🤮👎🏼 AMERICA’S WORST FEDERAL JUDGE ALL TOO FAMILIAR TO IMMIGRATION/HUMAN RIGHTS EXPERTS — Even Before Targeting Women’s Reproductive Rights, U.S. District Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk Was An Anathema To Human Rights & Racial Justice!

Trump Judges
Trump Federal Judges Tilt Against Democracy
Republished under license

 

Ruth Marcus
Washington Post Columnist Ruth Marcus, moderates a panel discussion about chronic poverty with Education Secretary John B. King (blue tie) and Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack (striped tie), during the National Association of Counties (NACo), at the Washington Marriott Wardman Park, in Washington, DC, on Tuesday, Feb. 23, 2016. U.S. Department of Agriculture photo by Lance Cheung.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2023/04/08/abortion-pill-worst-judge-kacsmaryk/

From WashPost:

Opinion by Ruth Marcus

April 8, 2023 at 5:11 p.m. ET

Congratulations are in order for Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk. The competition is fierce and will remain so, but for now he holds the title: worst federal judge in America.

Not simply for the poor quality of his judicial reasoning, although more, much more, on this in a bit. What really distinguishes Kacsmaryk is the loaded content of his rhetoric — not the language of a sober-minded, impartial jurist but of a zealot, committed more to promoting a cause than applying the law.

Kacsmaryk is the Texas-based judge handpicked by antiabortion advocates — he is the sole jurist who sits in the Amarillo division of the Northern District of Texas — to hear their challenge to the legality of abortion medication.

And so he did, ruling exactly as expected. In an opinion released Friday, Kacsmaryk invalidated the Food and Drug Administration’s 23-year-old approval of the abortion drug mifepristone and, for good measure, found that abortion medications cannot be sent by mail or other delivery service under the terms of an 1873 anti-vice law.

Even in states where abortion remains legal. Even though study after study has shown the drug to be safe and effective — far safer, for instance, than over-the-counter Tylenol. Even though — or perhaps precisely because — more than half of abortions in the United States today are performed with abortion medication.

My fury here is not because I fear that Kacsmaryk’s ruling will stand. I don’t think it will, not even with this Supreme Court. Indeed, another federal district judge — just hours after Kacsmaryk’s Good Friday ruling — issued a competing order, instructing the FDA to maintain the existing rules making mifepristone available. Even Kacsmaryk put his ruling on hold for a week; the Justice Department has already filed a notice of appeal; and the dispute is hurtling its way to the Supreme Court. (Nice work getting yourselves out of the business of deciding abortion cases, your honors.)

No, my beef is with ideologues in robes. That Kacsmaryk fits the description is no surprise. Before being nominated to the federal bench by President Donald Trump in 2017, Kacsmaryk served as deputy general counsel at the conservative First Liberty Institute. He argued against same-sex marriage, civil rights protections for gay and transgender individuals, the contraceptive mandate and, of course, Roe v. Wade.

. . . .

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“Ideologues in robes!” That’s also a good description of many of the judges appointed by Sessions and Barr to the U.S. Immigration Courts. While there have been a few improvements in the appointment process, the Biden Administration has not effectively addressed the serious institutional dysfunction and anti-immigrant bias at EOIR. 

And, let’s remember, EOIR is a “court system” affecting millions of lives and futures that is 100% controlled by the Administration. If this Administration is unwilling or unable to embrace and advance progressive values in a court system they own, how are they going to address other issues of justice, gender, and racial,equity in America?

Indeed, this tone-deaf Administration is now at war with more than 33,000 progressive groups and experts about their scofflaw “death to asylum seekers” regulations. The Administration’s immoral, impractical, and illegal proposal to send up to 30,000 legal asylum seekers to Mexico without due process or fair consideration of their claims for legal protection basically replicates, and in some ways goes even beyond, Kacsmaryk‘s endorsement of the discredited and proven to be deadly “Remain in Mexico” program instituted by Trump and Miller. See, e.g., https://immigrationcourtside.com/wp-admin/post.php?post=26734&action=edit.

🇺🇸 Due Process Forever!

PWS

👷🏽‍♀️NDPA @ WORK: G.W. LAW IMMIGRATION CLINIC STUDENTS FILE PUBLIC CHARGE REG COMMENTS!

GW Law Immigration Clinic Director Professor Alberto Benítez & Co-Director Paulina Vera

This just in from Professor Alberto Benitez @ GW Law:

Friends,

I’m pleased to report that two Immigration Clinic student-attorneys, Trisha Kondabala and Mira Sadra Nabavi, researched, wrote, and filed the attached comment in response to a notice of proposed rulemaking regarding the public charge inadmissibility ground of the Immigration & Nationality Act. 

