"The Voice of the New Due Process Army" ————– Musings on Events in U.S. Immigration Court, Immigration Law, Sports, Music, Politics, and Other Random Topics by Retired United States Immigration Judge (Arlington, Virginia) and former Chairman of the Board of Immigration Appeals Paul Wickham Schmidt and Dr. Alicia Triche, expert brief writer, practical scholar, emeritus Editor-in-Chief of The Green Card (FBA), and 2022 Federal Bar Association Immigration Section Lawyer of the Year. She is a/k/a “Delta Ondine,” a blues-based alt-rock singer-songwriter, who performs regularly in Memphis, where she hosts her own Blues Brunch series, and will soon be recording her first full, professional album. Stay tuned! 🎶 To see our complete professional bios, just click on the link below.
Courtney Greene Accredited Representative Catholic Charities of Central Texas VIISTA Villanova Grad PHOTO: Linkedin
Courtney writes:
I went to my first merits hearing with a client yesterday in San Antonio and she was granted asylum!! Thank you for your continued advocacy for due process and your participation in my training as a VIISTA student. I feel so thankful that there are people like you, ensuring that people experience justice after so much suffering!
***************************
Thanks, Courtney. It’s YOU, and others like you, getting the job done. Saving individual lives every day!
As my friend and former partner at Fragomen Cynthia Lange pointed out at a recent PLI conference, if every attorney or accredited representative who cares about justice saves just one life over the next four years, that’s thousands of lives saved, including family members! And, that will inspire others to do the same. Eventually, it can be tens of thousands or hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions, of lives saved!
As I’ve previously observed:
Rather than looking for expensive ways to diminish asylum-seekers’ rights and inflict more cruelty, Congress and the Administration should be investing in cost-effective programs like VIISTA that actually work, protect rights, and have promise for the future!
Building hope rather than intentionally causing despair!😎 Why don’t our public officials “get it?”
So much of the suffering that Courtney references is unnecessarily caused, compounded, or aggravated by our own nation’s lousy, inhumane, and often scofflaw asylum policies and procedures!
“What the government is essentially asking us to do is agree that certain ‘analogous’ state crimes must count as rape and then reverse engineer a definition to make sure they do.”
Sure sounds like the kind of “any reason to deny” (non) logic that has been allowed to flourish at EOIR under Garland. And the 8th Circuit actually sounded pleased to be freed from the necessity under Chevron of inevitably “rubber stamping” the least reasonable, most “pro enforcement” interpretations offered up by the Government under Chevron. Garland could and should have changed that, but chose not to!
Many congrats to the “Youth Brigade” of the NDPA!
Some consider Garland’s failure to hold Trump accountable for January 6 to be his greatest failure. That’s a complex issue clouded by his decision to basically distance himself from the process. Undoubtedly, he was an overly cautious and weak leader!
But, I think history ultimately will see his failure to reform the Immigration Courts and to stand up for the legal and human rights of asylum seekers and other immigrants as his worst shortcomings. It actually continues to cost lives, squander resources, allow lies and negative attitudes toward vulnerable legal asylum seekers to be “normalized,” and help pave the way for Trump 2.0.
Twilight Near Sedona, AZ Paul Wickham Schmidt June 13, 2024
In September 2024, I was invited to address a group of prospective social workers on immigration policy in the Biden Administration. They had read my previous published article “An Overview and Critique of US Immigration and Asylum Policies In The Trump Era” (2018). They requested an “update” on that article to cover significant developments during the Biden Administration.
While, obviously, things have changed since the election, I believe this speech still has relevance. Therefore, I publish it in a revised and updated version.
REVISITED: U.S. Immigration & Asylum Policies In The Twilight Of The Biden Administration
Originally Delivered in September 2024
Edited and Revised, Nov. 4, 2024
By Paul Wickham Schmidt
I call on you to join our NDPA, use your skills, commitment, and power to resist the haters, oppose the wobbly enablers, expose political bullies who trade away lives and rights that aren’t theirs, and fight to finally deliver on our nation’s yet-unfulfilled promise of due process, fundamental fairness, and equal justice for all in America!
INTRODUCTION
Good evening, and thanks for inviting me. Please listen very carefully to the following important announcement.
In the next hour, you will hear no party line, no bureaucratic doublespeak, no sugar coating, no BS, or other such nonsense. Just the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, of course as I define truth and see it through the lens of my five decades of work with and in the American immigration system.
The views expressed herein are mine, and mine alone. They also do not represent the position of any group, organization, individual, or other entity with which I am presently associated, have associated with in the past, or might become associated with in the future.
But, that’s not all folks! Because today is Wednesday and you are such a wonderful audience, I give you my famous, “industry best,” absolute, unconditional, money back guarantee that the following presentation will be free of power points, split screens, and all other forms of distracting modern technology that might interfere with your comprehension and total listening enjoyment. For the next hour, I will be your “power point.”
Congratulations and my deep appreciation for your noble choice of social work as a career. Your skills and talents are desperately needed in our society. As you might imagine, as an Immigration Judge I heard and relied upon expert testimony from professional social workers, among others.
I am also well aware of the important behind the scenes efforts of social workers to get individuals and families beyond their often-traumatic situations here and abroad, to adjust to and be able to function in our society, and thereby to have the confidence and devote the necessary attention to working with their legal representatives to present the best cases possible in court. As a decision-maker, sound information cogently presented is the key to getting it right and doing justice.
You are fortunate to have some great, inspirational examples to guide you.
Three of my personal heroes come to mind. First, Aimee Miller who owns and operates a group practice called Interconnect: Counseling and Consulting, LLC, dedicated to conducting psychosocial and mental health evaluations and providing expert testimony and reports for immigration proceedings. She also teaches at the University of Michigan, School of Social Work.
My friend Joan Hodges Wu, a licensed social worker, is the founder and CEO of AsylumWorks in Washington, D.C. Her organization is devoted to helping newly arrived asylum seekers and their families navigate the legal, language, employment, educational, and other potential hurdles of adjusting to a new life while facing the uncertainties of the future.
