

“OUR GANG” OF RETIRED US IMMIGRATION JUDGES CONDEMNS SESSIONS’S DESTRUCTION OF DUE PROCESS IN US IMMIGRATION COURTS – Calls On US Chief Immigration Judge Marybeth Keller & Her Colleagues To Stand Up To Sessions & Enforce Due Process Over Mindless “Haste Makes Waste” Quotas!

https://www.lexisnexis.com/LegalNewsRoom/immigration/b/outsidenews/posts/statement-of-former-immigration-judges-and-bia-members-opposing-ij-quotas-oct-1-2018

HON. JEFFREY CHASE & OTHERS: No Matter What The FBI Reports, Judge BKavs Has Already Shown That He Is An Angry, Belligerent, Political Partisan Unfit To Serve On High Court!

https://www.jeffreyschase.com/blog/2018/9/28/kavanaugh-and-judicial-impartiality

Kavanaugh and Judicial Impartiality

The standard to keep in mind regarding the confirmation of a Supreme Court Justice is found in 28 U.S.C. section 455(a): “Any justice, judge, or magistrate judge of the United States shall disqualify himself in any proceeding in which his impartiality might reasonably be questioned.”

Let’s set aside for now the fact that as drafted, the statute seems to apply only to men (did Congress really not envision women judges?).  Comments have been made recently about Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh being “innocent until proven guilty.”  That’s actually the standard for a defendant in a criminal trial.  Because we as a society recognize how terrible it would be to send an innocent person to jail, possibly for many years, our legal system has established a standard that is willing to allow many who are guilty of crimes to go free, because we find that result preferable to ruining the life of an innocent person through wrongful conviction.  Therefore, where the evidence establishes, for example, an 85 percent likelihood that the defendant committed the crime, a finding of not guilty is warranted, as the remaining 15% constitutes “reasonable doubt.”  Of course, wrongful convictions still happen in practice, but nevertheless, the theory behind a presumption of innocence and a standard of “beyond a reasonable doubt” in criminal proceedings remains a noble one.

Not being allowed to serve as a Supreme Court justice is a far, far cry from being convicted of a crime and sent to prison.  Realize that there are only nine people in the whole country who are Supreme Court justices.  Many who have never been appointed to the Supreme Court have nevertheless gone on to lead happy, productive lives; some have amassed significant wealth, others have even held positions of trust and respect in society.

In choosing a Supreme Court justice, the ideal candidate is not someone who hasn’t been proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt of some horrible act.  Rather, it’s someone whose impartiality is beyond questioning.  This is because in a democracy, faith in our judicial institutions is paramount.  Society will abide by judicial outcomes that they disagree with if they believe that the “wrong” result was made by impartial jurists who were genuinely trying to get it right.  Abiding by unpopular judicial decisions is the key to democracy.  It is what prevents angry mobs from taking justice into their own hands.  In the words of Balzac, “to distrust the judiciary marks the beginning of the end of society.”

A primary reason Republicans are so anxious to “plow through” (as Mitch McConnell, using the rapiest terminology imaginable, unfortunately phrased it) the nomination of Kavanaugh is because of how he might rule on abortion rights, an issue of great importance to the party’s base.  Nearly all of the Republican Senators seem to believe that as long as Kavanaugh has not been found guilty beyond a reasonable doubt of attempted rape, then he is fully qualified to serve as the deciding vote in taking away a right that has been constitutionally guaranteed to women for the past 45 years.

However, the three Republican Senators who at the last second requested an FBI investigation into the charges against Kavanaugh may have realized that their colleagues were not applying the correct standard.  Abortion rights involve a woman’s right to control her own body.  Yesterday, the country heard very detailed and articulate testimony from a highly credible and courageous witness.  What she described involved her being deprived of the right to control her own body, by a male who physically pinned her down, covered her mouth when she tried to scream for help, and tried to forcibly remove her clothing against her will.  Her violator then added insult to injury by laughing at her in a way that still haunts her to this day.  The credible witness stated that she was 100 percent certain that the male who violated her rights in this despicable way was Kavanaugh.

The evidence goes directly to the question of the candidate’s view of a woman’s right to control her own body.  The question that Senators should be considering is how much public trust there will be in the impartiality of a decision that involves such right in light of the past actions of the justice casting the potential deciding vote.

Senators who will nevertheless vote for Kavanaugh will say that in spite of the testimony, they cannot be sure of his guilt.  Or they may state that they are strongly convinced of his innocence.  Regardless, many people might reasonably question Kavanaugh’s impartiality based on the evidence they have heard.  (And remember, there have been two other women leveling similar accusations as well).  Even those who believe him innocent should at this point realize that in light of public perception, the appearance of impropriety should disqualify Kavanaugh from consideration.

Should those Senators deciding the issue ignore the above, we will all likely live with the consequences for decades to come.  Although it would not undo the damage, let us hope the public will respond quickly and decisively in voting the offenders out of office in November.

Copyright 2018 Jeffrey S. Chase. All rights reserved.

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Others agree with Jeffrey:

Here’s what the NY Times Editorial board had to say:

Why Brett Kavanaugh Wasn’t Believable

And why Christine Blasey Ford was.

By The Editorial Board

The editorial board represents the opinions of the board, its editor and the publisher. It is separate from the newsroom and the Op-Ed section.

Pool photo by Saul Loeb

What a study in contrasts: Where Christine Blasey Ford was calm and dignified, Brett Kavanaugh was volatile and belligerent; where she was eager to respond fully to every questioner, and kept worrying whether she was being “helpful” enough, he was openly contemptuous of several senators; most important, where she was credible and unshakable at every point in her testimony, he was at some points evasive, and some of his answers strained credulity.

Indeed, Dr. Blasey’s testimony before the Senate Judiciary Committee on Thursday was devastating.

With the eyes of the nation on her, Dr. Blasey recounted an appalling trauma. When she was 15 years old, she said, she was sexually assaulted by Judge Kavanaugh, then a 17-year-old student at a nearby high school and now President Trump’s nominee to the Supreme Court.

Her description of the attack, which she said occurred in a suburban Maryland home on a summer night in 1982, was gut-wrenchingly specific. She said Judge Kavanaugh and his friend, Mark Judge, both of whom she described as very drunk, locked her in a second-floor room of a private home. She said Kavanaugh jumped on top of her, groped her, tried to remove her clothes and put his hand over her mouth to keep her from screaming. She said she feared he might accidentally kill her.

“The uproarious laughter between the two and their having fun at my expense,” she said, was her strongest memory.

Judge Kavanaugh, when it was his turn, was not laughing. He was yelling. He spent more than half an hour raging against Senate Democrats and the “Left” for “totally and permanently” destroying his name, his career, his family, his life. He called his confirmation process a “national disgrace.”

“You may defeat me in the final vote, but you will never get me to quit,” Judge Kavanaugh said, sounding like someone who suddenly doubted his confirmation to the Supreme Court — an outcome that seemed preordained only a couple of weeks ago.

Pool photo by Erin Schaff

Judge Kavanaugh’s defiant fury might be understandable coming from someone who believes himself innocent of the grotesque charges he’s facing. Yet it was also evidence of an unsettling temperament in a man trying to persuade the nation of his judicial demeanor.

We share the sorrow of every sensible American who feels stricken at the partisan spectacle playing out in Washington. Judge Kavanaugh was doubtless — and lamentably — correct in predicting that after this confirmation fight, however it ends, the bitterness is only likely to grow. As he put it in his testimony, “What goes around, comes around,” in the partisan vortex that has been intensifying in Washington for decades now. His open contempt for the Democrats on the committee also raised further questions about his own fair-mindedness, and it served as a reminder of his decades as a Republican warrior who would take no prisoners.

Judge Kavanaugh’s biggest problem was not his demeanor but his credibility, which has been called in question on multiple issues for more than a decade, and has been an issue again throughout his Supreme Court confirmation process.

On Thursday, he gave misleading answers to questions about seemingly small matters — sharpening doubts about his honesty about far more significant ones. He gave coy answers when pressed about what was clearly a sexual innuendo in his high-school yearbook. He insisted over and over that others Dr. Blasey named as attending the gathering had “said it didn’t happen,” when in fact at least two of them have said only that they don’t recall it — and one of them told a reporter that she believes Dr. Blasey.

Judge Kavanaugh clumsily dodged a number of times when senators asked him about his drinking habits. When Senator Amy Klobuchar gently pressed him about whether he’d ever blacked out from drinking, he at first wouldn’t reply directly. “I don’t know, have you?” he replied — a condescending and dismissive response to the legitimate exercise of a senator’s duty of advise and consent. (Later, after a break in the hearing, he apologized.)

Judge Kavanaugh gave categorical denials a number of times, including, at other points, that he’d ever blacked out from too much drinking. Given numerous reports now of his heavy drinking in college, such a blanket denial is hard to believe.

In contrast, Dr. Blasey bolstered her credibility not only by describing in harrowing detail what she did remember, but by being honest about what she didn’t — like the exact date of the gathering, or the address of the house where it occurred. As she pointed out, the precise details of a trauma get burned into the brain and stay there long after less relevant details fade away.

She was also honest about her ambivalence in coming forward. “I am terrified,” she told the senators in her opening remarks. And then there’s the fact that she gains nothing by coming forward. She is in hiding now with her family in the face of death threats.

Perhaps the most maddening part of Thursday’s hearing was the cowardice of the committee’s 11 Republicans, all of them men, and none of them, apparently, capable of asking Dr. Blasey a single question. They farmed that task out to a sex-crimes prosecutor named Rachel Mitchell, who tried unsuccessfully in five-minute increments to poke holes in Dr. Blasey’s story.

Eventually, as Judge Kavanaugh testified, the Republican senators ventured out from behind their shield. Doubtless seeking to ape President’s Trump style and win his approval, they began competing with each other to make the most ferocious denunciation of their Democratic colleagues and the most heartfelt declaration of sympathy for Judge Kavanaugh, in a show of empathy far keener than they managed to muster for Dr. Blasey.

Pressed over and over by Democratic senators, Judge Kavanaugh never could come up with a clear answer for why he wouldn’t also want a fair, neutral F.B.I. investigation into the allegations against him — the kind of investigation the agency routinely performs, and that Dr. Blasey has called for. At one point, though, he acknowledged that it was common sense to put some questions to other potential witnesses besides him.

When Senator Patrick Leahy asked whether the judge was the inspiration for a hard-drinking character named Bart O’Kavanaugh in a memoir about teenage alcoholism by Mr. Judge, Judge Kavanaugh replied, “You’d have to ask him.”

Asking Mr. Judge would be a great idea. Unfortunately he’s hiding out in a Delaware beach town and Senate Republicans are refusing to subpoena him.

Why? Mr. Judge is the key witness in Dr. Blasey’s allegation. He has said he has no recollection of the party or of any assault. But he hasn’t faced live questioning to test his own memory and credibility. And Dr. Blasey is far from alone in describing Judge Kavanaugh and Mr. Judge as heavy drinkers; several of Judge Kavanaugh’s college classmates have said the same.

None of these people have been called to testify before the Senate. President Trump has refused to call on the F.B.I. to look into the multiple allegations that have been leveled against the judge in the past two weeks. Instead the Republican majority on the committee has scheduled a vote for Friday morning.

There is no reason the committee needs to hold this vote before the F.B.I. can do a proper investigation, and Mr. Judge and possibly other witnesses can be called to testify under oath. The Senate, and the American people, need to know the truth, or as close an approximation as possible, before deciding whether Judge Kavanaugh should get a lifetime seat on the nation’s highest court. If the committee will not make a more serious effort, the only choice for senators seeking to protect the credibility of the Supreme Court will be to vote no.

\

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Emily Bazelon of the NY Times Sunday Magazine wasn’t convinced by BKavs either:

The Senate’s Failure to Seek the Truth

It is impossible to justify the lack of a neutral investigation into the allegations against Brett Kavanaugh.

By Emily Bazelon

Ms. Bazelon is a staff writer at The New York Times Magazine.

Brendan Smialowski/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Twice as a reporter, I’ve interviewed women who have accused men of sexual assault and the men they accused. In both cases, the women looked me in the eye and told me about how they’d been raped, and then the men looked me in the eye and told me they’d never raped anyone. All four people spoke with force and emotion. In the moment, I wanted to believe each one. It’s uncomfortable to imagine that someone who seems wholly sincere is not. It’s confusing — it seems unfeeling — to turn away from someone who makes a vehement claim of truth.