**************************************************

Alberto Manuel Benitez

Professor of Clinical Law

Director, Immigration Clinic

The George Washington University Law School

GWLawImmigrationClinic_publicchargecomment

**************
Congrats and kudos to Trisha and Mira!🤩

The future of American law and social justice is in your hands!⚖️🗽👍🏼

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

04-14-22

👎🏽IN RACE TO DENY, BIA BLOWS BY OWN REGS IN LATEST 4TH CIR. REJECTION! — Garcia-Hernandez v. Garland (Changed Country Conditions) — Congrats To Ben & Alex!😎🗽⚖️

Kangaroos
“Every day is ‘Kangaroo Field Day’ @ Garland’s DOJ!” When it comes to immigrant justice, “good enough for government work” is the mantra!
https://www.flickr.com/photos/rasputin243/
Creative Commons License

https://www.lexisnexis.com/legalnewsroom/immigration/b/insidenews/posts/ca4-on-changed-country-conditions-garcia-hernandez-v-garland

Dan Kowalski reports from LexisNexis Immigration Community:

CA4 on Changed Country Conditions: Garcia Hernandez v. Garland

Garcia Hernandez v. Garland

“The BIA “affirm[ed] the Immigration Judge’s decision to deny reopening because the respondent has not sufficiently demonstrated that his brother’s murder represents a material change in country conditions that would affect his eligibility for asylum.” A.R. 4. As we noted above, while (b)(4) requires “changed country conditions,” (b)(3)does not. Thus, the BIA’s reference to a “material change in country conditions” and the analysis that followed shows that the BIA applied § 1003.23(b)(4). See A.R. 4. In applying the standard of § 1003.23(b)(4) to a timely filed motion, the BIA acted contrary to law. … The question for the BIA to consider in evaluating Garcia Hernandez’s motion to reopen was whether Garcia Hernandez offered, in the proper from and with the appropriate contents, evidence that was material and not previously available at the initial hearing. 8 C.F.R. § 1003.23(b)(3). Because the BIA did not analyze that question, and instead evaluated the issue under § 1003.23(b)(4), the BIA abused its discretion. … The BIA held that Zambrano did not apply because the changed circumstances there took place before the petitioner filed a time-barred petition even though here, the purported changed circumstances took place after the time-barred petition was filed and adjudicated. But nothing in Zambrano suggests its holding or reasoning was limited in the way the BIA suggests. Thus, Zambrano’s framework in examining changed circumstances should have been applied to Garcia Hernandez’s asylum application. … [W]e grant Garcia Hernandez’s petition for review. We vacate and remand with instructions to the BIA to consider Garcia Hernandez’s motion to reopen under the appropriate standard. The BIA should also address Garcia Hernandez’s asylum application under the framework of Zambrano and conduct any further proceedings consistent with this opinion.”

[Hats off to Benjamin J. Osorio and Alexandra Ribe!]

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Many congrats to Ben and Alex, who were both “regulars” at the Arlington Immigration Court! Alex is also a former Arlington Intern and a “charter member” of the NDPA!😎 

The 4th Circuit decision was written by Judge Marvin Quattlebaum, a Trump appointee, for a unanimous panel that  included Judge Motz and Judge Thacker. While Judge Q doesn’t always “get it right,” his cogent analysis of the BIA’s lawless behavior in this case is “spot on.”

How does a supposedly “expert” tribunal like the BIA blow the “easy stuff” — like following their own regulations? Clearly it has something to do with an unduly permissive “haste makes waste/rush to deny” anti-immigrant culture at EOIR that Garland has not effectively addressed!

Another obvious problem: Why were Garland’s lawyers at OIL defending this obviously wrong decision?  You don’t have to be an “immigration guru” to read the regulations! 

Sadly, it’s not the first time under Garland that OIL has chosen to waste judicial resources and undermine our justice system by “defending the indefensible.” It’s what happens when leaders promote an “anything goes/no accountability/good enough for government work” atmosphere!

There are deep substantive, structural, personnel, attitude, and “cultural” problems at EOIR and DOJ. That, over his first year in office, Garland has chosen to ignore these glaring malfunctions of justice @ Justice is an ongoing national disgrace!🤮 

It doesn’t have to be this way! But, unfortunately, it is! And, even more disturbingly, no meaningful improvements appear to be on the horizon! That’s a deadly ☠️⚰️ outlook for American justice and for those poor souls caught up in Garland’s unfair, broken, dysfunctional “court” system that bears little resemblance to any commonly understood notion of what a fair, impartial, subject matter expert court should be in America!🤯

🇺🇸 Due Process Forever!