Another friend, Hanna Cartwright, received dual degrees in social work and law from Catholic University in D.C. She was an intern at the “Legacy” Arlington Immigration Court and a “charter member” of what I call the “New Due Process Army,” or “NDPA.” This is a group of outstanding professionals, many of them former students of mine at Georgetown Law, interns, and judicial law clerks at the Arlington Court, who are committed to social justice and “fighting the good fight” to force our nation to deliver on its promise of due process for immigrants. Hannah has had a varied career and has risen to become the co-founder and Director of Mariposa Legal in Indianapolis, Indiana.
Additionally, I am proud to be on the Advisory Council of AYUDA, a community group serving the needs of asylum seekers and other immigrants in the D.C. metro area. AYUDA attorneys appeared before me pro bono when I was on the bench. Social work is one of the major service divisions of AYUDA, in addition to legal and language services.
These are all great and inspiring examples of individuals and organizations that “put it all on the line,” every day, to make their communities, America, and the world better places. And certainly, as you will find, there are many more of these throughout America.
I recently read an article in the Washington Post about the struggles and divisions in a small community in Massachusetts with resettling, on a temporary basis, a limited number of pregnant women, children, and families. Most of those at issue are recent arrivals to the U.S., many camping in a concourse at Logan Airport for weeks or even months. [1]
We need better resettlement programs. For some inexplicable reason, the Biden Administration thought that it would be a good idea to essentially “outsource” resettlement to restrictionist GOP governors like Abbott and DeSantis. They, in turn, bussed, or in some cases even flew, recently-arrived asylum seekers to locations in so-called “blue states,” where they believed they would overload local resources and cause problems, thereby inflaming xenophobic resentment.
Instead of such inexcusable nonsense, we need asylum resettlement programs that are “dressed for success” – some type of “national clearing house” to match asylees in an orderly fashion with locations across the U.S. where their skills are needed and they would be welcomed. Then, these communities and the asylum seekers must have support services to insure a mutually beneficial transition and reduce misunderstandings and resentments on both parts.
These organized programs should concentrate on preparing, supporting, informing, educating, and communicating with communities and migrants, requirements that are often overlooked or inadequate today. Change is an inevitable part of life, but that doesn’t mean everybody will like or accept it. We need better ways of “getting over the hump together.”
Tragically, neither political party appears interested in investing in the successful resettlement efforts that will benefit our nation and those seeking refuge through asylum. Therefore, it is likely to fall to the private/NGO sector to “model success” and innovative thinking. Certainly, social work services are an important part of this multi-disciplinary approach.
Now, to the main part of my presentation. You have read my 2019 article “An Overview and Critique of US Immigration and Asylum Policies in the Trump Era.” You have asked me to update you on the current status of the four “membership categories” that I posited in that article: full members; associate members, friends, and outcasts. So, here goes.
FULL MEMBERS
With respect to full members, essentially U.S. citizens, I’m pleased to report that naturalizations are up under the Biden Administration. As of this summer, more than 3.3 million new citizens had been naturalized as opposed to a little under 3 million during the entire Trump Administration. [2]
I think this is the result of ending the misallocation of resources and intimidation tactics used by the bureaucracy under Trump to discourage naturalization. The end of COVID also played a role. Plus, the Trump Administration’s message of hate, lies, and overt xenophobia probably convinced many lawful permanent residents that they would be safer with the protections of U.S. citizenship and the ability to vote on their political leaders.
Of course, you have probably heard of Trump’s outrageous threat to mess with birthright citizenship under the 14th Amendment. Since this is a constitutional right, it legally can’t be abridged by either executive action or legislation. The intent here appears to be to harass, dehumanize, and spread fear among our ethic communities and to basically cast doubt on the status of many loyal Americans, mostly of color, who obtained citizenship in this manner notwithstanding the immigration status of their parents.
ASSOCIATE MEMBERS
Turning to “associate members,” basically green card holders, refugees, and asylees, admissions and adjustments to lawful permanent residence are up. Again, this probably stems largely from the end of COVID and the elimination of some bureaucratic hurdles, as well as some efforts to address backlogs at USCIS.
There has been a significant improvement and revival of U.S. overseas refugee programs. They are now on target to exceed 100,000 refugee admissions, although probably falling a bit short of the 125,000 announced target number. Compare that with the paltry fewer than 12,000 admissions in the final fiscal year of the Trump Administration.[3]
Still, refugee programs are underutilized and not targeting all our real needs. For example, while the Administration has significantly improved refugee admissions from Latin America and the Caribbean, they are still well below the number necessary to meet actual demand. Of the top five refugee admission countries, DRC, Syria, Afghanistan, Burma, and Guatemala, only the latter is in the Western Hemisphere.
Worse yet, has been the cowardly bipartisan attack on our legal asylum system at the Southern Border. This culminated in some of the most draconian anti-asylum executive actions ever in relatively recent regulations issued over the strenuous, well-founded objections of experts, advocates, and NGOs with actual experience in the plight of asylum seekers.
Disgracefully, the Biden Administration is considering extending these legally questionable provisions, now under attack in litigation. At the same time, V.P. Harris has pledged that if elected she would attempt to resurrect a horrible, anti-asylum “Bipartisan Border Bill” aimed at accomplishing much of the same damage. For his part, Trump has long demeaned and dehumanized legal asylum seekers and would happily seek to eliminate or further restrict their admission.
Neither party seems interested in “doing the right, and obvious, thing” – building an asylum screening and adjudication system that actually works in a fair, generous, and timely manner. The Executive Office for Immigration Review (“EOIR”), an agency of the USDOJ that contains the Immigration Courts, where I once worked, is a particularly dysfunctional mess, with out-of-control backlogs burgeoning to nearly 4 million cases. It also produces wildly inconsistent results with asylum grant rates ranging from approximately 0% to 100% among nearly 700 Immigration Judges.
Essentially, both parties seek to improperly punish and demean legal asylum seekers for their bipartisan failure to fix the asylum adjudication system across more than two decades. That’s what “bipartisanship” has come to mean in immigration: Basically, a race to the bottom to find the lowest common denominator!
FRIENDS
With respect to so called-friends, those with limited permission to be here, but no clear path to permanent residence or citizenship, nonimmigrant visas have rebounded with the lifting of COVID restrictions.
However, so-called “Dreamers” remain in limbo. There is no foreseeable prospect for legislative relief and a “red-state” challenge to the legality of their DACA status is in the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals, likely headed for the Supremes.