If you watched Thursday’s hearing, in particular Christine Blasey Ford’s opening statement and Brett Kavanaugh’s, maybe you know what I mean. So then what? As a reporter, I looked for corroborating evidence as a means of assessing each person’s veracity. What else could I find out, and how did their accounts stack up against that? This is how investigators do their work. They find out as much as they can about the surrounding circumstances. Then it’s up to judges to weigh the facts and decide which account is most credible.

Judge Kavanaugh didn’t sound as if he was thinking like a judge. His partisan attack on Democrats wasn’t judicial, in any sense of the word. His approach to evidence wasn’t either.

The difficulty for holding Judge Kavanaugh accountable for what Dr. Blasey says was her assault is the lack of a certain kind of corroboration for her account. The other people she has named who were at the small gathering where she says the assault took place don’t remember such a gathering. Two of them are Judge Kavanaugh’s high school friends. One of them is Dr. Blasey’s friend.

But there’s no reason any of them would have remembered such a gathering. She says it was a spur-of-the-moment get-together, after swimming and before a party to come. And it took place 36 years ago. The gathering she describes is also consistent with one of Judge Kavanaugh’s calendar entries about drinking with his friends.

We also have more than Dr. Blasey’s word. Years ago, she talked about this assault, and named Judge Kavanaugh, with her husband and her therapist, and at a later time, she told a few close friends. They back her up on this. One memorable detail from her testimony has the ring of truth, in its specificity: Her assault came up in couples therapy with her husband because the traumatic memory triggered anxiety and claustrophobia, and that made her insist on adding a second front door to her house, to his understandable confusion. This is not the kind of fact a person makes up.

Dr. Blasey was firm about closing a door that would allow us to reconcile her accusation and Judge Kavanaugh’s denial. She is not mixed up about the identity of her assailant, she said. She is “100 percent certain” it was Judge Kavanaugh. The comfortable path for the judge’s supporters — believe she was assaulted, disbelieve he committed the assault — is gone. Her certainty was a pillar of the testimony she put the full weight of herself behind — her professional identity, her character, the careful consideration and precision about facts that was evident as she spoke.

Judge Kavanaugh refused to open another door that would allow the public, and the Senate, to reconcile these accounts of accusation and denial. He ruled out the possibility that he could not remember assaulting Dr. Blasey because he blacked out or was otherwise incapacitated by drinking. He was just as adamant about categorically denying the other sexual misconduct he has been accused of by two other women.

Judge Kavanaugh also didn’t much back off his denials of being a hard drinker or an aggressive drunk. This is his big weakness, stacked against other facts that have been gathered. Several classmates from his college days at Yale paint an entirely different picture of him as a drinker than the innocent one he offered of being a person who “likes beer.” So do his own yearbook entries and speeches. If you’re a judge who believes in strictly reading a text for its plain meaning, as Judge Kavanaugh says he is, his dismissals and wispy explanations aren’t persuasive.

If you’re thinking like a judge aiming to discover the truth, it’s also hard (impossible?) to justify the lack of a neutral investigation and the absence of other witnesses, beginning with Mark Judge, the friend of Judge Kavanaugh’s, whom Dr. Blasey says saw and participated in the assault, but not ending with him.

The task of a judge or a Supreme Court justice is to seek the truth. The most important qualities for the job are probity and veracity. Nobody was on trial at the Senate Judiciary Committee. But only one person — Judge Kavanaugh — was asking to be elevated to the highest court in the land.

Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook and Twitter (@NYTopinion).

Emily Bazelon is a staff writer at the magazine and the Truman Capote Fellow for Creative Writing and Law at Yale Law School. She is also a best-selling author and a co-host of the Slate Political Gabfest, a popular podcast.

@emilybazelon • Facebook

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Meanwhile, over at Slate, Will Saletan wasn’t buying BKavs performance either:

https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2018/09/kavanaugh-lied-senate-judiciary-committee.html

POLITICS

Kavanaugh Lied to the Judiciary Committee—Repeatedly

Thursday’s hearing didn’t prove whether Kavanaugh assaulted Ford. But we do know the Supreme Court nominee wasn’t honest in his testimony.

Brett Kavanaugh frowns during his testimony.
Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh testifies before the Senate Judiciary Committee on Thursday.
Jim Bourg/AFP/Getty Images

On Thursday, after listening to testimony from Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh and his accuser, Christine Blasey Ford, several Republican senators said they would vote to confirm the nominee because it’s impossible to determine which witness—Ford or Kavanaugh—is telling the truth. Actually, it’s easy. We don’t know for certain whether Kavanaugh sexually assaulted Ford. But we do know that Kavanaugh lied repeatedly in his testimony to the Senate Judiciary Committee. Here are some of his lies.

1. “It’s been investigated.” The White House has ignored multiple requests from Democratic senators to authorize FBI interviews with the alleged witnesses in the case. In particular, there has been no FBI or Judiciary Committee interview with Mark Judge, Kavanaugh’s accused accomplice in the alleged assault. In fact, Judge has fled to a hideout in Delaware to avoid being called to testify.

During the hearing, several Democratic senators pleaded with Kavanaugh to call for FBI interviews so that the truth could be resolved. Kavanaugh refused. When Sen. Chris Coons pointed out that the FBI had needed only a few days to complete interviews in the Clarence Thomas–Anita Hill case, Kavanaugh said even that was too much, because the Judiciary Committee had already examined his case. “It’s been investigated,” he told Coons.

No honest judge would say that. None of the alleged witnesses, other than Ford and Kavanaugh, has been interviewed. Instead, the alleged witnesses have issued short statementsof nonrecollection and have asked not to testify. The committee’s Republican majority, eager to brush the case aside, has accepted these statements and has refused to ask further questions. In his testimony, Kavanaugh falsely claimed that FBI interviews would add nothing. Agents would “just go and do what you’re doing,” he told the senators.

Kavanaugh claimed that a vague statement of nonrecollection from Judge’s lawyer was sufficient “testimony.” He dismissed calls for Judge to appear before the committee, arguing that his own testimony was adequate. But Kavanaugh also mocked the committee’s Democrats, who lack the power of subpoena, by telling them to go talk to Judge. When Sen. Patrick Leahy asked whether Bart O’Kavanaugh, a drunken character in Judge’s book, was meant to represent Brett Kavanaugh, the nominee passed the buck to his testimony-evading friend: “You’d have to ask him.”

2. “All four witnesses say it didn’t happen.” Each time senators pleaded for an FBI review or a more thorough investigation by the committee, Kavanaugh replied that it wasn’t necessary, since all the people Ford claimed had been at the gathering where the alleged assault occurred had rejected her story. Eight times, Kavanaugh claimed that the witnesses “said it didn’t happen.” Three times, he said the witnesses “refuted” Ford’s story. Four times, Kavanaugh claimed that “Dr. Ford’s longtime friend,” Leland Keyser, had affirmed that the gathering never occurred.

That’s a lie. Keyser has stated that she doesn’t recall the gathering—she was never told about the attack, and she was supposedly downstairs while it allegedly occurred upstairs—but that she believes Ford’s story. That isn’t corroboration, but it isn’t refutation or denial, either. During the hearing, Sen. Cory Booker pointed this out to Kavanaugh, reminding him that in an interview with the Washington Post, Keyser “said she believes Dr. Ford.” Kavanaugh ignored Booker’s correction. Ninety seconds later, the nominee defiantly repeated: “The witnesses who were there say it didn’t happen.”

3. “I know exactly what happened that night.”Kavanaugh made several false or widely contradicted statements about his use of alcohol. This is significant because Judge has admitted to drunken blackouts, which raises the possibility that Judge and Kavanaugh don’t remember what they did to Ford. During the hearing, Sen. Richard Blumenthal asked about Kavanaugh’s participation in a night of drunken revelry at Yale Law School. Kavanaugh assured Blumenthal, “I know exactly what happened the whole night.” Later, Booker asked Kavanaugh whether he had “never had gaps in memories, never had any losses whatsoever, never had foggy recollection about what happened” while drinking. Kavanaugh affirmed that he had never experienced such symptoms: “That’s what I said.”

These statements contradict reports from several people who knew Kavanaugh. Liz Swisher, a friend from Yale, says she saw Kavanaugh drink a lot, stumble, and slur his words. “It’s not credible for him to say that he has had no memory lapses in the nights that he drank to excess,” she told the Washington Post. And in a speech four years ago, Kavanaugh described himself and a former classmate “piecing things together” to figure out that they’d “had more than a few beers” before an alcohol-soaked banquet at Yale Law School.

4. “I’m in Colorado.” As evidence that the charges against him were ludicrous, Kavanaugh told the committee that he had been falsely accused of committing an assault more than 1,500 miles away. He claimed that according to his accusers, “I’m in Colorado, you know, I’m sighted all over the place.” But a transcript of Kavanaugh’s Sept. 25 interview with Judiciary Committee staffers shows no claim of an offense in Colorado. The transcript says that according to a woman from Colorado, “at least four witnesses” saw Kavanaugh shove a woman “up against the wall very aggressively and sexually” in 1998. But Kavanaugh was specifically told during the interview that the scene of the alleged incident was in D.C., where he was living at the time.

Kavanaugh also told other whoppers. He claimed that his beer consumption in high school was legal because the drinking age in Maryland was 18. In reality, by the time he was 18, the drinking age was 21. He claimed that his high school yearbook reference to the “Beach Week Ralph Club” referred in part to his difficulty in holding down “spicy food.” He claimed that the entry’s jokes about two sporting events he and his high school buddies had watched—“Who won that game, anyway?”—had nothing to do with booze. And he defended his refusal to take a polygraph test on the grounds that such tests aren’t admissible in federal courts—neglecting to mention that he had endorsed their use in hiring and law enforcement.

Maybe Kavanaugh is an honest man in other contexts. Maybe he’s a good husband, a loving dad, and an inspiring coach. And maybe there’s no way to be certain that he assaulted Ford. But one thing is certain: He lied repeatedly to the Judiciary Committee on Thursday. Some of his lies, about the testimony of witnesses and the integrity of investigations, go to the heart of our system of justice. Any senator who votes to put this man on the Supreme Court is saying that such lies don’t matter.

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Also at Slate, Yascha Mounk predicts lasting damage to our Republic if BKavs is confirmed:
 
THE GOOD FIGHT

The Kavanaugh Stakes Just Got Higher

To confirm him now would be dangerous to the survival of our democratic institutions.

The Supreme Court and Brett Kavanaugh getting sworn in to testify.
Photo illustration by Slate. Photos by Drew Angerer/Getty Images and Andrew Harnik-Pool/Getty Images.

At this moment of feverishly intense partisanship, it takes a great deal of courage to tiptoe away from your own tribe. Sen. Jeff Flake has not yet announced that he is willing to part for good; in the end, he may yet betray his professed principles and cast his vote to confirm Brett Kavanaugh. And yet, we should not underestimate how much strength it took for him to demand an investigation into Christine Blasey Ford’s serious allegations of sexual assault and delay the judge’s confirmation by at least a week. For now, he has proved to be one of the few people in the Senate—and perhaps one of the few in the whole country—who have insisted on taking Ford’s allegations seriously even though he actually shares most of Kavanaugh’s judicial views.

For the sake of our country, all of us should now hope that the FBI manages to uncover conclusive evidence that either supports or dispels Ford’s accusations. Unfortunately, that seems unlikely. So the big risk we now face is that the same hell we have lived through for the past 48 hours will be repeated in even more farcical form next week. And that is why it’s very important to use this time to reflect seriously on how judicious people—and perhaps especially senators like Flake who profess to be conscientious conservatives—should vote if they have not made up their mind about the allegations.

It is painfully obvious that most Republican senators will vote to confirm Kavanaugh if the allegations against him are anything short of iron-clad; indeed, one shocking poll suggests that a majority of Republicans voters, and nearly half of evangelicals, would support his confirmation even if they did believe that he is guilty. It is also obvious that most Democrats will vote against his confirmation even in the unlikely case that the FBI should somehow manage to disprove Ford’s allegations; indeed, Kavanaugh’s extreme views on executive power provide a strong reason for any defender of liberal democracy to oppose his nomination. And yet, I think that one very important consideration has largely been overlooked.

Let us assume, for the sake of argument, that Kavanaugh is an innocent man. If that’s the case, the raw anger he displayed during Thursday’s confirmation hearing is certainly understandable. While we might wish for a public figure to keep his poise even when his reputation is being impugned, it is perfectly human to lose your countenance under such circumstances.

But even under that charitable interpretation, Kavanaugh’s performance in front of the Senate Judiciary Committee makes him eminently unfit to sit on the highest court of the land.