PWS

03-04-22

HON. JEFFREY S. CHASE: EOIR ADJUDICATORS USING INACCURATE VERSION OF 8  CFR?  🤡 — Gov. Attitude, “Who Cares?” — “Remarkably, when made aware of the problem, government officials defended the posting of the non-applicable rules on the grounds that their “effective date” had been reached, and seemed unable to understand what the problem was.” 

Jeffrey S. Chase
Hon. Jeffrey S. Chase
Jeffrey S. Chase Blog
Coordinator & Chief Spokesperson, Round Table of Former Immigration Judges

 https://www.jeffreyschase.com/blog/2021/2/14/government-misleadingly-posts-enjoined-asylum-regs

Government Misleadingly Posts Enjoined Asylum Regs

As we all know, on December 10, the Departments of Justice and Homeland Security jointly published final rules widely referred to as the “Death to Asylum” regulations.  On January 8, a U.S. District Court Judge issued a preliminary injunction blocking those rules from taking effect.  The rules remain enjoined at present.

However, EOIR, the agency housing the Immigration Courts and the Board of Immigration Appeals, maintains a Virtual Law Library (“VLL”) on its website.  Most EOIR  judges, staff attorneys, and law clerks use the VLL to reference applicable law when drafting decisions. Many private lawyers and other interested individuals outside of government use the VLL as a resource as well.  In addition to listing all precedent decisions of the BIA and the Attorney General, the VLL contains links to the most current versions of both the Immigration & Nationality Act and the regulations that interpret it.

One clicking on the link to the federal regulations on the VLL is taken to a site called e-CFR, which is maintained by the U.S. Government Printing Office.  At present, that site displays the enjoined “Death to Asylum” rules as if they are presently in effect.  The site does not state that the regulations have been enjoined, and therefore may not be relied on.

This means that at present, an Immigration Judge, Board Member, law clerk, staff attorney, or anyone else involved in the decision-making process who researches the law applicable to a pending asylum case will read rules that are not actually in force, but that mandate the denial of asylum in cases that should be granted under the actual applicable  law.  The judges and their staff will see “rules” that require an overly narrow view of what constitutes political opinion or a particular social group; of who may be a persecutor and of how nexus is established.  They will see language making it more difficult to find that an asylum seeker could not have reasonably relocated within their country; that discourage reliance on country condition information critical to establishing many elements of individual claims; and that, in some cases, call for the termination of bona fide asylum claims as “frivolous,” a classification that carries a lifetime bar to any and all immigration benefits.

Remarkably, when made aware of the problem, government officials defended the posting of the non-applicable rules on the grounds that their “effective date” had been reached, and seemed unable to understand what the problem was.  I would hope that the Biden Administration might instruct these officials why it might actually be a problem for judges to access rules requiring them to deny asylum claims they should actually be granting.  They might want to add that it would be a particularly good practice to double-check before posting any rule commonly referred to as “Death to Something.”

In the meantime, attorneys should carefully review all written decisions from EOIR, checking whether they cite to the inapplicable regs.

Copyright 2021 Jeffrey S. Chase.  All rights reserved.

Republished by permission.

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They might want to add that it would be a particularly good practice to double-check before posting any rule commonly referred to as “Death to Something.”

In the meantime, attorneys should carefully review all written decisions from EOIR, checking whether they cite to the inapplicable regs.

Says it all! EOIR = FUBAR 🤡🦹🏿‍♂️☠️

Hey, it’s only human lives and futures at stake!

And, of course, it’s the job of the job of the private bar to “cite check” the (non) experts @ EOIR! 

Just think how justice could be achieved with real expert judges who understand asylum law in the first place and competent judicial (not bureaucratic) management focused on quality, efficiency, best practices, and most of all, correct, just results that comply with due process and fundamental fairness? What if all Federal Courts (including the Supremes) functioned in the manner set forth in the previous sentence: Racial justice might become a reality rather than an unfulfilled promise!

Fold up the tent on the “Clown Show” 🤡🦹🏿‍♂️ and replace it with real judges and real courts. The right folks are out there! But, they are mostly fighting the “malicious incompetence” from the outside, rather than solving problems and promoting justice “from the inside.” 

EOIR might not be using the correct version of 8 CFR. But, they DO have wasteful and unnecessary “Judicial Dashboards” on every bench to jack up stress levels, promote “corner cutting and sloppy work,” and check to make sure “deportation quotas” are being made!

🇺🇸🗽⚖️Due Process Forever!

PWS

02-15-21

⚖️🗽JOAN HODGES WU, 🦸‍♀️😇EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF ASYLUMWORKS, SPEAKS OUT ON NEW SUITS TO PROTECT HUMANITY FROM FURTHER ABUSE BY THE KAKISTOCRACY🤮☠️⚰️🏴‍☠️👎🏻! 