The Biden Administration used executive actions to create some new “legal pathways” programs allowing up to 30,000 per month pre-screened individuals with U.S. sponsors to be “paroled” into the U.S. for an initial two-year period. This program has proved somewhat successful in reducing pressure at the Southern Border.
However, it is limited to nationals of Cuba, Haiti, Venezuela, and Nicaragua. That plus the numerical limitations diminish its ameliorative effect. In addition, the program had to be temporarily paused to look into allegations of sponsorship fraud.
Moreover, unlike those admitted in refugee or asylum status, those paroled have no statutory path to green cards and eventual U.S. citizenship. They would need special legislation to gain lawful permanent status.
But, given strong GOP opposition to these humanitarian programs, these individuals are likely to remain in “limbo,” and become “political footballs” subject to the whims of the next Administration. Many have been, or will be, forced into the already backlogged asylum adjudication system, thereby defeating part of the original purpose of these parole programs.[4]
Remarkably, the Administration also chose to use parole, rather than the refugee system, to allow large numbers of our Afghan allies to come to the United States following the Taliban takeover. These also remain in limbo, in the absence of a legislative path to permanent status.
Unlike Trump, who tried to restrict and eliminate so-called Temporary Protected Status, or “TPS” wherever possible, the Biden Administration has made relatively robust use of TPS. The Administration has also made some improvements in the timely issuance and renewal of important “Employment Authorization Documents” (“EADs”) for those awaiting adjudication of applications filed with USCIS and EOIR.
OUTCASTS
With respect to those “outcasts” who don’t fit within any of the three foregoing categories, sometimes called “undocumented,” their numbers are probably around 10 to 12 million. [5]It is certainly not the bogus 20 million figure that GOP politicos and the right-wing media like to throw around. It’s also unclear to me whether this figure subsumes the many asylum applicants who actually are neither “undocumented” nor “illegal,” but here with Government permission to pursue their legal asylum applications before the USCIS Asylum Office and/or EOIR.
The Biden Administration tried to help noncitizen spouses and stepchildren of USCs regularize their status with a widely-hailed practical, humanitarian program called “Parole in Place” (“PIP”). However, perhaps predictably, a Trump-appointed Federal Judge blocked the PIP Program, at least temporarily. He acted at the request of “red states” with anti-immigrant agendas. So, while PIP registrations are still taking place, the fate of the program is unclear at this juncture.
Perhaps, worst of all, as I mentioned earlier, the Immigration Courts remain a dismal mess, with nearly 4 million case backlog that has grown exponentially under A.G. Garland. Instead of fixing EOIR and standing up for the legal and human rights of asylum seekers, Garland has instituted “built to fail” gimmicks like “expedited dockets” and approved regulations barring most asylum claims at southern border in violation of the statutory right, not to mention human right, to seek asylum “regardless of status.”
NGOs, practical experts, and advocates who, unlike Garland and his lieutenants, actually work with asylum seekers at the border and elsewhere, have documented how these tone-deaf policies increase deaths and abuses of asylum seekers in Mexico and beyond. However, truth has been to no avail in this appalling situation. I’d argue that most of the Administration’s misguided “maximum enforcement/no due process” at the border has been in response to their abject failure to bring long-overdue reforms to EOIR and the AO. They now seek to “cover-up” this massive failure by scheming to avoid the system entirely, rather than fixing it.
Trump outrageously threatens mass deportations. These would not only violate laws guaranteeing due process, but also sow fear and terror in many ethnic communities, which is, of course, the real point of such threats: essentially “dehumanization” or “de-personification” of wide swarths of our society going far beyond immigrants. At the same time, he would waste money, misdirect law enforcement resources, and likely tank our economy, which depends heavily on the labor of immigrants, both legal and undocumented. Not a pretty picture.
CONCLUSION
In conclusion, the Biden Administration has been a “mixed bag” on immigration, human rights, civil rights, and the rule of law. Basically, it has been “one step forward, and two steps back.”
A number of the Administration’s ameliorative programs for immigrants, like retention of DACA, humanitarian parole, increased refugee admissions, and “Parole in Place” have been too timid, limited, or blocked by restrictionist litigation.
On the other hand, bad border policies and largely ignoring the due process crisis in the Immigration Courts have undermined the rule of law, promoted the “bipartisan demonization and dehumanization of asylum seekers and other migrants at the border,” squandered scarce resources in the private/NGO sector, and wrecked death, despair, and untold misery on some of our most vulnerable fellow humans.
In extremely unfortunate ways, we are now replicating the very pre-1980 programs and disorganized, ad hoc, often-biased approaches that the Refugee Act of 1980 and the creation of EOIR were intended to solve.
Refugee provisions are avoided when dealing with so-called “emergencies,” leading to the mass parole of Afghans, limbo status, and the need for Congressional action for permanent status. Asylum determinations are basically reverting to ad hoc, often arbitrary and capricious, decisions that favor some nationalities and ethnicities over others based on US internal politics and foreign policy concerns. Humanitarian parole programs, while potentially a step in the right direction, deny individuals the stability and clear route to green cards and citizenship as well as some of the protections that come with refugee, asylum, and other types of legal admissions. It also makes them “political footballs” for the restrictionist right.
Making EOIR an independent entity within DOJ, back in 1983, a process I was involved in, was supposed to advance quasi-judicial independence and professionalism. Instead, after decades of bipartisan misdirection and mismanagement, the Immigration Courts have essentially resumed some of their pre-EOIR characteristics of being perceived, and often acting, as politicized arms of DHS enforcement, too often lacking professionalism, expertise, consistency, practical problem-solving abilities, and compassion.
I recently posted on Linkedin an article by Eduardo Porter that summarized the current gloomy and disturbing state of our national non-debate on immigration:
Consider immigration, the epicenter of zero-sum thinking in voters’ minds. It’s an issue that is critical to the United States’ future and a topic that is easily demagogued as a struggle between endangered Americans and some predatory “other.” Harris, like Biden, has worked to distance herself from Trump’s most implausible ideas (such as expelling 11 million people). Still, she leads a Democratic Party that believes one of its paramount challenges is stopping immigrants from coming to the United States. [6]
That’s a rather sad, yet fundamentally true, commentary on how our nation of immigrants now thinks and acts. The GOP demonizes, dehumanizes, and lies about immigrants; the Dems roll over and want to change the subject. As you witnessed in the Presidential “debate,” actually more of an exercise in “performative entertainment” than a serious discussion of issues, we don’t know November’s winners, but we already know the losers: Immigrants, due process, and social justice advocates.