A justice on the Supreme Court has to rule on a whole host of issues that are of huge partisan significance: If he is confirmed, he will have to settle substantive questions of public policy—from abortion rights to the health care mandate—on which Democrats and Republicans have hugely differing preferences. Just as importantly, he will also help to set the parameters that are supposed to ensure that Democrats and Republicans can appeal for the votes of their fellow citizens on fair terms.

But how can somebody who has accused Democrats of a “calculated and orchestrated political hit” be seen as impartial when he rules on a gerrymandering case that could deliver a huge advantage to Republicans? How can somebody who describes serious allegations of sexual assault as “revenge on behalf of the Clintons” be expected to give both sides a fair hearing if the outcome of a presidential election should once again be litigated in front of the Supreme Court? And how can somebody who denounces the “frenzy on the left” to derail his nomination be trusted to ensure that the left’s most vocal enemy, Donald Trump, does not overstep the bounds of his constitutional authority?

Because of Mitch McConnell’s refusal to hold hearings on the confirmation of Merrick Garland during the last year of Barack Obama’s presidency, the current composition of the Supreme Court is already tainted. Now, the confirmation of as nakedly partisan a jurist as Kavanaugh would go a long way toward destroying whatever remains of the Supreme Court’s legitimacy. And this would not only tank the trust Americans have in the last branch of government that has, according to polls, consistently been more popular than secondhand car salesmen; it also significantly raises the likelihood that Democrats will engage in yet another round of tit for tat.

Precisely because partisans need to be able to trust that courts can enforce the rules for fair political competition between them and their adversaries, attempts by a political party to change the ideological makeup of the judiciary are extremely dangerous to the survival of democratic institutions. That’s why (direct or indirect) court-packing schemes have been key elements of the authoritarian takeovers in Russia, Turkey, and Venezuela. And it’s also why the current governments in Poland and Hungary are playing constitutional hardball to ensure that judges they appoint command a majority on the most important courts in their respective countries.

There can therefore be little doubt that any attempt by Democrats to pack the Supreme Court, for example, by expanding its size, would be another step in a tit-for-tat spiral at whose end autocracy awaits. And yet, recent events will make it very hard for those voices within the Democratic Party that recognize this danger to prevail. If one side is so willing to abuse precedent and decency to, as Kavanaugh might put it, screw the libs, it becomes very difficult for the other side not to reciprocate in kind.

This is why Kavanaugh’s confirmation would not just be a disaster in itself; it would also be a strong reason to become even more pessimistic about the future of American politics. The GOP and Trump are now more fully aligned than ever. Our country’s partisan divide is deeper than it has been in living memory. The mutual hatred and incomprehension is more acute than it has been in decades. If Kavanaugh is confirmed, it’s very, very difficult to envisage what path could possibly lead us out of this nightmare.

Jeff Flake has acted with much more courage and decency than most liberals care to admit. But the responsibility that now rests on his—and Sen. Lisa Murkowski’s and Sen. Susan Collins’—shoulders is even greater than he might realize.

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Dahlia Lithwick @ Slate is also no BKavs fan:

That being said, I thought that his emotional partisan attack on Democratic Senators, his overt rudeness to Sen. Amy Klobuchar, and his unsupported “conspiracy theory” re the Clintons showed that he is exactly what his critics have been saying all along: an injudicious and disingenuous partisan.

No matter what really happened with Ford, he is “damaged goods” who can’t credibly serve on the Supremes. A decent person would withdraw at this point for the good of the country.

Certainly, Trump can find a reactionary GOP female judge with no personal baggage to carry the flag. He was actually pretty stupid to nominate BKavs in the first place rather than a female vetted by the Heritage Foundation whom the Dems couldn’t have touched.

I assume that Senator L. Graham is auditioning for Gonzo’s job after the midterms. He seems to forgotten what he and his GOP buddies did to Judge Merrick Garland — a very decent person and good jurist who never even got a chance to be heard at all. The GOP just decided that “advice and consent” meant “stonewall if you don’t like the President.” And as a moderate and polite “center left” jurist, Judge Garland certainly would have been a more appropriate pick for the Supremes than BKavs! But, power is power, and the GOP has it right now — the Dems don’t.

Nothing is likely to stop Judge’s Kavanaugh’s elevation at this point. But, as Jeffrey suggests, getting to the ballot box could make BKavs the last such appointment for some time.

Best,

PWS
09-30-18

GOOD NEWS: En Banc 9th Cir. Will Rehear C.J.L.G. v. Sessions On Children’s Right To Counsel in Removal – Oral Argument Set For Dec. 10, 2018 — “Our Gang’s” Amicus Brief Appears To Have Helped!

Lee Brand, Partner at Simpson Thacher & Bartlett LLP in Palo Alto, CA and his amazing group of brief write gave us the good news this afternoon and sent along these orders granting the rehearing en banc and setting OA:

CJLGOrder 2 CJLGOrder

Many thanks to Lee and his dedicated group of superstar members of the “New Due Process Army” without whom this effort would not have been possible.

Here’s a copy of the Amicus Brief from “Our Gang of Retired Judges:”

2018.03.15 CJLG Amicus Brief of IJs

This is one of many important Federal Court and BIA cases in which “Our Gang” under the leadership of Judge Jeffrey Chase and Judge Lory Rosenberg have filed amicus briefs informing the courts of the realities of Immigration Court practice and the current sad state of Due Process in the courts. We’re working on some additional “assignments.” We’ll keep fighting for fairness, Due Process, and judicial independence as long as we’re “alive and kicking.”

Here’s a brief report form Jeffrey:

I am sending this to our now much larger full group.  One of the early amicus briefs in which 11 members of our gang participated was filed in support of a motion for rehearing en banc before the 9th Cir. in CJLG v. Sessions.  In that case, an IJ went forward with the asylum hearing of a 15 year old respondent who was unable to retain counsel, telling his mother that she would represent him.  Not surprisingly, asylum was denied based on the respondent’s inability to state a cognizable social group and to establish the government was unable/unwilling to control.  The ACLU filed a petition for review in the 9th Cir. arguing that minors should be assigned counsel in removal proceedings, which was dismissed by a 3 judge panel.

Today, the 9th Cir. granted the motion for rehearing en banc; oral arguments are set for Dec. 10.
So far, of the cases in which our gang submitted amicus briefs, there have been successful outcomes in Negusie (before the BIA), and in Matumona v. Sessions in the 10th Cir., in which OIL stipulated to remand for the BIA to consider the arguments raised on appeal (which concerned the impact of remote detention centers on the respondent’s ability to retain counsel).

It’s an honor to be a member of “Our Gang” and to have the opportunity to work with the many outstanding pro bono counsel and firms throughout the country who are part of the “New Due Process Army.”  The efforts of these wonderful lawyers represent the real commitment to the “rule of law” in immigration and stand in sharp contrast with the jaundiced views and insults to the legal profession publicly proclaimed by Jeff Sessions.

If you are a retired Immigration Judge or BIA Appellate Immigration Judge and would like to join our collegial group effort, please contact Jeffrey, Lory, or me. It’s a rewarding experience and a great opportunity to use your expertise to “make a difference.” It’s also a great chance to keep in touch with your judicial colleagues. It’s not all work (that’s where our wonderful pro bono lawyers come in) — we also have some fun, good times, and fond recollections in the process. (Judge Gus “Hang 10” Villageliu has promised free (non-web) surfing lessons to all new members once hurricane season is past!)

Due Process Forever!

PWS

09-20-18

GONZO’S WORLD: A.G.’S “MY WAY OR THE HIGHWAY” SPEECH TO NEW U.S. IMMIGRATION JUDGES CONTINUES TO DRAW FIRE! Hon. Jeffrey Chase & Others Criticize Sessions’s Inappropriate, Biased, & Unethical Demand That Judges Show No Mercy & Prejudge Asylum Cases Against Refugees! — Constitutional Crisis Brewing!!

https://www.jeffreyschase.com/blog/2018/9/15/like-water-seeping-through-an-earthen-dam

In addressing 44 newly-hired immigration judges earlier this week, their new boss, Jeff Sessions, demonstrated not only his usual level of bias (to a group charged with acting as impartial adjudicators), but a very strange grasp of how our legal system works.

Sessions told the new class of judges that lawyers “work every day – like water seeping through an earthen dam – to get around the plain words of the INA to advance their clients’ interest.  Theirs is not the duty to uphold the integrity of the Act.”

Later in his remarks, Sessions opined that “when we depart from the law and create nebulous legal standards out of a sense of sympathy for the personal circumstances of a respondent in our immigration courts, we do violence to the rule of law and constitutional fabric that bind this great nation.”

To me, the above remarks evince a complete misunderstanding of how our legal system works.

In 1964, the U.S. Supreme Court decided Katzenbach v. McClung, a landmark civil rights case.  In order to find that the federal Civil Rights Act applied to a local, family-owned barbecue restaurant in Alabama, DOJ attorneys persuaded the Supreme Court that there was federal jurisdiction under the Constitution’s Commerce Clause because of segregation’s impact on interstate commerce.  I’m no Constitutional law expert, but I’m not sure that when its authors afforded Congress the power “to regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States,” that this is what they had in mind.  Was creatively interpreting the Commerce Clause in order to end segregation “like water seeping through an earthen dam” to get around the clear words of the Constitution?  Did ending segregation constitute, in Sessions’s opinion, doing violence to the rule of law out of a sense of sympathy for the black victims of Alabama’s racist policies?

Every positive legal development is the result of an attorney advancing a creative legal argument, often motivated by a sense of sympathy for unfair treatment of a class of individuals in need of protection.  Many landmark decisions have resulted from such attorneys offering the court an unorthodox but legally sound solution to a sympathetic injustice.  This is actually how the legal system is supposed to operate.  Our laws are made by Congress, and not the Executive branch.  When Congress drafts these laws, they and their staffers are well aware of the existence of lawyers and judges and their ability to interpret the statutory language.

Had Congress not wanted our asylum laws to be flexible, allowing them to be interpreted in myriad ways to respond to changing types of persecution carried out by different types of actors, it could have said so.  When the courts found that victims of China’s coercive family planning policies did not qualify for asylum, Congress responded by amending the statutory definition of “refugee” to cover such harm.  In the four years following the BIA’s conclusion that victims of domestic violence qualified for asylum, Congress notably did not enact legislation barring such grants.  To the contrary, after Jeff Sessions issued his decision with the intent of preventing such grants, a Republican-led Congressional committee unanimously passed a measure barring funding for government efforts to carry out Sessions’ decision, a clear rebuke by the legislative branch of Sessions’s view that such claims are illegitimate. https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/gop-led-house-committee-rebuffs-trump-administration-on-immigrant-asylum-claim-policy/2018/07/26/3c52ed52-911a-11e8-9b0d-749fb254bc3d_story.html?utm_term=.809760180e2a.

Interestingly, Sessions finds it perfectly acceptable to use unorthodox interpretations of the law when it serves his own interests.  For example,  he argues that he is upholding “religious liberty” in defending the right of bigots to discriminate against LGBTQ individuals. https://www.advocate.com/politics/2018/7/30/sessions-launches-new-lgbt-assault-religious-liberty-task-force.   The conclusion drawn from this inconsistency is that Sessions does not oppose creative interpretations of the law; he rather believes that the only proper interpretation of the law is his.

One of the problems with this approach is that Sessions doesn’t actually know anything about the law of asylum.  And yet he somehow feels entitled to belittle the analysis of the leading asylum experts in academia, the private bar, USCIS, ICE, and EOIR, all of whom have repeatedly found victims of domestic violence to satisfy all of the legal criteria for asylum.  In its 1985 decision in Matter of Acosta, (a case that Sessions cited favorably in his controversial decision), the BIA noted that the ground of “particular social group” was added to the 1951 Convention on the Status of Refugees (which is the basis for our asylum laws) “as an afterthought.”  The BIA further noted that “it has been suggested that the notion of ‘social group’ was considered to be of broader application than the combined notions of racial, ethnic, and religious groups and that in order to stop a possible gap in the coverage of the U.N. Convention, this ground was added to the definition of refugee.”  (The full decision in Acosta can be read here:  https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/eoir/legacy/2012/08/14/2986.pdf).

As a young attorney, I learned (from the late, great asylum scholar Arthur Helton) that at the last moment, the Swedish plenipotentiary to the 1951 Convention pointed out that there were victims of Hitler and Stalin in need of protection who did not fall under the other four Convention grounds of race, religion, nationality, or political opinion.  A fifth, catch-all ground was therefore proposed to serve as a “safety net” in such cases.  In other words, the reason the particular social group category was created and is a part of our laws was because the Convention’s drafters, perhaps “like water seeping through an earthen dam,” created an intentionally nebulous legal standard out of a sense of sympathy for victims of injustice.  The ground was therefore created to be used for the exact purpose decried by Sessions.