Joan Hodges Wu
Joan Hodges Wu
Founder & Executive Director
AsylumWorks

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Contact:

Tara Tidwell Cullen, NIJC, ttidwellcullen@heartlandalliance.org, (312) 833-2967
Asylum Seekers and Service Providers Sue Trump Administration

to Stop Rules that Block Access to Work Permits

WASHINGTON, D.C.(December 23, 2020) — A group of asylum seekers and immigrant services organizations are suing the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), purported Acting Secretary Chad Wolf, and purported Acting DHS General Counsel Chad Mizelle to vacate two rules that have drastically curtailed access to work authorization and identity documentation for people who flee to the United States and apply for asylum protection. The new rules, in effect since August, force asylum seekers to wait years for their cases to move through the backlogged immigration system before they may lawfully earn an income.

“These rules were one cruel part of the Trump administration’s continuous efforts throughout its single term in office to dismantle the United States’ commitment to provide refuge to people fleeing persecution,” said Keren Zwick, litigation director for the National Immigrant Justice Center, which is co-counsel in the case. “These particular rules betray so much of what our country is supposed to value; they try to deter asylum seekers from coming at all and deprive those who make it here of the means to support themselves and their families.”

The rules bar asylum applicants from receiving work permits for at least a year after they file their asylum applications and prevent some individuals from working for the entire duration of their cases — often several years.

Quinn Emanuel Urquhart & Sullivan, LLP, the Center for Gender & Refugee Studies, and Kids in Need of Defense also are providing co-counsel in the case, representing 14 individuals and three organizational plaintiffs before the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia.

The individual plaintiffs in the case are asylum seekers, including transgender women and parents with small children, who fled political persecution, gender-based violence, or gang and drug-cartel violence and are prevented under the new rules from receiving work permits. Three organizational plaintiffs — AsylumWorks, Tahirih Justice Center, and Community Legal Services in East Palo Alto — say the new rules threaten to derail their missions to provide employment assistance and legal and social services to asylum seekers. Asylum seekers’ ability to earn an income is critical for them to be able to pursue their legal cases and meet basic needs such as housing and mental and medical healthcare, and to avoid falling victim to human trafficking or other exploitation. Furthermore, in many states, work permits are the only identification documentation asylum seekers receive until they are granted protection.

“This lawsuit is about upholding basic human dignity,” said Joan Hodges-Wu, founder and executive director of AsylumWorks, lead plaintiff in the case. “Asylum seekers are simply looking for a fair shake — the chance to work, pay for their own housing, feed and clothe their families. Our asylum system should be rooted in justice and compassion. Instead, this policy forces future Americans — many of whom have already escaped unspeakable hardship — into further danger and depravity. This is a crisis the Trump Administration is determined to make worse. Denying the right to work for one year means unnecessarily delaying the time before asylum seekers can become productive, tax-paying members of the workforce, and denying our country vital frontline workers willing to risk their lives at this critical time.”

“These rules will force courageous survivors of violence into dangerously precarious living situations, needlessly compounding their suffering. They will also make it significantly more difficult for asylum seekers to afford legal representation, which we know can make a life-saving difference in these cases, and to sustain themselves and their families while they seek protection,” said Annie Daher, staff attorney at the Center for Gender & Refugee Studies, co-counsel in the case. “The rules will undoubtedly result in refugees being wrongly denied asylum and ordered deported to the very dangers they have fled.”

In its comments to the Federal Register, the Trump administration said that governments should take responsibility for individuals who may be harmed by the rule, stating that asylum seekers who may become homeless as a result of the rule changes should  “become familiar with the homelessness resources provided by the state where they intend to reside.”

The plaintiffs ask the district court to vacate the proposed rules, arguing the rules violate U.S. laws and that the government did not provide adequate rationale for the harm the rules would cause. The lawsuit also argues that Wolf was not validly serving in that role when the agency issued the rules and Mizelle was no longer validly serving in that role when he signed the rules. Federal courts have already found that Wolf was not lawfully appointed to his position when he enacted other harmful immigration rules, including the administration’s failed attempt to end the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program.

Additional plaintiffs in the case offered the following statements:

Richard Caldarone, litigation counsel, Tahirih Justice Center: “Instead of allowing those fleeing violence and persecution to live their lives while they pursue relief in the United States, the government has deliberately chosen to condemn survivors and other asylum seekers to lengthy periods of homelessness, food insecurity, and unnecessary poverty. There are many understandable reasons why survivors of violence may wait more than a year to apply for asylum – including the need to heal from trauma or the need to avoid reliving painful memories. Our immigration system must uphold the right for survivors to work while their cases continue, rather than slamming the door shut to safety.”