Few, if any, politicos on the national level have the moral courage and clear vision to mount a well-justified, evidence-based defense of asylum seekers and other migrants. Likewise, few of them advocate for investing in achievable improvements in the system. Instead, they seek partisan political advantage, on the backs of the desperate and disenfranchised, by eagerly and cynically pouring money and manpower into cruel, ultimately ineffective, enforcement and “deterrence” gimmicks.
The latter, not incidentally, have spawned a highly profitable and politically potent industry that benefits from every deadly, failed border deterrence “enhancement.” No wonder positive change and creative problem solving are so elusive, and so many of our politicos lack the guts effectively to protect immigrants’ lives, human dignity, and rights at the border and beyond!
More than 50 years of experience working in our immigration systems, at different levels, and from many angles, tell me the following inalienable truths:
Human migration is real;
Forced migration is exactly that;
It won’t be stopped by walls, prisons, deterrents, or other cruelty;
Asylum is a human and legal right;
Immigrants are good for America; and
Due process for all persons in the U.S. is essential.
My time on the stage is winding down. But, yours, my friends, is just beginning. I call on you to join our NDPA, use your skills, commitment, and power to resist the haters, oppose the wobbly enablers, expose political bullies who trade away lives and rights that aren’t theirs, and fight to finally deliver on our nation’s yet-unfulfilled promise of due process, fundamental fairness, and equal justice for all in America!
🇺🇸⚖️🗽😎BRINGING HOPE 🙏& LIGHT💡: ROUND TABLE🛡️, NDPA ALL-STARS ✨HELP CA 2 👩🏽⚖️CORRECT YET ANOTHER TOTAL SCREW-UP BY GARLAND’S DOJ! — This time EOIR blew competency determination, couldn’t properly apply own precedents to achieve due process, fundamental fairness!🤯
With lots of help from our friends, the Round Table has become a “Powerful Force of Nature,” carving out a spot for due process even along the most wild and rugged coasts! PHOTO: PWS Maine Collection“Our Fearless Leader,” Hon. Jeffrey S. Chase Jeffrey S. Chase Blog Coordinator & Chief Spokesperson, Round Table of Former Immigration Judges
“Sir Jeffrey” Chase forwarded this note of appreciation from one of the all-star advocates who represented The Round Table in drafting an amicus brief:
You, Paul and the Roundtable played a central role in this decision. Beyond the persuasive amicus brief, your group—along with . . . . —gave me the confidence to pursue the due process claim . . . . Your advocacy is admirable and much needed; it also has an impact beyond just the individual cases you support as an amicus. . . . . [T]his case has been one of the most impressive collaborative efforts I’ve had the opportunity to be involved with [in my decade of professional experience.] Thank you again for your interest and support of this important case, as well as your work in this space more broadly.
This is also a great space to once again thank all of the top flight legal talent, law firms, NGOs, and legal clinics that have donated their time and talents pro bono to the cause of due process, equal justice for all, and advancing best practices. Indeed, you have “given us a voice” — one that has proved to have an outsized impact on our American justice system.
Working with our wonderful“partners in due process and professional excellence” has been a total joy and fulfilling career opportunity for each of us! We never, ever forget what we owe to your skill and generous donation of time, resources, and effort. Just as we are committed to insuring that all individuals appearing in Immigration Court — the essential “retail level” of our justice system — have a right to be heard, YOU have insured that WE will be heard — loudly and clearly for a long time to come! Thank you again from the bottom. of our “collective hearts!”💕
The Center for Migration Studies is proud to present Karen T. Grisez Esq. with the Humanitarian Service Award, in recognition of her extraordinary commitment to the protection of migrants and refugees, impact and leadership in the practice of immigration law, and tireless dedication to justice. Ms. Grisez has served as Chair of the American Bar Association’s (ABA’s) Commission on Immigration, is a member of the Advisory Board of the ABA’s Immigration Justice Project in San Diego, and is a former co-chair of the ABA Section of Litigation’s Immigration Litigation Committee.
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The Center for Migration Studies (CMS) is a New York-based educational institute devoted to the study of international migration, to the promotion of understanding between immigrants and receiving communities, and to public policies that safeguard the dignity and rights of migrants, refugees, and newcomers. For more information, please visit www.cmsny.org.
Dr. Alicia Triche Superlawyer, Co-Editor, immigrationcourtside.com Memphis, TN
🗽📰
Featured cases:
Tista-Ruiz de Ajualip v. Garland, 114 F.4th 487 (6th Cir. 2024)
Al Otro Lado v. Mayorkas, ___ F.4th ___, 2024 WL 4551637 (Oct. 23, 2024).
MEANINGLESS WORDS. …It is almost universally felt that when we call a country democratic we are praising it: consequently the defenders of every kind of regime claim that it is a democracy, and fear that they might have to stop using that word if it were tied down to any one meaning… George Orwell, Politics and the English Language.
I draft this first Courtside during a pivotal moment in US History. Readers can barely power up any screen, anywhere, without seeing dire warnings that the “rule of law” is on the ballot; that the “rule of law.” Hangs on a string. But, those who advocate for the integrity of US refugee law have seen that string threaten to come unraveled for almost a decade. And in this first of blogs, I offer two unequivocal rays of hope. In two of its most vulnerable places—possibly even the most unlikely of places—the fragile thread has endured; the rule of law has held fast.
When I reference this “rule of law,” I’m invoking the idea that “words are supposed to carry meanings,” and great “danger lies in straining a text beyond the outermost limits of its natural elasticity.”[i] When words lose meaning, we don’t have rule of law, we have rule of people, with all that implies. At its core, protection for US refugees is not people-based; it is statutory. It is comprised not by executive or political policies, but in the words of the US Immigration and Nationality Act. Yet, as the subject of “immigration” endures focus-glare equal to the Eye of Sauron, in a constant stream of press, litigation, and politicization, the legal nature of the words in the statute become ever more vulnerable to deterministic and bad-faith interpretation.