Because of the strength of such legal authority, Sessions’s decision in Matter of A-B-, in spite of dicta to the contrary, actually still allows for the granting of domestic violence and gang violence-based asylum claims.  The decision criticized the BIA’s precedent decision in Matter of A-R-C-G- for reaching its conclusion without explaining its reasoning in adequate detail.  However, where the record is properly developed, a legally solid analysis can be shown to support granting such claims even under the standards cited by Sessions.

This is what makes Sessions comments to the new class of immigration judges so disturbing. Having appointed judges whom his Justice Department has found qualified, he should now leave it to them to exercise their expertise and independent judgment to interpret the law and determine who qualifies for asylum.  But in declaring such cases to lack validity, belittling private attorneys innovative arguments, and equating the granting of such claims to doing violence to the rule of law, Sessions aims to undermine right from the start the judicial independence of the only judges he controls.  EOIR’s management has demonstrated that it has no intention of pushing back; instead, it asks how high Sessions wants the judges to jump.

Knowing this, how likely is one of the 44 new judges to grant asylum to a victim of domestic violence who has clearly met all of the legal criteria?  New immigration judges are subject to a two-year probationary period.  It’s clear that a grant of such cases under any circumstances will be viewed unfavorably by Sessions.  In a highly publicized case, EOIR’s management criticized a judge in Philadelphia whose efforts at preserving due process they bizarrely interpreted as an act of disobedience towards Sessions, and removed the case in question and more than 80 cases like it from the judge’s docket.

So if a new judge, who may have a family to support, and a mortgage and college tuition to pay, is forced to choose between applying the law in a reasoned fashion and possibly suffering criticism and loss of livelihood, or holding his or her nose and adhering to Sessions’s views, what will the likely choice be?

Sessions concluded his remarks by claiming that the American people “have spoken in our laws and they have spoken in our elections.”  As to the latter, Americans voted against Trump’s immigration policies by a margin of 2.8 million votes.  As to the former, Congress has passed laws which have been universally interpreted by DHS, EOIR, and all leading asylum scholars as allowing victims of domestic violence to be granted asylum based on their membership in a particular social group.  It is time for this administration to honor the rule of law and to restore judicial independence to such determinations.

Copyright 2018 Jeffrey S. Chase.  All rights reserved.

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https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/politics/immigration-judges-hit-back-at-sessions-for-suggesting-they-show-too-much-sympathy/ar-BBNbbLK

Tal Axelrod reports in The Hill:

A union representing the country’s 350 immigration judges slammed Attorney General Jeff Sessions for comments he made that suggested they were sidestepping the law and showing too much sympathy when handling certain cases.

“When we depart from the law and create nebulous legal standards out of a sense of sympathy for the personal circumstances of a respondent in our immigration courts, we do violence to the rule of law and constitutional fabric that bind this great nation,” Sessions said Monday in a speech to newly hired judges. “Your job is to apply the law – even in tough cases.”

Immigration judges, who work for the Department of Justice and are expected to follow guidelines laid out by the attorney general, said they believe Sessions was politicizing migrant cases.

“The reality is that it is a political statement which does not articulate a legal concept that judges are required to be aware of and follow,” Dana Marks, a spokeswoman for the National Association of Immigration Judges and an immigration judge in San Francisco, told BuzzFeed News. “It did appear to be a one-sided argument made by a prosecutor.”

Ashley Tabaddor, president of the National Association of Immigration Judges, added that “we cannot possibly be put in this bind of being accountable to someone who is so clearly committed to the prosecutorial role.”

Sessions, an ideological ally of President Trump on immigration, has established additional restrictions on the types of cases that qualify for asylum and when certain cases can be suspended. He was involved in the White House’s controversial “zero tolerance” policy that led to family separations at the U.S.-Mexico border.

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http://immigrationimpact.com/2018/09/11/speech-to-new-immigration-sessions-attacks-immigration-lawyers/

AARON REICHLIN-MELNICK of the American Immigration Council reports on Immigration Impact:

Rather than encourage the new class of 44 immigration judges to be fair and impartial adjudicators in his Monday morning speech, Attorney General Jeff Sessions advocated for a deeply flawed immigration court system and directed judges to carry out the Trump administration’s punitive, anti-immigration agenda.

While many would have taken the opportunity to reinforce principles of due process and fairness to new judges, Sessions instead emphasized that judges must follow his commands and encouraged judges to ignore “sympathy” when applying the law to noncitizens in their courtrooms.  He also renewed his criticisms of immigration lawyers and the noncitizens who access immigration courts each day in order to apply for immigration relief.

Throughout his speech, Sessions framed the role of immigration judges as enforcers of the law, not as neutral adjudicators in an adversarial system. He declared that the work of the new judges would “send a clear message to the world that the lawless practices of the past are over” and railed against “the problem of illegal immigration.”

Rather than be a place where individuals ask for immigration relief and impartial judges weigh the merits of each case, Sessions seemed to argue for the courts to be turned into a deportation mill. Judges would then spearhead the fight against illegal immigration.

Despite the Attorney General’s authority to establish performance standards and create new precedent for judges to follow, the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) allows judges to independently make decisions on individual immigrants’ cases.

Ashley Tabaddor, the president of the union representing immigration judges, reacted to Sessions’ remarks, calling them “troubling and problematic” and accused Sessions of not “appreciat[ing] the distinction” between judges and prosecutors. “We are not one and the same as them.”

Sessions also renewed his attacks on immigration lawyers, first articulated in a 2017 speech (for which he was widely condemned) when he accused “dirty immigration lawyers” of encouraging undocumented immigrants to “make false claims of asylum [by] providing them with the magic words needed” to claim asylum.

Monday’s speech returned to a similar theme, with Sessions claiming that “good lawyers … work every day—like water seeping through an earthen dam—to get around the plain words of the INA to advance their clients’ interests. Theirs is not the duty to uphold the integrity of the Act.”

In response to this new attack, the American Immigration Lawyers Association issued a press release accusing Sessions of expressing “disdain for lawyers who take a solemn oath to uphold the law” and showing “a complete disregard for the role of independent judges in overseeing our adversarial system.”

Sessions’ ongoing assault on judicial impartiality threatens to undermine the ability of judges to make decisions based only on the facts and law in front of them.

In addition, by attacking immigration lawyers, who every day play a vital role in ensuring that noncitizens have a fair day in court, Sessions continues to demonstrate that he has little interest in fairness or justice when it comes to immigrants. Our immigration courts should reflect our American values of fairness, compassion, and due process, rather than a rejection of them.

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https://www.newsweek.com/jeff-sessions-immigration-judges-sympathy-1115512

JEFF SESSIONS DEMANDS IMMIGRATION JUDGES SHOW NO SYMPATHY, SAYS IT DOES ‘VIOLENCE TO THE RULE OF LAW

As the Trump administration continued to struggle to reunite hundreds of migrant children separated from their parents resulting from the president’s “zero-tolerance” policy, Attorney General Jeff Sessions told dozens of incoming immigration judges Monday to show no sympathy for those who appear before them in court.

“When we depart from the law and create nebulous legal standards out of a sense of sympathy for the personal circumstances of a respondent in our immigration courts, we do violence to the rule of law and constitutional fabric that bind this great nation,” Sessions said. “Your job is to apply the law—even in tough cases.”

Sessions, the most powerful attorney in the country as head of the Justice Department, was speaking to 44 new immigration judges in Falls Church, Virginia.

He also took aim at lawyers who represent immigrants who were caught illegally crossing the U.S.-Mexico border, suggesting they try to misconstrue immigration law “like water seeping through an earthen dam.” He told the judges it was their responsibility to “restore the rule of law” to the system.

. . . .
Read the rest of Ramsey’s article at the above link.
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There is a simple term for justice not tempered by mercy, compassion, and sympathy: INJUSTICE. Indeed, the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which includes the essential Due Process Clause, was specifically intended to protect the populace against Executive overreach of the kind that England imposed on the Colonies prior to the Revolution. That’s exactly what we’re seeing under Jeff Sessions!
As most Immigration Judges recognize, Session’s overt White Nationalism, racial bias, and absurd claims that he is “restoring the rule of law” (when in fact he is doing the exact opposite) are totally out of control.
It’s time for a “Due Process intervention” by the Article III Courts. Sessions and the DOJ must be stripped of their untenable and unconstitutional control over the Immigration Courts. Appoint a “Special Master” — someone like retired U.S. Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy — to run the Immigration Court System and restore Due Process and fairness until Congress does its job and creates an independent U.S. Immigration court outside the Executive Branch.
The problems aren’t going away under the Trump Administration. And, if the Article III Judiciary doesn’t act it will find itself crushed under thousands of defective removal orders that Sessions is urging the Immigration Judges to turn out without Due Process or the “fair and impartial” adjudication that it guarantees. The Article IIIs can run, but they can’t hide from this Constitutional crisis!
Sessions’s remarks are also an insult to all of the many current and former U.S Immigration Judges who, unlike Jeff Sessions, have been deciding “tough cases” for years, within the law, but with sympathy, understanding, humanity, and compassion which are also essential qualities for fair judging under our Constitutional system that Sessions neither understands nor respects. No wonder his own party judged him unqualified for an Article III judgeship years ago. He hasn’t changed a bit.
PWS
09-17-18

GONZO’S WORLD: RECENT ARTICLES SHOW HOW SESSIONS’S SHOCKINGLY INAPPROPRIATE REMARKS TO NEW IMMIGRATION JUDGES VIOLATED EOIR CODE OF JUDICIAL ETHICS, SHOWED DISRESPECT FOR THE LAW, AND VIOLATED THE FUNDAMENTAL RULES OF GOOD IMMIGRATION JUDGING BY DIRECTING JUDGES NOT TO BE SYMPATHETIC TO REFUGEES! – TURNING REFUGEE LAW AND HISTORY ON ITS HEAD!

https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/hamedaleaziz/sessions-new-immigration-judges-sympathy

Hamed Aleaziz reports for BuzzFeed News:

Attorney General Jeff Sessions on Monday warned incoming immigration judges that lawyers representing immigrants are trying to get around the law like “water seeping through an earthen dam” and that their responsibility is to not let them and instead deliver a “secure” border and a “lawful system” that “actually works.”

He also cautioned the judges against allowing sympathy for the people appearing before them, which might cause them to make decisions contrary to what the law requires.

“When we depart from the law and create nebulous legal standards out of a sense of sympathy for the personal circumstances of a respondent in our immigration courts, we do violence to the rule of law and constitutional fabric that bind this great nation. Your job is to apply the law — even in tough cases,” he said.

The comments immediately drew criticism from the union that represents the judges and from former judges.

“The reality is that it is a political statement which does not articulate a legal concept that judges are required to be aware of and follow,” said Dana Marks, a spokesperson for the National Association of Immigration Judges and an immigration judge in San Francisco. “It did appear to be a one-sided argument made by a prosecutor.”

Jeffrey Chase, a former immigration judge and now an immigration attorney, said the comments overlooked the fact that asylum laws were designed to be flexible.

“We possess brains and hearts, not just one or the other,” he said. It is sympathy, Chase said, that often spurs legal theories that advance the law in asylum law, civil rights, and criminal law.

“Sessions is characterizing decisions he personally disagrees with as being based on sympathy alone,” he said, “when in fact, those decisions were driven by sympathy but based on solid legal reasoning.”

Unlike other US courts, immigration judges are employees of the Justice Department whose evaluations are based on guidelines Sessions lays out. In that role, Sessions already has instituted case quotas, restricted the types of cases for which asylum can be granted, and limited when judges can indefinitely suspend certain cases. Advocates believe the Trump administration has made these decisions in order to speed up deportations. His comments on sympathy to immigrants appeared intended to bolster a decision he made recently to limit when asylum can be granted out of fear of domestic or gang violence.

Sessions also told the judges that they should focus on maximum production and urged them to get “imaginative and inventive” with their high caseload. The courts currently have a backlog of hundreds of thousands of deportation cases.

Ashley Tabaddor, an immigration judge in Los Angeles and the president of the National Association of Immigration Judges, which represents the nation’s 350 immigration judges, said Sessions’ speech was notable for its lack of any mention of fairness or due process. “We cannot possibly be put in this bind of being accountable to someone who is so clearly committed to the prosecutorial role,” said Tabaddor.

The union has long called for its separation from the Department of Justice in order to be truly independent of political decision-making.