Misha Seay, Managing Attorney, Community Legal Services in East Palo Alto: “These rules are a cruel attempt at forcing asylum seekers into poverty and homelessness if they choose to move forward with their asylum claims and wait for their day in court, which in some cases may take years. Asylum seekers will be stuck in a catch-22 of being unable to afford an attorney to help them apply for a work permit and seek asylum, and unable to lawfully work and earn a living so that they can afford to hire an attorney,” says Misha Seay, Managing Attorney at Community Legal Services in East Palo Alto. “Our government’s commitment to providing protection to those fleeing persecution cannot be fulfilled if we make their everyday life impossible while they navigate that process.”

###

 

The National Immigrant Justice Center is a nongovernmental organization dedicated to ensuring human rights protections and access to justice for all immigrants, refugees, and asylum seekers through a unique combination of direct services, policy reform, impact litigation, and public education.

Read this statement on NIJC’s website

NATIONAL IMMIGRANT JUSTICE CENTER
224 S. Michigan Avenue, Suite 600 | Chicago, Illinois 60604
immigrantjustice.org

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Thanks, Joan, my friend and a true hero of the NDPA, for speaking out and taking action to fight the “crimes against humanity” that continue to be committed by the kakistocracy and their baggage handlers on their way out the door!

Under Joan’s dynamic and courageous leadership, AsylumWorks has been providing support and community assistance services to asylum seekers in the D.C. area for several years. She has now expanded her organization’s mission to include impact litigation to protect and enhance the human dignity and the human rights of asylum seekers!

Check out AsylumWorks and their great programs (and contribute to this most worthy cause) at their website here:

https://asylumworks.org/

Due Process Forever!⚖️🗽🇺🇸

PWS

12-23-20

🏴‍☠️RULE EXTENDING ASYLUM BARS TO BECOME FINAL NOV. 20, OVER OBJECTIONS OF ROUND TABLE, MANY OTHER EXPERTS — The Undoing Of U.S. Asylum Law Continues Full Speed Ahead!🤮

 

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THE DEPARTMENTS OF JUSTICE AND HOMELAND SECURITY PUBLISH FINAL RULE TO RESTRICT CERTAIN CRIMINAL ALIENS’ ELIGIBILITY FOR ASYLUM

 

New Mandatory Bars Prevent Convicted Felons, Drunk Drivers, Gang Members, and Other Criminal Aliens from Receiving Asylum

 

WASHINGTON – Today, the Department of Justice and the Department of Homeland Security announced the publication of a Final Rule amending their respective regulations to prevent certain categories of criminal aliens from obtaining asylum in the United States. The rule takes effect 30 days after publication of the Final Rule in the Federal Register, which is scheduled to occur on Wednesday, Oct. 21.

Asylum is a discretionary immigration benefit that generally can be sought by eligible aliens who are physically present or arriving in the United States, irrespective of their status, as provided in section 208 of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), 8 U.S.C. § 1158. However, in the INA, Congress barred certain categories of aliens from receiving asylum. In addition to the statutory bars, Congress delegated to the Attorney General and the Secretary of Homeland Security the authority to establish by regulation additional bars on asylum eligibility to the extent they are consistent with the asylum statute, as well as to establish “any other conditions or limitations on the consideration of an application for asylum” that are consistent with the INA. To ensure that criminal aliens cannot obtain this discretionary benefit, the Attorney General and Secretary of Homeland Security have exercised their regulatory authority to limit eligibility for asylum for aliens who have engaged in specified categories of criminal behavior.

The new bars apply to aliens who are convicted of:

(1) A felony under federal or state law;

(2) An offense under 8 U.S.C. § 1324(a)(1)(A) or § 1324(a)(1)(2) (Alien Smuggling or Harboring);

(3) An offense under 8 U.S.C. § 1326 (Illegal Reentry);

(4) A federal, state, tribal, or local crime involving criminal street gang activity;

(5) Certain federal, state, tribal, or local offenses concerning the operation of a motor vehicle while under the influence of an intoxicant;

(6) A federal, state, tribal, or local domestic violence offense, or who are found by an adjudicator to have engaged in acts of battery or extreme cruelty in a domestic context, even if no conviction resulted; and

(7) Certain misdemeanors under federal or state law for offenses related to false identification; the unlawful receipt of public benefits from a federal, state, tribal, or local entity; or the possession or trafficking of a controlled substance or controlled-substance paraphernalia.

Aliens who have committed certain domestic violence offenses, even if not convicted, will also be barred from asylum.