Because they involve some of the most controversial aspects of current immigration law—that is, the arrival and protection of the most vulnerable of the world’s refugees—the words at issue in today’s two cases are particularly vulnerable to political appropriation. As seen in our first case, Tista-Ruiz de Ajualip, survivors of severe domestic violence seek protection from persecution on account of “membership in a particular social group,” which is referenced at INA Section 101(a)(42)(A). The phrase originated in the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees,[ii] and it is well known among scholars that its definition was not meaningfully discussed during drafting history of the Convention. Indeed, it was not until the final drafting phase, at the Geneva Conference, that the Swedish delegate, Monsieur Petren, proposed (without further explanation) that “membership of a particular social group” should be added to the definition of refugee.[iii] The amendment did pass, but the transcriber of the summary records indicates no discussion whatsoever regarding what “particular social group” meant to the delegate who approved its addition.[iv]
This flexible nature of the language of “particular social group” has a good side, for it has made room for the phrase to be interpreted consistently with developing human rights norms, especially regarding the rights of women. Our illustrious Courtside founder, when he was Chairman of the BIA, initiated the use of the phrase for gender-based protection in the landmark case Matter of Kasinga, 21 I&N Dec. 357 (BIA 1996). As Judge Schmidt explains it, Kasinga constructed a PSG that the Board, sitting en banc, was willing to accept as a whole. And, key to the case was the central tenet that “FGM can be a basis for asylum.” 21 I&N Dec. at 358.
Years later, after ongoing advocacy by Karen Musalo, Deborah Anker and others, PSG also became the vehicle through with the Board (in effect) ruled that severe domestic violence, when sufficiently unchecked by the State, may be a legitimate ground for asylum. Matter of A-R-C-G-, 26 I&N Dec. 388 (BIA 2014). But, especially in the domestic violence context, the case “law” regarding PSGs was vulnerable to an ongoing, seemingly endless parade of developing rules and “interpretations,” many of which seemed to defy the normal rules of logic.[v] In 2018, the Board sacked refugee attorneys with an affirmative duty to articulate their PSGs—or lose them—in Matter of W-Y-C- & H-O-B-, 27 I&N Dec. 189 (BIA 2018). This has led to attorneys regularly providing 5, 10 or even more “particular social groups,” in effort to provide the one an Immigration Judge might hook onto. It has led to PSG formulations that might sound less than perfect, to put it mildly, such as the “Salvadoran women of childbearing age” proposition that unexpectedly led to the good result in Zometa-Orellana v. Garland, 19 F.4th 970 (6th Cir. 2021). And, most importantly for this Blog, it has provided an opportunity for some executive adjudicators at EOIR to engage in decision making that arguably crosses the line from legal to political, divorcing too far from the words at hand, the words contained in the law itself.
This is why what the Sixth Circuit did a few weeks ago in Tista-Ruiz de Ajualip is so very remarkable. The Court’s central holding is that the group “victims of domestic violence” does not, on its face, violate what’s known as the “circularity” rule. The reasoning of the Court is what’s so remarkable, for it constitutes a strong assertion of integrity of the rule of law in the refugee context. The Court holds that no PSG can be dismissed “in a perfunctory manner,” solely by looking at the words used in formulating it. 114 F.4th at 498. Invoking Zometa-Orellana’s emphasis on “international obligations”, the Court says that any PSG analysis must utilize an independent review of the record “as a whole”, including country conditions. Id..
The case doubles down on what I (frankly) thought was the most vulnerable aspect of Zometa-Orellana v. Garland: that the point of a domestic-violence based adjudication is to comply with US “international obligations” to protect refugees (id. at 498) (italics in original (!)) The Court also repeats that failure to “exactly delineate a convoluted legal concept” (i.e., PSG), is not a grounds for denial of refugee protection (id. at 501), and that there is an “independent role” (read, power) for BIA and Immigration Judges to assess domestic-violence based claims consistently with international obligations—particularly during assessment of the proposed PSG. (id. at 500–502.) In other words, the Court doubles down on the admonition that had already been implied in Zometa-Orellana: refugee law, is, law; the words contained therein are not to be used as a pretext to deny protection to domestic violence survivors who otherwise qualify as refugees under the CSR; and if the ”decision” being reviewed seems to do so, it will be reviewed, substantively, for signs of having crossed that line.
A final note for any advanced PSG practitioners who might be tuned in—there’s a good argument, in my opinion, that Tista-Ruiz can be invoked to assert that, as long as any one PSG is offered up in compliance with W-Y-C-/H-O-B-, , the IJ and/or the Board can delineate any cognizable group that it finds to exist on the record. It’s worth remembering here that, in Kasinga, the PSG formulated by the Board, was “very similar to” but not the exact “formulation suggested by the parties.” 21 I&N Dec. at 365.
In these blogs, I do intend to stay in my own lane, which is individual removal defense. But I can’t help noting that, as I went to press on this one, the Ninth Circuit also issued Al Otro Lado v. Mayorkas, ___ F.4th ___, 2024 WL 4551637 (9th Cir. 2024). The case is a complex, substantial class-action suit that is deserving of its own individual treatment in another context. But it also contains at least one prime example of a Court giving meaning to words. The Ninth Circuit stood fast in the language and purpose of the INA, even in the context of border arrivals—the group in the hottest of flames under Sauron’s eye. Under INA Section 208(a)(1), any non-citizen “who arrives in the United States…may apply for asylum” under INA Section 208(a)(1). In one of several controversial iterations of a “metering” program, Ports of Entry run by US Customs and Border Patrol had been sending arriving asylum seekers back into Mexico, claiming they had not yet “arrived” in the country. The Ninth Circuit “conclude[d] that a noncitizen stopped by U.S. officials at the border is eligible to apply for asylum under” § 208(a)(1). Al Otro Lado v. Mayorkas, ___ F.4th ___, 2024 WL 4551637, *10 (Oct. 23, 2024)
One of the intrepid litigators of Al Otro Lado, Melissa Crow, issued a statement in reaction to the decision, and I will let her observations take us out:
“Our government has a legal duty to provide a fair and meaningful legal process to all people seeking safety at our border, no matter what. Border agents cannot arbitrarily turn people back to Mexico, a practice that violates our laws, exacerbates chaos at the border, and places refugees directly in harm’s way.”[vi]
[i] Ben Saul, Defining Terrorism in International Law 55 (2006) (citations omitted).