“Good lawyers, using all of their talents and skill, work every day — like water seeping through an earthen dam — to get around the plain words of the [Immigration and Nationality Act] to advance their clients’ interests. Theirs is not the duty to uphold the integrity of the act. That is our most serious duty,” Sessions said in a speech to 44 newly hired judges who were being trained in Falls Church, Virginia.

He ended his speech by telling the incoming judges that the American people had spoken in laws and “in our elections.”

“They want a safe, secure border and a lawful system of immigration that actually works. Let’s deliver it for them,” Sessions said.

From the beginning of October through the end of June, immigration judges had granted around 22% of asylum cases and denied around 41% of cases. The rest of the cases were closed. The rate is similar to previous fiscal years. Sessions’ decision to limit the types of cases in which asylum should be granted was made in mid-June.

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https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-6152755/The-U-S-increase-number-immigration-judges-50-percent-BALLOONING-backlog.html

Valerie Bauman reports for The Daily Mail:

Attorney General Jeff Sessions said Monday that he plans to increase the number of immigration judges in the U.S. by 50 percent by the end of Fiscal Year 2018 – part of the administration’s effort to take on a case backlog that has ballooned under the Trump administration’s zero-tolerance policy.

The number of immigration cases on hold in the U.S. has risen 38 percent since Trump took office, with 746,049 pending immigration cases as of July 31, up from 542,411 at the end of January 2017, according to an analysis of government data by the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse at Syracuse University.

Sessions asserted his authority on Monday during remarks welcoming 44 newly hired immigration judges – the largest class in U.S. history – noting that they must operate under his supervision and perform the duties that he prescribes.

As you take on this critically important role, I hope that you will be imaginative and inventive in order to manage a high-volume caseload,’ he said. ‘I do not apologize for expecting you to perform, at a high level, efficiently and effectively.’

Sessions also had harsh words for the attorneys who represent immigrants, describing them as ‘water seeping through an earthen dam,’  who attempt to ‘get around’ immigration laws.

The message follows a series of policy changes that have put increasing pressure on immigration judges to close cases quickly while taking away their authority to prioritize cases based on their own judgment.

‘We’re clearly moving toward a point where there isn’t going to be judicial independence in the immigration courts anymore,’ former immigration Judge Jeffrey S. Chase told DailyMail.com.

U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions delivers remarks to the incoming class of immigration judges in Falls Church, Virginia

U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions delivers remarks to the incoming class of immigration judges in Falls Church, Virginia

For example, the Justice Department earlier this year announced a quota system requiring judges to clear at least 700 cases annually in order to be rated as ‘satisfactory’ on their performance evaluations.

Quotas ‘would threaten the integrity and independence of the court and potentially increase the court’s backlog,’ according to the National Association of Immigration Judges, the union representing the judges.

Sessions also issued a decision earlier this year that takes away the authority of immigration judges to administratively close cases, a process that allowed a judge to indefinitely close low-priority cases to make room on the docket for more serious offenses – such as those involving violent criminals and gang members.

From Oct. 1, 2011 through Sept. 30, 2017, 215,285 cases were administratively closed, according to Sessions. Now experts say those cases will be added back to the dockets, further compounding the backlog.

In addition, Sessions issued a legal opinion earlier this year designed to make it impossible for victims of domestic violence and gangs to seek asylum in the U.S. – which some critics say will limit judicial independence.

Legal experts said Monday that Session’s speech was designed to assert his authority over the judges and impress upon them the importance of issuing rulings consistent with his own philosophy.

‘That was an enforcement speech,’ former immigration Judge Paul Wickham Schmidt told DailyMail.com. ‘The whole implication that somehow (people seeking asylum) are bending the law and that there are attorneys trying to go through loopholes is the opposite of the truth … The losers in these asylum cases aren’t simply migrants trying to game the system. They are people facing real dangers when they go home.’

Sessions did not shy away from calling on the new judges to rise to the challenges before them.

‘Let me say this clearly: it is perfectly legitimate, moral, and decent for a nation to have a legal system of immigration and to enforce the system it adopts,’ Sessions said in his prepared remarks. ‘No great and prosperous nation can have both a generous welfare system and open borders. Such a policy is both radical and dangerous.’

Sessions has said that he has introduced a ‘streamlined’ approach for hiring judges – a historically lengthy process – to bring the average hiring time down to 266 days, compared from 742 days in 2017, according to Department of Justice data.

Immigration judges are appointed by the U.S. attorney general. The new additions bring the total number of immigration judges in the U.S. to 397.

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There are lots of helpful charts and graphs accompanying Val’s excellent article. Go to the link above to view them, along with the complete article.
Sessions’s claim that we have a “generous welfare system and open borders” is total BS. We don’t have open borders, and never have had. And SEssions and his GOP cronies have worked hard to make our welfare system not very generous at all, particularly when it comes to foreign nationals. It’s a total insult, as well as an arrogant rewriting of history to imply that the Nixon, Ford, Reagan, Bush I, Clinton, Bush II, and Obama Administrations didn’t care about immigration or border enforcement. All of them took their best shot at it, under the circmstances. I should know, as I served in all of those Administrations except for Bush I. Indeed, if anything, for better or worse, and many would say the latter, enforcement during the Obama era was probably more effective than it has been under the “Trump/Sessions gonzo approach.”
Individuals fleeing from the Northern Triangle aren’t coming for welfare. They are coming to save their lives, something that Sessions’s mindless restrictionist philosophy apparently makes it impossible for him to acknowledge. Moreover, individuals have a statutory right to apply for asylum, regardless of the means of entry. Insuring that asylum, withholding of removal, and protection under the Convention Against Torture are propoerly extended to inbdividuals seeking refuge in the US is just as much a part of “enforcing the rule of law” as are removals. Indeed, the consequencers of wrongfully removing an individual entitled to protection are potentially catestropohic.
OK. Now let’s get beyond Sessions’s White Nationalist screed and get some truth about:
  • The ethical standards for Immigration Judges;
  • The real intent of the Refugee Act of 19809; and
  • What being a fair and impartial immigration judge is really about.

Sessions’s Statement Favoring A Party To Immigration Court Proceedings And Showing Disrespect For The Opposing Party & Their Representatives Violates The EOIR Ethical Code By Showing An “Appearance of Bias.”

Let’s remember that under the strange rules governing EOIR and the Immigration Courts within the USDOJ, Attorney General Jeff Sessions can and has taken on the role as a judicial adjudicator in an individual cases, changing results and setting precedent for the BIA and the Immigration Judges.

So, what does the EOIR Code of Judicial Ethics say about judicial conduct?

V. Impartiality (5 C.F.R. § 2635.101(b)(8))

An Immigration Judge shall act impartially and shall not give preferential treatment to any organization or individual when adjudicating the merits of aparticular case. An Immigration Judge should encourage and facilitate pro bono representation. An Immigration Judge may grant procedural priorities to lawyers providing pro bono legal services in accordance with Operating Procedures and Policies Memorandum (OPPM) 08-01.

VI. Appearance of Impropriety (5 C.F.R. § 2635.101(b)(14))

An Immigration Judge shall endeavor to avoid any actions that, in thejudgment of a reasonable person with knowledge of the relevant facts, wouldcreate the appearance that he or she is violating the law or applicable ethical standards.

. . . .

IX. Acting with judicial Temperament and Professionalism

An Immigration Judge should be patient, dignified, and courteous, and should act in a professional manner towards all litigants, witnesses, lawyers and others with whom the Immigration Judge deals in his or her official capacity, and should not, in the performance of official duties, by words or conduct, manifest improper bias or prejudice.

Note: An Immigration Judge should be alert to avoid behavior, including inappropriate demeanor, which may be perceived as biased. The test forappearance of impropriety is whether the conduct would create in the mind of a reasonable person with knowledge of the relevant facts the belief that the Immigration Judge’s ability to carry out his or her responsibilities with integrity, impartiality, and competence is impaired.

Note: An Immigration Judge who manifests bias or prejudice in a proceeding impairs the fairness of the proceeding and brings the immigration process into disrepute. Examples of manifestations of bias or prejudice include but are not limited to epithets; slurs; demeaning nicknames; negative stereotyping; attempted humor based upon stereotypes; threatening, intimidating, or hostile acts; suggestions of connections between race, ethnicity, or nationality and crime; and irrelevant reference to personal characteristics. Moreover, an Immigration Judge must avoid conduct that may reasonably be perceived as prejudiced or biased. Immigration Judges are not precluded from making legitimate reference to any of the above listed factors, or similar factors, when they are relevant to an issue in a proceeding.

Note: An Immigration Judge has the authority to regulate the course ofthe hearing. See 8 C.F.R. §§ 1240.1(c), 1240.9. Nothing herein prohibits theJudge from doing so. It is recognized that at times an Immigration Judgemust be firm and decisive to maintain courtroom control. 

Wow. Sure sounds to me like Sessions is in clear violation  of each of these!

Let’s get down to “brass tacks” here. Imagine that you are a represented asylum applicant from the Northern Triangle with an upcoming hearing. The morning of your hearing, you read the statement that Jeff Sessions made to the new Immigration Judges.

That afternoon, when you appear at the hearing you find that none other than Jeff Sessions is yo\ur U.S. Immigration Judge. So, do you think that you and your attorney are going to get a “fair and impartial” hearing, including a possible favorable exercise of discretion” on your asylum application, as our Constitution and laws require? Of course not!

But remember, all asylum applicants are appearing before “judges” who are actually employees of Jeff Sessions. Each judge knows that he or she owes career longevity to pleasing Sessions and his minions. Each judge also knows that at any time Sessions can arbitrarily reach down into the system, without explanation or notice, and “certify” any case or decision to himself.

Clearly, after having publicly taken a pro-DHS, pro-enforcement, anti-asylum applicant, anti-private attorney position, Sessions should not ethically have any role whatsoever in the outcome of cases in the Immigration Court System. But, clearly, he does have such a role. A big one!

If any sitting Immigration Judge conducted himself or herself the way Sessions just did, they would be suspended immediately. How does Sessions get away with disregarding judicial ethics in his own system?

The Refugee Act of 1980 Implements Our International Treaty Obligations Under the UN Convention & Protocol Relating To The Status Of Refugees and Is Actually About “Protecting” Those In Danger, Not Finding Ways Of “Rejecting” Their Claims.

Let’s hear from a former legislator who played a key role in developing and enacting the Refugee Act or 1980, former Representative Elizabeth Holtzman (D-NY) who at that time was the Chair of the House Immigration Subcommittee. This is from the letter that Holtzman recently wrote to Secretary Nielsen resigning from the DHS Detention Advisory Committee because of its perversion of the law, particularly the illegal family separation policy engineered by Sessions.

What is so astonishing to me is how much this country has changed since 1980, when I was privileged as chair of the House Immigration Subcommittee to co-author with Senator Ted Kennedy the Refugee Act of 1980. The Act — which was adopted without serious controversy — created a framework for the regular admission of refugees to the U.S. The immediate stimulus for the bill was the huge exodus of boat people leaving Vietnam. Though the memory of the Holocaust played a role, too, particularly the knowledge that the U.S. could have rescued so many people from the hands of the Nazis but did not. The Refugee Act marked our commitment as a nation to welcoming persons fleeing persecution anywhere.

In those days, the U.S. accepted large numbers of refugees — about 750,000 arrived from Vietnam; 600,000 entered from Cuba; and hundreds of thousands of Jews and their relatives came from the Soviet Union. The thought that the U.S. is frightened today by the presence of an additional 2,000 or so children and parents from Central America is laughable and appalling.

In those days, the U.S. also showed world leadership on refugee resettlement. For example, America understood that it bore a special responsibility for the refugees fleeing Vietnam because of its long involvement in the Vietnam War. Obviously, we could not absorb all the refugees, but our government worked hard to get resettlement solutions for all. First, it persuaded the countries neighboring Vietnam to which people fled in small boats not to push those refugees back out to sea, where they would confront pirates, drowning and other terrible dangers. (I know because I participated in speaking to those countries.) Then, the U.S. organized a world conference in Geneva, where countries agreed to accept specific numbers of refugees. The U.S. was able to induce other countries to act because it took the largest share. Our country’s leadership turned the boat people crisis into one of the most successful refugee resettlement programs ever.

Now, in response to the influx of (mostly) women and their children fleeing horrific violence in Central America, the U.S. government can think only of building a wall and unlawfully separating children from their parents — something I call child kidnapping, plain and simple — as a deterrent to keep others from coming to the US. How far we have we fallen.