###

 

_________________________________________

Executive Office for Immigration Review

Office of Policy

Communications and Legislative Affairs Division

PAO.EOIR@usdoj.gov

703-305-0289

I adopt the comment of my friend and colleague Judge Ilyce Shugall, the “lead drafter” of the Round Table’s 🛡⚔️🗽⚖️comments in opposition:

This is so awful, but not unexpected.  We will keep filing comments in the hopes that a new administration reads them carefully and can un-do the harm that has been done.

Hon. Ilyce Shugall
Hon. Ilyce Shugall
U.S. Immigraton Judge (Retired)
Director, Immigrant Legal Defense Program, Justice & Diversity Center of the Bar Assn. of San Francisco.
Knightess
Knightess of the Round Table

Due Process Forever!

PWS

10-20-20

🏴‍☠️TRUMP REGIME’S CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY: IMMIGRATION SUPERSTAR LINDSAY MUIR HARRIS &  ONE OF HER ASYLEE CLIENTS SPEAK OUT AGAINST MILLER’S NEO-NAZI PROPOSAL TO BAR ASYLUM! — “My husband and I may not be alive today and our daughter would have been married off as the third wife of a man in his fifties by the time she was twelve.”

Professor Lindsay Muir Harris
Professor Lindsay Muir Harris
UDC Law

https://msmagazine.com/2020/07/13/an-american-mother-on-asylum-trumps-new-rules-would-have-rewritten-my-story/

An American Mother on Asylum: Trump’s New Rules Would Have Rewritten My Story

7/13/2020 by NENE BAH and LINDSAY M. HARRIS

Asylum is not a perfect solution for families like mine, who are fleeing human rights abuses. Starting all over again in another country is not easy.

We have, at times, struggled to survive. I have worked night shifts in a factory, as a janitor for a public school system, and in retail. I have worked hard to provide for my family.

Today, I am a U.S. citizen and my children are in college. My daughter can’t make up her mind about which major to choose. Above all, we are safe from physical harm and threats to my daughter’s safety and my own that we fled in our home country.

But, if the new asylum rules proposed by the Trump administration are put into practice, others like me will not have the same protection. They will be returned to danger.

This is my story.

I fled my home country in West Africa in 2010. My husband and I had a happy life and after university I worked as a high school biology teacher.

Things became too dangerous for us to stay, however, when family and community members came after us, insisting that my young daughter be subjected to female genital cutting and early forced marriage to a much older man.

Wanting to protect my child from what I myself had endured when I was young, I decided to take a stand. My husband and I were united in our opposition to female genital cutting, which is very common in our country, especially for girls between 5 and 9 years old. Given my traumatic and painful experience and how it has affected me throughout my life, we did everything we could to protect our daughter.

This antagonized our community and families, and we both endured numerous threats, physical attacks, and beatings, in an attempt by our family to convince us to let her be cut. We lived in constant fear of my daughter being kidnapped and cut.

At one point, an extended family member who insisted that we agree to let our daughter be cut ran over my husband, causing him to suffer brain damage and severe injuries. The authorities refused to intervene in what they saw as “family matters,” and the law against female genital cutting is not enforced in my country. To protect our child, I knew we had to leave.

I had visited the United States before and knew it would be a safe place to raise our family. There was no way to apply for asylum outside the U.S., so I obtained tourist visas for us. There are no direct flights from my home country to the United States, so we stopped in North Africa for a brief layover, before arriving in the U.S.

Soon after arrival, I found a lawyer, to help me with my case: Lindsay Harris, with the Tahirih Justice Center. I was lucky to find a lawyer, but the process of applying for asylum was extremely challenging—although Lindsay spoke French, one of the languages I speak comfortably, we had to complete all of the paperwork in English. I had to re-tell my story time and time again and eventually before an asylum officer.

I realize now that I was actually lucky because I had my asylum interview in 2011, and my case was granted only six months later that same year. Now, asylum seekers often wait several years before an interview, and the U.S. government just made the waiting period longer. During those six months, I lived with the constant anxiety of being sent back to my country where my daughter would be cut and our lives were in danger.

When we were granted asylum, we were finally able to live in safety and peace. My daughter was able to focus on school and have a happy childhood.

My heart sank earlier this month when I learned that other women and girls may not have the same access to safety that we did. The Trump administration wants to make major changes to the rules for asylum law. If these rules were in effect when I sought asylum in 2011, I would not have been granted.

The more I learn about these policy changes, the more stunned and saddened I am. It’s staggering to think that under these new rules, gender-based violence would not count—as if it’s not important enough to matter.

In my country, and many countries around the world, women are subjected to specific forms of harm based on their gender: gender-specific violence. Men simply are not at risk of female genital cutting and generally not child or forced marriage.