[ii] July 28, 1951, 189 U.N.T.S. 150. The US is bound by Articles 2 through 34 as a party to the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, Jan. 31, 1967, 19 U.S.T. 6224, 606 U.N.T.S. 267 (‘Protocol’). A Convention refugee is a person who, “owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group or political opinion…is unable or…owing to such fear, is unwilling to return” home. CSR Art. 1A(2).
[iii] Terje Einarsen, “Drafting History of the 1951 Convention and the 1967 Protocol”, in Andreas Zimmermann (ed), The 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol: A Commentary 37, [52] (2011), citing UN Conference of Plenipotentiaries on the Status of Refugees and Stateless Persons, Conference of Plenipotentiaries on the Status of Refugees and Stateless Persons: Summary Record of the Twenty-second Meeting, 26 November 1951, A/CONF.2/SR.22, available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae68cde10.html [accessed 11 April 2016].
[v]See, e.g., Karen Musalo, A Short History of Gender Asylum in the United States: Resistance and Ambivalence May Very Slowly Be Inching Towards Recognition of Women’s Claims, Refugee Survey Quarterly, Vol. 29, No. 2 (2010); Blaine Bookey, Gender-Based Asylum Post-Matter of A-R-C-G-: Evolving Standards and Fair Application of the Law, 22 SW J. Intl. L 1, 4 (2016). In addition, BIA decisions were and are subject to direct alteration by the Attorney General, and in 2018, Jeff Sessions blatantly attempted to end “claims pertaining to domestic violence or gang violence perpetrated by non-governmental actors” as a grounds for asylum. Matter of A-B-I, 27 I&N Dec. 316, 310 (A.G. 2018), vacated, Matter of A-B-III-, 28 I&N Dec. 307 (A.G. 2021).
Many congrats to all who worked on this multi-year, intensive, cooperative effort to achieve justice that should never, ever have gotten to this point IF EOIR and OIL were competently staffed and administered by Garland! Interesting, that even the most “conservative” Circuits often tire of the constant unprofessional, “deny protection for any reason” nonsense shoved at them by Garland’s DOJ. Perhaps, that’s a “basis for hope” as we appear to be moving into a wasteful “bipartisan political world of mindless and lawless restrictionism and denial of fundamental rights to migrants.” Here’s hoping for the best!
A Helping Hand.jpg Image depicts a child coming to the aid of another in need. Once we have climbed it is essential for the sake of humanity that we help others do the same. It is knowing that we all could use, and have used, a helping hand. Safiyyah Scoggins – PVisions1111 Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 While some politicos and voters have abandoned Traditional Judeo-Christian values in favor of a cruel and demonstrably ineffective response to forced migration, the rest of us must hold true to our “better angels.”
IRC, Documented, launch resource platform for NYC asylum seekers and migrants: Documented.info
Legacy media has been providing service journalism focused on middle-class and wealthier communities for decades, and Documented is proud to bring this tradition of service journalism to low-income immigrant communities who have often been left out of the conversation.
Over the past year, Documented has been working with the International Rescue Committee to launch a digital platform called Documented.info (sneak peak link). This new digital platform is designed to provide asylum seekers and migrants in New York City with reliable, multilingual information covering everything from access to shelter and mental health resources, employment eligibility, and labor rights to how to navigate the asylum process and find legal support.
Anyone familiar with Documented knows that this is not a departure from how we’ve served immigrant readers since we launched in 2018. During the pandemic, it became clear that the immigrant community urgently needed practical, actionable information to address their concerns, whether about the legal system, government programs, or even basic necessities like where to find food. We received so many questions that it made sense to start documenting the answers we were giving.
This led to the creation of a collection of resource guides, explainers, and articles, all designed to address the questions we were being asked. To ensure accuracy and relevance, we collaborated with immigration lawyers, advocates, experts in the field, and individuals familiar with immigrant communities, allowing us to provide a comprehensive breakdown that directly addressed the communities’ needs.
Documented’s staff, including Rommel H. Ojeda, who’s our correspondent for Spanish-speaking communities, began interacting with readers and immigrant communities on Documented’s WhatsApp platform. He then began to populate Documented’s website with resources to help the immigrant and undocumented population in New York City find information about legal representation, financial relief, and more. That guide grew into a list of hundreds of helpful resources on our website, which consist of information about education, child care, employment, workers rights, finances, food aid, health, safety, housing, shelter, legal services, scams, and misinformation, to name a few.
“When New York City had asylum seekers coming in, we saw that a lot of the obstacles they were facing were also related to the guides that we had already created for migrants that were here five to 10 years before them,” Ojeda said. “I think just having this constant dialog with the community where we are answering their questions through experts, we’re also able to provide the guides to new people in the sense that we can send it to them as soon as they contact us. With this new partnership, we are able to continue doing that work, but on a larger scale.”
Documented.info addresses the unique challenges asylum seekers and immigrants — especially those from underserved backgrounds — face in navigating complex legal systems and services. Immigrants can message their questions to Documented.info via popular messaging platforms Whatsapp and Facebook Messenger. Journalists and experts respond — in English, Spanish, Haitian Creole, and French at launch — and share actionable resources, vetted services and original, targeted reporting. The platform aims to close critical information gaps, counter misinformation affecting immigrant communities and build trust.
“I’m pretty glad that we have the Haitian Creole version because we have thousands of newly arrived Haitian immigrants who came to New York, especially under the Humanitarian Parole Program,” said Ralph Thomassaint Joseph, Documented’s correspondent for non-Spanish-speaking Caribbean communities, who has been leading our engagement with communities on Nextdoor.
And there’s more. Continue reading on Documented to see what leaders at the International Rescue Committee and Documented have to say about the new Documented.info digital platform.
Have tips on furthering this story? Share your thoughts with us by responding to this email or sending us a message at earlyarrival@documentedny.com
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Many thanks to all the NDPA warriors involved in this wonderful cooperative effort. We need to be asking why our politicos and national governance is failing so miserably to face and promote the truth about asylum and other aspects of legal migration and to take actions for the common good, rather than squandering resources, promoting cruelty and lawlessness, and“picking on the most vulnerable” to gain a perceived political upper hand?