And how easy it would be to do the right thing. The U.S. needs to start with recognizing that it once again has a special responsibility for a dire situation, this time in the Northern Triangle. We overthrew the democratically elected government in Guatemala, which was replaced by one right-wing government after another, including one that committed genocide against the indigenous population. In Honduras and El Salvador, we similarly propped up right-wing governments that did nothing for their people, leaving them without effective governance in place. The fact that gangs have been able to terrorize the population with impunity is a result.

More must be done as well. We should reinstate the Central American Minors Refugee/Parole Program, established under President Obama and cancelled by the Trump Administration, whereby people could apply in their home countries for admission as refugees to the U.S. without facing the perils of the overland trip. Second, we should try to get Canada and other countries in South America to accept refugees from the Northern Triangle countries, reducing the burden on us. To do this, we would have to agree to take a substantial number of refugees from the Northern Triangle countries as well. And then we should work to improve the governance in these countries, perhaps by involving the United Nations and nearby countries, such as Costa Rica.

Unfortunately, the chance of any such enlightened response toward refugees from the Northern Triangle seems remote. These countries probably fall into Trump’s stated “shithole” category. Plainly, the hostile attitude toward the refugees persists. For example, 463 parents may have been deported without their children. Apparently DHS Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen feels no responsibility for reuniting those with their parents, instead making the flimsy excuse that the parents wanted to leave them behind. While possibly true in a small number of instances, given the fact that many of the parents do not speak English, or even Spanish, but their indigenous language, it is more likely that a significant number of the parents had no idea of what was happening or how to get their children back. They may even have been coerced into leaving. In any case, Nielsen has a very poor record of truth-telling. On June 17, she insisted that “We do not have a policy of separating families at the border. Period.”

And the racist, contemptuous attitude of the Administration keeps showing. Just recently, before a conservative audience, Attorney General Jeff Sessions made a joke — a joke! — about separating children from their parents. (He also briefly joined in a chant of “Lock her up!”)

Most Americans, fortunately, have found the separation policy abhorrent. Those of us who do, need to press the Administration to find a more humane and more comprehensive solution, like our country has done in the past. But if the Administration continues the enforced separation policy, I hope that the courts will enforce their decisions, which have required reunification, by holding the Secretary and others in contempt if necessary. Congress should be called on to act by holding hearings and adopting censure resolutions. None of us can sit idly by when our government stoops to such racist, malign behavior.
Yes, with responsible leadership, it would be relatively easy to do the right thing here. But, it’s not going to happen with the “wrong people” like Donald Trump, Stephen Miller, Jeff Sessions, and Kristjen Nielsen in charge.

The real intent of the Refugee Act of 1980 was to give America the tools to take a leadership role in protecting individuals, particularly those flowing from situations we helped cause like the mess in the Northern Triangle. I’m sure that most of those involved in the bipartisan effort would be shocked by the overtly racist, restrictionist views being pawned off by Sessions as “following the law.” “I call BS” on Session’s perversion of protection laws.

Undoubtedly, cases like Matter of A-R-C-G-, incorrectly overruled by Sessions, actually substantially understated the case for protecting domestic violence victims. There is little doubt in my mind that under a proper interpretation “women in El Salvador” (or Guatemala or Honduras, or many other countries) satisfy the stated criteria for a “particular social group.”

Being a “woman in El Salvador” clearly is :

  • Immutable or fundamental to identity;
  • Particularized; and
  • Socially distinct.

Moreover, there is no legitimate doubt that the status of being a “woman in El Salvador” is often “at least one central reason” for the persecution. Nor is there any doubt that the Governments in the Northern Triangle are unwilling and unable to offer a reasonable level of protection to women abused because of class membership, Sessions’s largely fictional account of country conditions notwithstanding.

At some point, whether or not in my lifetime, some integrity will be re-injected into the legal definition by recognizing the obvious. It might come from Congress, a more qualified Executive, or the Courts. But, it will eventually come. The lack of recognition for women refugees, who perhaps make up a majority of the world’s refugees, is a symptom of the “old white guys” like Sessions who have controlled the system. But, that’s also likely to change in the future.

My esteemed colleague, retired U.S. Immigraton Judge Jeffrey S. Chase said it best:

“Sessions is characterizing decisions he personally disagrees with as being based on sympathy alone,” he said, “when in fact, those decisions were driven by sympathy but based on solid legal reasoning.”

The Proper Role Of a Good Immigration Judge Involves Sympathetic Understanding Of The Plight Of Refugees, What They Have Suffered, & The Systemic Burdens They Face in Presenting Claims.

Let’s see what some real judges who have had a role in the actually fairly adjudicating asylum claims have to say about the qualities of judging.

Here’s one of my favorite quotes from the late Seventh Circuit Judge Terence T. Evans in Guchshenkov v. Ashcroft, 366 F.3d 554 (7th Cir. 2004) (Evans, J., concurring) that sums up the essence of being a good Immigration Judge:

Because 100 percent of asylum petitioners want to stay in this country, but less than 100 percent are entitled to asylum, an immigration judge must be alert to the fact that some petitioners will embellish their claims to increase their chances of success. On the other hand, an immigration judge must be sensitive to the suffering and fears of petitioners who are genuinely entitled to asylum in this country. A healthy balance of sympathy and skepticism is a job requirement for a good immigration judge. Attaining that balance is what makes the job of an immigration judge, in my view, excruciatingly difficult.

Or, check out this heartfelt statement from my former colleague Judge Thomas Snow, one of “Arlington’s Finest,” (who also, not incidentally, had served as the Acting Chief Immigration Judge and Acting Director of EOIR, as well as being a long-time Senior Executive in the USDOJ) in USA Today:

Immigration judges make these decisions alone. Many are made following distraught or shame-filled testimony covering almost unimaginable acts of inhumanity. And we make them several times a day, day after day, year after year.

We take every decision we make very seriously. We do our best to be fair to every person who comes before us. We judge each case on its own merits, no matter how many times we’ve seen similar fact patterns before.

We are not policymakers. We are not legislators. We are judges. Although we are employees of the U.S. Department of Justice who act under the delegated authority of the attorney general, no one tells us how to decide a case. I have been an immigration judge for more than 11 years, and nobody has ever tried to influence a single one of my thousands of decisions

And finally, because we are judges, we do our best to follow the law and apply it impartially to the people who appear before us. I know I do so, even when it breaks my heart.

Here’s a “pithier” one from my friend and colleague Judge Dana Leigh Marks, former President of the National Association of Immigration Judges (who also was the “winning attorney” representing the plaintiff in INS v. Cardoza-Fonseca,  480 U.S. 421 (1987)) —  I was on the “losing” INS side that day):

[I]mmigration judges often feel asylum hearings are “like holding death penalty cases in traffic court.”

Finally, here’s my take on being an Immigration Judge after 45 years in the field, including stints at the BIA, the “Legacy INS,” private practice, and academics:

From my perspective, as an Immigration Judge I was half scholar, half performing artist.  An Immigration Judge is alwayson public display, particularly in this “age of the Internet.” His or her words, actions, attitudes, and even body language, send powerful messages, positive or negative, about our court system and our national values.  Perhaps not surprisingly, the majority of those who fail at the job do so because they do not recognize and master the “performing artist” aspect, rather than from a lack of pertinent legal knowledge. 

Compare Sessions’s one-sided, biased outlook with the statements of those of us who have “walked the walk and talked the talk” — who have had to listen to the horrible stories, judge credibility, look at whether protection can legally be extended, and, on some occasions, look folks in the eye and tell them we have no choice but to send them back into situations where they clearly face death or danger.

Sympathetic understanding of refugees and the protection purposes of refugee, asylum, and CAT laws are absolutely essential to fair adjudication of asylum and other claims for relief under the Immigration Laws. And, clearly, under the UNHCR guidance, if one is going to err, it must be on the side of protection rather than rejection. 

That’s why Jeff Sessions, a cruel, biased, and ignorant individual, lacking human understanding, sympathy, a sense of fundamental fairness, a commitment to Due Process, and genuine knowledge of the history and purposes of asylum laws has no business whatsoever being involved in immigration adjudication, let alone “heading” what is supposed to be a fair and impartial court system dedicated to “guaranteeing fairness and Due Process for all.”

Senator Elizabeth Warren tried to tell her colleagues and the rest of America the truth about Jeff Sessions and the horrible mistake they were making in putting such a famously unqualified man in charge of our Department of Justice. But, they wouldn’t listen. Now, refugees, families, and children, among his many victims, are paying the price.

Sessions closes with a final lie: that the American people spoke in the election in favor his White Nationalist policies.  Whether Sessions acknowledges it or not, Donald Trump is a minority President. Millions more voted for Hillary Clinton and other candidates than they did for Trump.

Almost every legitimate poll shows that most Americans favor a more moderate immigration policy, one that admits refugees, promotes an orderly but generous legal immigration system, takes care of Dreamers, and controls the borders in a humane fashion as opposed to the extreme xenophobic restrictionist measures pimped by Sessions, Trump, Steven Miller, and the GOP far right. In particular, the separation of children, Sessions’s unlawful “brainchild,” has been immensely (and rightfully) unpopular.

Jeff Sessions has never spoken for the majority of Americans on immigration or almost anything else. Don’t let him get away with his noxious plans to destroy our justice system! Whether you are an Immigration Judge, a Government employee, or a private citizen, we all have an obligation to stand up to his disingenuous bullying and intentionally false, xenophobic, racially-motivated, unethical, scofflaw narrative.

PWS

09-11-18

 

VALERIE BAUMAN @ DAILY MAIL: SESSIONS’S POLICIES CONTINUE TO INCREASE IMMIGRATION COURT BACKLOGS —  “‘No sane person would look at this and think that throwing more cases into this system would be a good idea.’ -Former immigration Judge Paul Wickham Schmidt”

http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-6115563/Backlogs-U-S-immigration-courts-38-percent-Trump-took-office.html

Backlogs in U.S. immigration courts are up 38 percent since Trump took office

Backlogs in U.S. immigration courts are up 38 percent since Trump took office, with the biggest increases in Maryland, Massachusetts and Georgia

  • U.S. immigration courts have had a 38 percent increase in case backlog since President Trump took office
  • Nationwide, there are 746,049 pending cases before 351 immigration judges, up from 542,411 in January 2017
  • The Department of Justice has recently hired 23 new judges and streamlined the process for hiring judges, but many experts say other Trump administration policy changes continue to exacerbate the system 

The U.S. immigration court system is straining to accommodate cases, with a 38 percent increase in the backlog since President Trump took office, according to a new analysis of government data.

Nationwide, there were 746,049 pending cases as of July 31 – up from 542,411 at the end of January 2017, according to the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse at Syracuse University.

‘It’s a fairly remarkable increase – nearly 40 percent in 18 months,’ former immigration Judge Paul Wickham Schmidt told DailyMail.com. ‘It shows that the policies being followed by this administration are making things worse rather than better.’

The increase in caseload has occurred unevenly, with 10 states responsible for the majority of the growth in backlogged cases.

While not every state has immigration court, immigrants living in each state have cases before an immigration judge. This map illustrates where people with pending immigration cases are living

While not every state has immigration court, immigrants living in each state have cases before an immigration judge. This map illustrates where people with pending immigration cases are living

Maryland had the highest increase (96 percent), with 33,384 backlogged cases as of July 31, compared to 17,074 at the end of January 2017.

Massachusetts followed, with a 76 percent increase to 26,782 cases, compared to 15,208 cases 18 months earlier.

 No sane person would look at this and think that throwing more cases into this system would be a good idea.                                -Former immigration Judge Paul Wickham Schmidt

Georgia had the third highest increase at 67 percent (rising to 23,249 cases from 13,955), followed by Florida with a 57 percent increase (up to 50,544 pending cases from 32,233). California had a 48 percent increase and the highest overall backlog of any state with 140,676 unresolved cases, up from 95,252.

Attorney General Jeff Sessions has sought to address the problem through a number of steps, however many experts say changes under the Trump administration are exacerbating the backlog.

‘No sane person would look at this and think that throwing more cases into this system would be a good idea,’ Wickham Schmidt said.

The Executive Office for Immigration Review, which oversees the immigration court system, announced earlier this month that it has hired 23 new immigration judges in an effort to take on the backlog and to offset the retirement of judges.

That change brings the total number of immigration judges to 351, with Department of Justice officials expecting to add another 75 in the fall.

Sessions says he has also introduced a ‘streamlined’ approach for hiring judges – a historically lengthy process – to bring the average hiring time down to 266 days, compared from 742 days in 2017, according to Department of Justice data.

In addition, the DOJ has introduced a new quota that would require immigration judges to close 700 cases a year.