Under the new rules, what happened between my family and community members would be considered just a “private dispute”—despite the strong evidence then and now to show that my government would not intervene in what they see as family issues, even where serious physical harm and death are involved.

Part of my asylum claim was that I was targeted because of my feminist political opinion: I believe women and girls have the right to decide what happens to their own bodies. These new rules would prevent those claims too.

It’s unbelievable that things like taking a non-direct flight, as my family did—which had nothing to do with how much we needed protection or whether or not we were telling the truth—could bar someone from being granted asylum protection. That stop, briefly, at another airport in North Africa, would have undermined our entire claim for protection. My husband and I may not be alive today and our daughter would have been married off as the third wife of a man in his fifties by the time she was twelve.

It angers me that the government wants to create all of these new bars to asylum, leaving some asylum seekers with access only to something called “withholding of removal.”

For me, this would have meant separation from my husband and children—who would not have also been granted that protection as my derivatives or who would each have to have their own asylum claim—never being able to travel outside the U.S., never being able to become a lawful permanent resident or a citizen, and continually renewing a work permit and reporting to a deportation officer on a routine basis. We would be living in limbo.

Take Action

The public can comment on the proposed rules to change asylum until July 15, 2020.

It is painful and frightening for me to speak out, but I have chosen to do so.

I want to ensure that the women who come after me, seeking protection for themselves and their daughters, will not find that the United States has closed its doors and shut its eyes to human rights abuses and persecution against women and girls.

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These proposals have been developed and promoted by neo-Nazi racist xenophobe Stephen Miller. They are totally outrageous and illegal. Many entitled to our nation’s protection have already been maimed, tortured, raped, or died as a result of  our nation’s failure to stand up against this arrogant human rights abuser on our public payroll. 

The humanity of every American is diminished by Miller’s White Nationalist hate agenda and the corrupt regime that employs him.

PWS

07-14-20

CATHERINE RAMPELL @ WASHPOST: Will Trump’s Incompetence Save America From His Maliciousness?

Catherine Rampell
Catherine Rampell
Opinion Columnist
Washington Post

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/trump-is-all-about-deregulation–except-when-it-comes-to-his-enemies/2020/05/28/dcfb9638-a116-11ea-b5c9-570a91917d8d_story.html

Catherine writes:

. . . .

That’s because the pretense was nonsense from the start. Trump’s regulatory agenda was never about helping the economy; it was always about rewarding friends and punishing enemies. White House officials have weaponized the “administrative state” they claim to hate and have repeatedly tried to strangle disfavored groups with regulations and red tape.

Not just Twitter, either.

Arbitrary delays in processing visa applications, for example, have been used to punish immigrants and the companies that employ them. U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services has rejected visa applications because applicants lack a middle name. It has also waited to mail approved visas until (oops!) after the visas had already expired.

The additional costs and uncertainty these processing changes create for workers and their employers are a feature, not a bug.

Elsewhere, both federal and state officials have ratcheted up bureaucratic hurdles for the poor, as Georgetown University professors Pamela Herd and Donald P. Moynihan have documented.

Right now, for example, states can decide a poor family is automatically eligible for food assistance if the family is enrolled in other means-tested safety-net programs. The Trump administration is trying to block states from doing this, and require more paperwork to prove eligibility. By the administration’s own calculations, this would cause 1 million children to lose their automatic eligibility for free school lunches.

The administration, of course, argues that its regulatory decisions are determined not by Trump’s political whims but by meticulous analysis of what’s best for the economy.Helpfully, a method exists to check their work: the cost-benefits analysis that agencies must produce ahead of major rule changes.

These records show, however, that the administration has repeatedly struggled to prove that its regulatory actions actually increase economic and social welfare.

To get the numbers to work out in its favor, the administration has had to cook the books.

. . . .

The only upside to this slapdash math is that it makes the administration’s most damaging and punitive regulatory changes less likely to hold up in court. Already, the Trump administration has lost more than 90 percent of the legal challenges to its regulatory policies, according to New York University’s Institute for Policy Integrity. By comparison, previous administrations lost only about 30 percent of the time.

“A lot of these losses have been because of the poor quality of the analysis — who’s harmed, who’s helped, by how much,” said Richard Revesz, a law professor who directs the institute.

The only thing that may save us from the administration’s regulatory vindictiveness is its incompetence.

******************

Read the rest of Catherine’s article at the link.

As usual, Catherine’s analysis is “spot on.” My problem is this.

If the same private litigant and his or her lawyers kept presenting Federal Courts with false, misleading, or just plain faked evidence and statistics, the private lawyers likely would be facing discipline or disbarment for failure to provide “candor to a tribunal.” The client would be facing large penalties and likely contempt for continuing to institute or cause frivolous litigation.