Beyond that, we need to be planning NOW on how to prevent a repeat of this year’s utterly disgraceful, totally toxic, wrong-headed, badly misleading, and blatantly dishonest treatment of, and “non-dialogue” about, the immigration, human rights, and equal justice issues by politicos of both parties during this election season! This bogus dialogue was scandalously and unprofessionally parroted and aided by the “MSM!” 🤮 No matter who wins in November, we must strive to do better in the future — for everyone’s sake and for the good of our nation!🇺🇸⚖️🗽
I am delighted to announce some exciting changes coming to this blog. As “Courtsiders” know, I have been “on sabbatical” since this May, with reduced postings, while my wife Cathy and I focus on travel and other, perhaps less uplifting, aspects of proceeding through our retirement years. I decided that I can no longer devote the time, energy, and “emotional involvement” (a/k/a “Gonzo Journalism”) to operating Courtside as a “daily” with new blog content every day (or almost every day). I have also “upped” my postings on Linkedin, which I have found to be an “easier” platform for my “quick thoughts.”
At the same time, I don’t want the “Voice of Courtside” and particularly the “online archives” of more than 5,500 blog posts, some of which are personal recollections and anecdotal immigration history that will otherwise “disappear” when I do, to be lost to posterity.
Happily, my friend, noted immigration law maven, and distinguished “practical scholar” Dr. Alicia Triche has come to the rescue by agreeing to join me as “Co-Editor” of Courtside! We aspire to keep the blog operating in a new and somewhat different way that would not become an undue burden on the time of either of us.
Our general goal is for Alicia to contribute several more in-depth, analytical “thought pieces” on immigration law each month, while I would contribute occasional posts “as the spirit moves me.” We would also encourage contributions from others featuring “practical scholarship” that might help or inspire other members of our “New Due Process Army” and/or analyze trends that do not otherwise get covered in the “Mainstream Media.” Additionally, we are hoping by “combining our contacts” to solicit more “feature content” by other experts in the field. So, please let us know if you have contributions you think would be helpful to Courtside’s readers.
Dr. Alicia Triche Superlawyer, Co-Editor, immigrationcourtside.com Memphis, TN
Here is Alicia’s (a/k/a “Delta Ondine”) detailed biography:
Dr. Alicia Triche is a nationally recognized US immigration attorney who has practiced removal defense is a wide range of contexts throughout her storied legal career. Her most notable victory is Zometa-Orellana v. Garland, 19 F.4th 970 (6th Cir. 2021), the ground-breaking Sixth Circuit case involving domestic violence-based refugee protection. In May, 2022, the Federal Bar Association’s Immigration Law Section named her “Lawyer of the Year.”
Triche is currently based in Memphis, Tennessee, where she maintains a boutique practice focused solely on legal research and writing for her own clients and fellow attorneys. In recent years, she provided briefing in two (rare) resounding Fifth Circuit victories: Lopez-Ventura v. Sessions, 907 F.3d 306 (5th Cir. 2018) and Aben v. Garland, 113 F.4th 457 (5th Cir. 2024).
The “Dr.” part of Triche consists of a 2013 Oxford D.Phil. in international refugee law. At Oxford, she served on the executive editorial board of the Oxford Commonwealth Law Journal, the department’s flagship graduate legal publication. For several years, she also served as editor-in-chief of the “Green Card,” the official newsletter of the FBA’s immigration law section.
When her D.Phil was completed, Dr. Triche found herself living in Memphis, Tennessee, where she had happened to obtain a part-time job as a non-profit attorney/adjunct clinical professor. In a twist-of-fate, the Delta Blues called out to her. Instead of (as originally planned) pursuing legal academia, she became “Delta Ondine,” a blues-based alt-rock singer-songwriter. Ondine performs regularly in Memphis, where she hosts her own Blues Brunch series, and she will soon be recording her first full, professional album.
Building a Diverse Team: Key Approaches to Recruit Immigrants Successfully
By Diane Harrison
Expanding your recruitment strategy to include immigrants in today’s dynamic business environment can substantially benefit your small business. Embracing a globally diverse talent pool enriches your team’s cultural dynamics and enhances innovation and problem-solving capabilities. This ImmigrationCourtside.com article explores various effective strategies to engage and recruit immigrants, helping your business thrive in a competitive market by leveraging a broader range of skills and perspectives.
Visa Sponsorship
Offering visa sponsorship opportunities can significantly enhance your talent pool. This initiative not only broadens your recruitment horizons but also positions your business as a preferred employer among ambitious professionals globally. By simplifying the complex visa process for potential hires, you create a direct pathway for skilled immigrants. Your commitment to facilitating their relocation and employment can set your company apart as an employer of choice. This strategic approach underscores your dedication to building a dynamic and diverse team.
Bridge Building with Support Groups
Engaging with local immigrant support groups is a proactive step toward tapping into a diverse workforce. These organizations are often the first point of contact for newcomers seeking employment. Collaborating with them can provide you with access to a skilled and ready-to-work demographic. This partnership not only enriches your recruitment resources but also enhances your reputation within the community as a supportive and inclusive employer.
ESL Partnerships
Partnering with institutions that offer English as a Second Language (ESL) programs can be a strategic recruitment move. These institutions are frequented by individuals eager to integrate into the workforce and community. By establishing a referral system with these programs, you gain access to a group of potential employees who are actively improving their language skills, which is often a strong indicator of their dedication and drive to succeed. This collaboration also helps you tap into a pool of motivated individuals seeking to advance their careers.
Multilingual Recruitment Advertising
Advertising job openings in multiple languages ensures that your vacancies reach a wider, more diverse audience. This approach not only increases the visibility of your postings but also demonstrates your business’s commitment to diversity and inclusion. A multilingual strategy helps break down language barriers and makes your business approachable to individuals from various linguistic backgrounds. It also ensures that you do not miss out on skilled talent due to language constraints.
Training for Diverse Teams
Developing detailed training documents for new staff members is essential for equipping them with the tools needed for success. By converting these materials into PDF format, you ensure that the original quality and formatting remain intact, which is crucial for consistent training delivery. Once created, PDF files are also secure and available for useacross various platforms, enhancing accessibility for all employees. Utilizing a PDF creator, you can build these files from the ground up or modify existing documents, tailoring them to specific training needs.