Quotas ‘would threaten the integrity and independence of the court and potentially increase the court’s backlog,’ according to the National Association of Immigration Judges, the union representing the judges.

Ten states were responsible for a majority of the increase in case backlogs within U.S. immigration courts since President Trump took office

Ten states were responsible for a majority of the increase in case backlogs within U.S. immigration courts since President Trump took office

Despite those efforts, experts say that a number of policy changes under the Trump administration continue to compound the backlog and more recent actions could worsen the situation in years to come.

‘The problem is basic policy decisions in managing the workload,’ said Susan B. Long, co-director of TRAC, which published the analysis. ‘Historically backlogs have been rising for a very long time, so this is not a new problem, but they have accelerated since President Trump assumed office.’

Throwing a couple hundred thousand cases back into an already overloaded system is obviously going to have an impact.                                     -Former immigration Judge Jeffrey S. Chase

Under the current administration, the DOJ has ended an Obama-era practice that gave the government prosecutorial discretion in immigration cases, which allowed Immigration and Customs Enforcement attorneys to prioritize certain cases and deprioritize others by taking them off the docket indefinitely.

For example, officials could deprioritize cases in which an immigrant has been living in the country for many years without committing any crimes, who is also paying taxes and has close relatives who are U.S. citizens.

The goal was to allow the DOJ to focus more time and energy prosecuting immigrants who were convicted of other crimes, engaged in gang activity, or who had just crossed the border.

Long told DailyMail.com that ‘tens of thousands’ of cases could be reintroduced to the docket now that prosecutorial discretion has been eliminated.

Sessions also issued a decision earlier this year that takes away the authority of immigration judges to administratively close cases. Similar to prosecutorial discretion, administrative closures allowed a judge to close low-priority cases to make room on the docket for more serious offenses.

The backlog of immigration cases has risen steadily over the past decade

The backlog of immigration cases has risen steadily over the past decade

From Oct. 1, 2011 through Sept. 30, 2017, 215,285 cases were administratively closed, according to Sessions’ decision.

Now those cases are being added back to the docket, former Immigration Judge Jeffrey S. Chase told DailyMail.com.

‘Throwing a couple hundred thousand cases back into an already overloaded system is obviously going to have an impact,’ he said.

In addition, the Trump administration is planning to terminate Temporary Protected Status for people from El Salvador in September 2019 and Haiti in July 2019. TPS is a designation for people from certain countries for whom it would be unsafe or not feasible for them to return home. Chase said putting an end to the program will add to the backlog in the future.

Long said that the increase in immigration crackdowns at workplaces and at the Southern U.S. border are primarily being handled by criminal courts, so those aren’t having a huge impact on the backlog.

In many cases simple case ‘churn’ – when cases are postponed because a judge isn’t available or unable to get to all scheduled cases in a day – is the cause of backlog, Long said.

****************************************

Susan Long and Jeffrey have hit the nail on the head. Sessions has replaced a nascent but very promising prosecutorial discretion (“PD”) system instituted by DHS toward the end of the Obama Administration with more “Aimless Docket Reshuffling.” “Churning,” as used by Susan is another term for “Aimless Docket Reshuffling,” or “ADR” for short.

The “spiggot” of Immigration Court cases is under the sole control of ICE. No court reform is likely to succeed unless it includes an element of responsible and prioritized use of court time — the process followed by every other law enforcement agency in America that I’m aware of except ICE. Sessions — and let’s be honest, he’s running both immigration enforcement through DHS and the courts at DOJ despite the glaring conflict of interest — is moving in exactly the opposite direction with his bone-headed “zero tolerance” and “deport ’em all” pronouncements.

By 1) eliminating policies favoring the prudent use of court time; 2) removing the authority of Immigration Judges to close cases that could be better handled by USCIS off the courts’ active dockets; 3) disrupting settled asylum law and discouraging ICE from stipulating or otherwise settling cases, making most cases “full three-hour merits hearings;” and 4) overemphasizing detention, thereby shifting judicial resources from non-detained courts where all of the backlog exists to detained courts, Sessions has virtually guaranteed a continued growth in backlog.

The most telling fact: even with dozens more Immigration Judges on the bench than during any time in the Obama Administration, and all sorts of sophomoric “just pedal faster, shame and blame” invectives directed at the Immigration Judges themselves, as well as embattled private attorneys, the Trump Administration has never been able to complete more Immigration Court cases than it has docketed. That’s the definition of an out of control backlog.

Another sobering stat: Assuming that the 350 Immigration Judges now on duty worked on nothing but backlog — no new cases — and that each of them achieved their “quota” of 700 cases annually, it would take until nearly 2022 just to complete all of the cases in the current backlog!

No, the answer isn’t to blame the victims: the migrants exercising the legal rights to which they are entitled, the attorneys (many serving pro bono) trying to help them, and the beleaguered judges themselves and their overwhelmed court staff.

The answer is in the exercise of some prosecutorial discretion by the DHS to get “low priority” individuals and cases off the docket. At some point, that must be combined with a legislative program that allows those undocumented individuals with clean records, equities, and who are effectively part of and important contributors to our society to remain in some type of legal status. In my view, that should involve a path to a green card. But, even a more limited, renewable “TPS-type” status that allowed individuals to reside, work, study, and pay taxes in the US would be a big step in the right direction.

Not going to happen under Trump & Sessions? Yeah, that’s likely true. All the more reason to replace them with non-White Nationalists capable of recognizing the many important contributions of all kinds of  migrants and governing wisely in the overall public interest.

PWS

09-03-18

 

 

HON. JEFFREY CHASE ON HOW THE BIA “BLEW OFF” THE SUPREMES — Matter of BERMUDEZ-COTA, 27 I&N Dec. 441 (BIA 2018)  — Is The BIA Risking Docket Disaster To Please Sessions?

https://www.jeffreyschase.com/blog/2018/9/1/the-bia-vs-the-supreme-court

The BIA vs. the Supreme Court?

Although it hasn’t caught the attention of the public or the media, the Supreme Court’s June 21 decision in Pereira v. Sessions has inspired immigration lawyers this summer, giving reason to hope and dream.  Unfortunately, the case’s importance gets lost in the details to those not proficient in the field of immigration law.  The issue that the Supreme Court agreed to decide was a narrow one: whether a Notice to Appear (i.e. the document that must be served by DHS on the Immigration Court in order to commence removal proceedings) that lacks a time and a date of the initial hearing is sufficient to invoke the “stop-time rule” that would prevent a noncitizen from accruing the 10 years of continuous presence in the U.S. needed to apply for a relief from deportation called cancellation of removal.  If you are a layperson, I’m sure I’ve already lost you.  But read on, as what preceded doesn’t really matter for purposes of our discussion; the important part is yet to come.

BIA precedent decisions that are subpar in their rationale are often upheld by circuit courts because of something called Chevrondeference.  Chevron refers to a 1984 Supreme Court case requiring courts to defer to the interpretation of statutes by federal agencies that are specifically charged with administering the statute in question.  The Board of Immigration Appeals is a part of one of the agencies (EOIR) charged with administering immigration laws; therefore, under Chevron, its decisions are owed deference by the circuit courts, even if those courts disagree with the BIA’s decision or would have reached a different outcome themselves.  But before such deference is owed, the decision must pass a two-step test.  First, the reviewing court must find that the statute the BIA is interpreting is ambiguous.  This is important, because if the statute is clear on its face, there is no basis for the agency to have to interpret that which needs no interpretation.  Only if the court determines that the statute is in fact ambiguous does it apply the second step of the test, which is whether the agency’s interpretation is reasonable.

I’m pretty certain that I’ve lost even more readers in the preceding paragraph.  I thank those of you who are still with me for your patience.  In Pereira, the statute involved is section 239(a) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, which states what information the Notice to Appear (i.e. the document needed to commence removal proceedings) must contain.  In a 2011 precedent decision, the BIA had interpreted that statute to mean that the time and date of the initial hearing were not critical elements, and that their inclusion was not required to trigger the stop-time rule.  Six federal circuits accorded Chevron deference to the BIA’s interpretation.  The lone exception was the Third Circuit.  The Supreme Court agreed to hear the case to resolve this split.  In an 8-1 decision (in which even Justice Gorsuch, Trump’s appointee, joined the majority), the Court sided with the Third Circuit.  The Court explained that no Chevrondeference was due because the statute was crystal clear, as it said in no uncertain terms that a time and a date are among the information a Notice to Appear must contain.

Finally, here is the really important part.  In its decision, the Supreme Court stated that a notice that does not contain a time and date of hearing “is not a notice to appear” under section 239(a).  The highest court in the land did not say that it is not a notice to appear only for some narrow purpose; it bears repeating that it said without such information, the document is not a Notice to Appear.

Those of you who are still reading might feel let down about now.  You’re saying “That’s it?  Where is the big payoff I was promised?  I’ll never get those three minutes of my life back that I just wasted reading jibberish about some kind of stopping rule that I still don’t understand.”  So here is where I hope I make it worthwhile.  All of us immigration lawyers read the above sentence and instantly thought the same thing: if the Supreme Court just said that a notice without a time and date is not a Notice to Appear, than almost every one of our collective clients were never properly put into removal proceedings.  The Supreme Court decision mentioned that when asked what percentage of NTAs issued in the past three years lacked a time and a date, the government responded “almost 100 percent.”  There are presently close to 750,000 cases pending before immigration courts, and there were hundreds of thousands of cases already decided by those courts over the past 15 or 20 years that also involved NTAs missing the time and date.  And the courts are now going to have to find that nearly all of those proceedings were invalid.  Old removal orders will have to be reopened and terminated.  Almost all pending cases will have to be terminated.  Although DHS will at least intend to restart all of those hearings over by now serving each individual with an NTA that does contain a time and date, how long might that take to accomplish?  And even if they are placed into proceedings again, those who were previously denied relief get a second chance.  Perhaps this time with a different judge, a better lawyer, and more equities in their favor?

So in a year in which the Attorney General has tried to remake immigration laws to his own liking, and continues to assault the independence of the only judges he directly controls;  in which children have been unapologetically separated from their parents at the border, in which victims of domestic violence have been told the rapes and violent abuses they have suffered are will get them no protection in the U.S.A., Pereira allowed us to dream of pushing a “restart” button, a “do-over.”  Attorneys began filing motions to terminate.  The response of immigration judges was mixed, with some agreeing with the argument and terminating proceedings; while others said no, Pereira was only meant to apply to the narrow technical issue of the “stop-time” rule, and not to the broader issue of jurisdiction.

Of course, the BIA needed to weigh in on this issue.  I had no doubt that the Board would rule with the latter group and find that proceedings need not be terminated.  And of course, on Friday, that’s just what they did.  The response from the legal community has been one of outrage.  First of all, it normally takes 18 months or longer for the BIA to issue a precedent decision; it can sometimes take them many years.  Here, the Board issued its decision in two months.  As one commenter pointed out, it reads like a college freshman paper written at midnight.  Considering the importance of the issue, the Board truly abandoned its legal responsibility by cranking out such a poorly written decision that fails to address (much less adequately analyze) most of the major issues raised by Pereira.

While I could go on and on with what is wrong with the BIA decision (issued on a Friday afternoon before the Labor Day weekend, the better to sneak under the radar), I’ll just focus here on one point.  The decision (written by Board Member Molly Kendall Clark), cites the applicable regulation (8 C.F.R. section 1003.14(a)), which states that “Jurisdiction vests, and proceedings before an Immigration Judge commence, when a charging document is filed with the Immigration Court by the Service.”  As background, another section of the regulations defines “charging document” to include a “Notice to Appear.”  The documents in question here all purport to be Notices to Appear, and do not meet the definition of any other charging document described in the regulation.  Kendall Clark writes that the regulation does not specify what information must be contained in the charging document at the time it is filed with the Immigration Court, “nor does it mandate that the document specify the time and date of the initial hearing before jurisdiction will vest.”

Really?  Because the U.S. Supreme Court just said, very clearly, that a notice lacking a time and date of hearing is not a Notice to Appear.  How is it OK for the BIA to just ignore a crystal clear holding of the Supreme Court?

The answer is that in the mind of the BIA’s judges, the Supreme Court doesn’t have the ability to fire them, while the Attorney General does.  The other truth is that while BIA judges have been removed under Republican administrations for being too liberal, none has ever suffered any consequences under Democratic administrations for being too conservative.  Although I’m in the liberal camp, I’m not saying that the BIA is not entitled to reach a conservative conclusion.  But it can’t so blatantly disregard the law (in particular, a decision of the Supreme Court) out of self-preservation or political expediency.

The next step will be appeal of the issue to the various circuits.  In light of Pereira, there should be no Chevron deference accorded to the Board’s latest decision.  However, should another circuit split result, this issue may end up before the Supreme Court again.

Copyright 2018 Jeffrey S. Chase.  All rights reserved.

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Here’s a copy of the BIA’s precedent decision in

Matter of BERMUDEZ-COTA, 27 I&N Dec. 441 (BIA 2018):

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Want to see a better, more logical approach that would have honored the Supremes’ reasoning in Pereira? Here’s a succinct, well-reasoned opinion from Judge Elizabeth Young of the San Francisco Immigration Court that refutes each ICE argument and shows why the BIA’s approach in Bermudez is likely to be rejected by at least some  Circuit  Courts.

IJ ORDER – SF IJ terminated under Pereira – very clear reasoning – Nameless

(Thanks to Professor Alberto BenĂ­tez of the GW Law Immigration Clinic for sending this along.)

That no BIA Appellate Immigration Judge was willing to argue the much more logical and legally defensible approach presented in Judge Young’s decision illustrates how little real deliberation or debate remains at today’s BIA. Basically, a deliberative tribunal that no longer dares or cares to publicly deliberate in setting precedents and that decides the vast majority of non-precedent cases as “panels of one.”

As Jeffrey points out, the BIA and ICE appear to be on self-created course for a potential “Pereira II.” That, in turn, could result in hundreds of thousands of cases being subject to remand or reopening for termination. On the other hand, if ICE just reserved the NTA now, as suggested at the end of Judge Young’s opinion, the whole problem could largely be avoided. Go figure!

Yet another example of how the backlog is unlikely to diminish as long as the Immigration Courts remain in DOJ, and particularly with Jeff Sessions as the AG.

PWS

09-02-18

INSIDE EOIR WITH HAMED ALEAZIZ: THE INSIDIOUS WAYS IN WHICH SESSIONS CONTINUES TO COMPROMISE JUDICIAL INDEPENDENCE OF THE IMMIGRATION COURTS — Quoting “Our Gang Rock Star” Hon. Jeffrey S. Chase!

https://www.buzzfeed.com/hamedaleaziz/immigration-judges-have-been-told-to-hold-more-hearings?utm_term=.yhamGYaYoZ#.yhamGYaYoZ

HAMED ALEAZIZ reports for BuzzFeed:

In a move that advocates say could threaten due process rights for immigrants and lead to more deportations, immigration judges in multiple cities have been instructed to cram more hearings into their daily schedules, according to sources knowledgeable on the matter.

Advocates believe the Trump administration has undercut the independence of judges in order to speed up deportations. Already this year, Attorney General Jeff Sessions restricted the types of cases in which asylum would be granted and limited the ability for judges to indefinitely suspend certain cases.

Judges across the country, in places like San Francisco; Arlington, Virginia; Memphis, and Dallas, recently received the instructions from assistant chief immigration judges, who supervise separate immigration courts, to schedule three merits hearings a day starting Oct. 1, according to sources who did not want to speak publicly on the matter.

An Executive Office for Immigration Review official said that that the assistant chief judges were not directed by the office’s leadership to push the instructions.

Advocates believe the move could be potentially disastrous for immigrants. During merits hearings, immigrants facing deportation provide evidence and call witnesses to back up their claims to remain in the country, such as arguing for asylum. In addition, earlier in the year, the Department of Justice announced that beginning Oct. 1, judges would be expected to complete 700 cases a year.

“The requirement of three merits hearings a day could do more to threaten the integrity of the court system than the 700-case-per-year requirement,” said Sarah Pierce, a senior analyst at the Migration Policy Institute, a Washington think tank. “Requiring immigration judges to schedule three merits hearings a day assumes each case will be a similar or at least comparable length — and that’s just not true.”

Pierce said some hearings, such as asylum hearings, may require detailed testimony that can make the case stretch on for hours. “By mandating three merits hearings a day the court would be placing unrealistic pressures on immigration judges, which will certainly have negative after effects on the due process rights of the foreign nationals in their courtrooms,” she said.

Until now, how many hearings a judge schedules each day has been up to the judges themselves. Often, judges schedule two such hearings a day, experts say.

Jeffrey Chase, a former immigration judge and now an immigration attorney, said the instructions to schedule three could lead to judges feeling forced to speed through hearings.

“If a judge is going to think: ‘let me do [the] right thing and have an eight-hour hearing, or I’ve got my kids’ tuition I have to pay, I’m going to do what they want me to do,’” he said. “It’s the next step in taking away immigration judges’ independence, making them choose between job security and due process.”

Unlike federal judges who are given lifetime appointments, immigration court judges are employees of the Department of Justice. In his role overseeing the court, Sessions has been vocal in cutting down the backlog of deportation cases.

To that end, in March, judges were given benchmarks on how many days they should take to complete certain cases and how many cases they should finish every year beginning on Oct. 1.

Dana Marks, a spokesperson for the National Association of Immigration Judges, told BuzzFeed News that she could not confirm or deny the report. Marks, however, said that their association is “deeply concerned any time” there is an encroachment on judges’ ability to manage their dockets.

“Micro-managing our dockets from afar does not help us to do our job more efficiently and effectively,” she said, “it hinders us.”

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Of course demanding that Immigration Judges schedule additional cases is NOT “mere administration” or “value neutral.” Given the clear anti-immigrant, “blame the victims and the judges” message delivered by Sessions, it’s basically saying “most of the cases are easy denials — get the lead out and move ‘em out.”

A really good Immigration Judge can do a maximum of two full contested cases per day. A thorough job on a “contested merits case” including delivery of oral decision takes 3-4 hours. And, frankly, many Immigration Judges can’t fairly complete two cases.

That doesn’t mean that they aren’t working hard or good judges; it’s just a “fact of life” that judges are human and work at different paces. Also the preparation of the parties and whether or not the case  requires an interpreter (obviously, cases in English go more quickly), things over which a judge has no control, enter into it. Indeed, judges purporting to complete more than two full contested cases per day are almost certainly cutting corners, doing a substandard job, or denying Due Process to the respondents.

Sessions, through a toxic combination of ignorance, incompetence, and gross bias is destroying what is left of Due Process in the Immigration Courts. Time for the Article III Courts to step in, oust Sessions from control on ethical grounds (he is a living, breathing, violation of judicial ethics), and appoint a “Special Master” to run the system until Congress steps up and creates an independent US Immigration Court.

Otherwise, one way or another, the Article IIIs will find themselves destroyed by the mess Sessions is intentionally creating in the Immigration Courts. The Article IIIs can’t “run and hide” from the “Sessions Debacle.” Eventually, they are going to be sucked into the legal, ethical, and moral morass Sessions is creating.

In the period leading up to World War II, the German courts not only failed to stand up to Hitler, but actually willingly joined in his racist, anti-semitic program that eventually led to the Holocaust. History didn’t let them off the hook. Where will the Article IIIs stand in the Trump/Sessions White Nationalist assault on the Constitution and the rule of law?

PWS

08-24-18

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

PROFESSOR MAUREEN SWEENEY ON WHY THE BIA DOESN’T DESERVE “CHEVRON” DEFERENCE – JEFF SESSIONS’S ALL OUT ATTACK ON THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE IMMIGRATION JUDICIARY IS EXHIBIT 1!

http://lawprofessors.typepad.com/immigration/2018/08/immigration-article-of-the-day-enforcingprotection-the-danger-of-chevron-in-refugee-act-cases-by-mau.html

Go on over to ImmigrationProf Blog at the  above link for all of the links necessary to get the abstract as well as the full article. Among the many current and former Immigration Judges quoted or cited in the article are Jeffrey Chase, Ashley Tabaddor, Dana Marks, Lory Rosenberg, Robert Vinikoor, and me. (I’m sure I’m missing some of our other colleagues; it’s a very long article, but well worth the read.)

In an article full of memorable passages, here is one of my favorites:

Full enforcement of the law requires full enforcement of provisions that grant protection as well as provisions that restrict border entry. This is the part of “enforcement” that the Department of Justice is not equipped to fully understand. The agency’s fundamental commitment to controlling unauthorized immigration does not allow it a neutral, open position on asylum questions. The foundational separation and balance of powers concerns at the heart of Chevron require courts to recognize that inherent conflict of interest as a reason Congress is unlikely to have delegated unchecked power on refugee protection to the prosecuting agency. In our constitutional structure, the courts stand as an essential check on the executive power to deport and must provide robust review to fully enforce the congressional mandate to protect refugees. If the courts abdicate this vital function, they will be abdicating their distinctive role in ensuring the full enforcement of all of our immigration law—including those provisions that seek to ensure compliance with our international obligations to protect individuals facing the danger of persecution.

This is a point that my friend and colleague Judge Lory Rosenberg made often during our tenure together on the BIA. All too often, her pleas fell on deaf ears.

The now abandoned pre-2001 “vision statement” of EOIR was “to be the world’s best administrative tribunals, guaranteeing fairness and due process for all.” Nothing in there about “partnering” with DHS to remove more individuals, fulfilling quotas, “sending messages to stay home,” securing the border, jacking up volume, deterring migration, or advancing other politically motivated enforcement goals. Indeed, the proper role of EOIR is to insure fair and impartial adjudication and Due Process for individuals even in the face of constant pressures to “just go along to get along” with a particular Administration’s desires to favor the expedient over the just.

Under all Administrations, the duty to insure Due Process, fairness, full protections, and the granting to benefits to migrants under the law is somewhat shortchanged at EOIR in relation to the pressure to promote Executive enforcement objectives. But, the situation under the xenophobic, disingenuous, self-proclaimed “Immigration Enforcement Czar” Jeff Sessions is a true national disgrace and a blot on our entire legal system. If Congress won’t do its job by removing the Immigration Courts from the DOJ forthwith, the Article III courts must step in, as Maureen suggests.

PWS

08-23-18

“OUR GANG” LEADER HON. JEFFREY S. CHASE QUOTED BY NICOLE NAREA IN LAW 360 RE: L-A-B-R- MESS!

 

 But Jeffrey Chase, a former immigration judge and senior legal adviser to the BIA, said that the attorney general’s ruling is more likely to hinder efficient case adjudications. He said that immigration judges are already facing pressure to meet case completion quotas imposed by the Executive Office of Immigration Review earlier this year, and they have been forced to double-book hearings, meaning that cases will, by necessity, have to be continued.

“Under this latest ruling, judges will now have to write lengthy, detailed decisions for each continuance, an unrealistic expectation where judges must also complete three or more full hearings a day,” he said. “Some judges report receiving 10 or more motions for continuance a day, and lack the time and resources to write lengthy decisions on each while also hearing a full docket of cases.”

. . . .

 Chase said that the decision’s “emphasis on efficiency over justice is particularly callous” given that, for many asylum applicants in immigration court, deportation may be a “death sentence.” He also pointed out that the decision does not seem to apply to continuances requested by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

“It is unfair to require noncitizens seeking immigration status to demonstrate good cause for a continuance, while allowing ICE continuances for avoidable reasons such as misplacing the file, failing to obtain a needed document or not having adjudicated a petition in time,” he said.

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Those of you with access can read Nicole’s full article over at Law 360.

Of course as Judge Chase says L-A-B-R- will not “promote judicial efficiency.” Far from it!

Immigration Judges will have to spend more time writing decisions to justify granting, as well as denying, continuances. That means less time for merits cases.  The BIA will see an increase in “interlocutory appeals” from both sides, but particularly from DHS. Again, this takes time away from work on the merits appeals, which is why the BIA quite properly discouraged such interlocutory appeals in the first place. And, denial of a continuance to a respondent, particularly when it involves finding an attorney, attorney preparation, or obtaining evidence or witnesses, is an appealable due process issue on petitions for review to the Article III courts. Consequently, expect plenty of remands from the Circuit Courts as Immigration Judges and BIA Appellate Immigration Judges are pushed to churn out more denials and final orders of removal under Sessions’s “tilted field” approach.

As Jeffrey also points out, DHS requests and gets many continuances for routine matters like failure to have files or missing evidence to support the charges. Moreover, in L-A-B-R- Sessions totally ignores one of the main culprits for today’s backlog: Aimless Docket Reshuffling” (“ADR”) by EOIR often to accommodate the enforcement aims of DHS or politicos at the DOJ.

“Just pedal faster gimmicks” and having unqualified politicos tell judges how to manage dockets and run their courtrooms are a prescription for failure. The only question is how big the train wreck caused by this hunk of Sessions’s malfeasance will be!

Thanks for speaking out, Jeffrey. And thanks for your coverage, Nicole.

 

PWS

08-21-18