Inclusive Workplace Culture
Showcasing your business as a welcoming and inclusive employer is crucial in attracting and retaining a diverse workforce. Highlighting your company’s commitment to diversitythrough your company’s mission, culture, and everyday practices can resonate deeply with immigrant candidates. Such a reputation makes your company not just a place to work, but a community to belong to. This perception significantly enhances your attractiveness as an employer.
Immigrant-Centric Job Platforms
Posting vacancies on job platforms that cater specifically to immigrant communities can direct your recruitment efforts to targeted groups. These platforms are often the go-to resources for immigrants seeking employment opportunities that are sensitive to their unique needs and circumstances. Utilizing these specialized platforms can increase the effectiveness of your recruitment strategy and draw in a focused pool of applicants. This targeted approach helps streamline your recruitment process and enhances your chances of finding the right fit for your business needs.
Immigrant-Tailored Job Fairs
Organizing job fairs specifically tailored for immigrants can provide a personalized recruitment experience for potential hires. These events offer a platform for direct interaction with candidates and allow you to present your business as an actively engaging and supportive employer. Tailored job fairs not only help assess potential hires in real time but also build a positive image of your business within immigrant communities. It’s an effective way to showcase your commitment to diversity and inclusion while meeting potential candidates face-to-face.
Adopting a thoughtful approach to recruiting immigrants can transform your small business’s potential, making it more resilient and adaptive to global market trends. As you implement these strategies, your business will not only grow in its operational capacity but also stand out as a leader in cultural inclusivity and diversity. This commitment to broadening your hiring practices will serve as a cornerstone for sustained growth and success.
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As always, Diane, thanks for inspiring and advising us on practical strategies for building a bold, strong, powerful future for America!🇺🇸
Well, friends, since “inception” on December 22, 2016:
Neatly 7 1/2 years elapsed;
Three different Administrations;
5,526 posts (including this one);
1,152 comments;
43 “Pages;”
403 subscribers;
Over 1,000,000 “views” (estimated);
More than 140,400 “blocks” by my hard-working “spam catcher!”
It’s time for me to take a break from Courtside to “rest, refresh, and refocus” as they say in the “sabbatical business.” After all, I’ve been “retired” since June 30, 2016, going on eight years!
To mark the occasion, here’s a “reprint” of one of my favorites from that first month, December 2016:
“Immigration advocates have repeatedly criticized the Obama administration for its increased reliance on detention facilities, particularly for Central American families, who they argue should be treated as refugees fleeing violent home countries rather than as priorities for deportation.
They also say that the growing number of apprehended migrants on the border, as reflected in the new Homeland Security figures, indicate that home raids and detentions of families from Central America isn’t working as a deterrent.”
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The “enforcement only” approach to forced migration from Central America has been an extraordinarily expensive total failure. But, the misguided attempt to “prioritize” cases of families seeking refuge from violence has been a major contributing factor in creating docket disfunction (“Aimless Docket Reshuffling”) in the United States Immigration Courts.
And, as a result, cases ready for trial that should have been heard as scheduled in Immigration Court have been “orbited” to the end of the docket where it is doubtful they ever will be reached. When political officials, who don’t understand the Immigration Court and are not committed to its due process mission, order the rearrangement of existing dockets without input from the trial judges, lawyers, court administrators, and members of the public who are most affected, only bad things can happen. And, they have!
PWS
12/31/16
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True today as it was then!
🇺🇸 Thanks for reading and engaging, best wishes and, of course, “Due Process Forever!”
(CNN) — Some of Sebastian Corral’s memories have faded. But the 91-year-old remembers his 1953 arrival in the US as if it were yesterday.
How workers like him were forced to strip naked and sprayed with insecticide.
How their hands were inspected to make sure they were qualified for the hard labor that awaited them.
How unwelcome he and so many others felt even though they’d been invited across the border by the US government.
“You felt humiliated. You felt like you were nothing, even though you’d come to work and lift yourself up,” Corral told CNN in a recent interview via Zoom from his home in Vado, New Mexico.
Memories of those first moments in America came rushing back for Corral this month during a dramatically different visit to the place where he took his first steps in the country more than 70 years ago.
This time, officials were unveiling plaques designating the former Rio Vista Bracero Reception Center in Socorro, Texas, as a National Historic Landmark. And Corral was a guest of honor.
. . . .
Today, he describes the long journey that began at Rio Vista with pride:
“I came as a bracero. After being a bracero, then I was illegal for some years. After being illegal, then I was a permanent resident. Now I am a citizen.”
In some ways, Rio Vista wasn’t like Corral remembered when he returned this month. The buildings were more worn-down — some “pure ruins,” Corral says. But what Corral noticed most wasn’t the buildings; it was how differently he felt being there.
“I was not the same person as before,” he says.
So much had changed since those first days when he was a young man waiting for a rancher to arrive at Rio Vista with work.
He’d harvested cotton, and driven tractors, and picked beets and cucumbers as a bracero. He’d lived in New Mexico, Colorado, Wyoming and Texas during his years in the program. Once, an El Paso restaurant had refused to serve him because he was Mexican. He’d been an undocumented immigrant for decades. He’d washed dishes and prepped food in a Los Angeles restaurant. He’d worked at dairy farms in California. He’d become a legal resident after President Reagan signed a law granting him and millions of others amnesty. He’d finally brought his wife and children to the US after years of separation. He’d saved enough money to buy land for all of them to build homes nearby. He’d had 14 grandchildren and 17 great-grandchildren.
And just two years ago, he’d finally become a US citizen after decades of knowing he was American, nearly 70 years after his first arrival in the United States.
All of this went through Corral’s mind as he revisited Rio Vista on May 11. And in the mix of emotions that hit him, he felt anger at some points, but also, contentment.
Some of the buildings around him were in ruins as they awaited renovation. But Corral was standing in the Rio Vista courtyard with generations of his family beside him.
And he saw something else: the life that he built.
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Read the complete story at the link.
The thing that stands out time after time: The strength, character, and triumph of individual immigrants over laws and actions often intended to exploit, dehumanize, and/or discourage them!