Yet, except for occasional “harsh but toothless” language in judicial opinions or a couple of minor fines, Trump, his sycophantic toadies, and his battery of unethical Government lawyers get off scot-free for abusing the Article III Judiciary and our legal and judicial processes. Meanwhile, the private litigants are forced to file the same challenges over and over again in different jurisdictions across the country. In the area of immigration, asylum, and human rights, most of the lawyers are donating their time pro bono, while the unethical Government attorneys and their corrupt clients are on the taxpayer’s dime. 

The occasional Equal Access to Justice Act award against the Government seldom comes close to compensating private lawyers for their actual lost time and lost opportunities. Nor does it deter the Trump regime, because it comes out of “you of the taxpayers’” pocket.

A Federal Judge demands accurate statistics from DHS after private litigants show the last batch was bogus; the DHS merely submits another set of bogus or misleading data, forcing the private litigants to once again have to demonstrate their unreliability. Government officials and their attorneys claim, contrary to fact, that there is no “child separation” policy, but suffer no consequences other than to be told to stop violating the Constitution. Instead of doing that, they “repackage” unconstitutional child separation as a bogus “parental choice.” So, now the private litigants, who have already won once, have to show that the latest iteration of a clearly illegal and contemptuous policy is what it is: unlawful. 

A Federal Judge orders they DHS to make individualized release determinations for detainees held in overcrowded substandard conditions that violate the Government’s own health guidance. Instead of doing that, the DHS merely moves them to another, slightly less crowded facility with equally bad conditions and falsely claims they have “fixed” the problem. Again, the private litigants have to gather new evidence that the move has not materially reduced the health risks to the clients. And so on.

Essentially, the Trump regime and their lawyers are playing a big game of “hide the ball;” every time the private advocates show the Federal Judge where the ball actually is hidden, the Government simply moves it again. And, unfortunately, most Federal Judges give the regime and its ethics-challenged lawyers unlimited “plays” at the expense of the other side. Even when relief is ordered, it just solves the “problem of the moment” rather than halting the pattern of ethical abuses, contemptuous attitudes, and unlawful conduct by the regime and its complicit lawyers.

In effect, the regime has “weaponized” the Federal Courts and the Article III Judiciary in a way not dissimilar from how Sessions and Barr have “weaponized” the Immigration Courts. Turning the Article III Courts into a feckless “runaround” where the individuals and their lawyers “lose even when they win” makes the process punitive and serves as a deterrent to those seeking to challenge the regime’s overtly lawless agenda.

The November election is the chance to throw a scofflaw regime out of office. But, the deep-seated institutional and integrity problems of an Article III Judiciary, beginning with the dangerously complicit and spineless in the face of tyranny “Roberts Court,” that has allowed itself to be “weaponized” and used by the army of authoritarian scofflaws to punish those seeking to uphold the Constitution and the rule of law won’t be solved so quickly. The Article III Judiciary requires an institutional re-examination and a philosophical and ethical overhaul so that it serves the Constitution, due process of law, and equal justice for all, rather than protecting the interests of an insular right-wing minority that seeks nothing less than the disintegration of our nation and our cherished democratic institutions.

PWS

05-29-20

ROUND TABLE SPEAKS OUT AGAINST EXPANDED ASYLUM BARS!

Hon. Ilyce Shugall
Hon. Ilyce Shugall
U.S. Immigraton Judge (Retired)
Director, Immigrant Legal Defense Program, Justice & Diversity Center of the Bar Assn. of San Francisco.

ROUND TABLE SPEAKS OUT AGAINST EXPANDED ASYLUM

 

                                       January 19, 2020

 

VIA E-RULEMAKING PORTAL: www.regulations.gov

 

Lauren Alder Reid, Assistant Director

Office of Policy, Executive Office for Immigration Review

5107 Leesburg Pike, Suite 2616

Falls Church, VA 22041

 

Maureen Dunn, Chief

Division of Humanitarian Affairs, Office of Policy and Strategy

U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services

Department of Homeland Security

20 Massachusetts Ave. NW

Washington, DC 20529-2140

 

Re:      EOIR Docket No. 18– 0002

 

 

Dear Ms. Alder Reid and Ms. Dunn,

 

We are writing as members of the Round Table of Former Immigration Judges to express our strong opposition to the Department of Justice and Department of Homeland Security Joint Notice of Proposed Rulemaking (“proposed rule”) on “Procedures for Asylum and Bars to Asylum Eligibility”.

 

The Round Table of Former Immigration Judges is a group of former Immigration Judges and Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA) Members who united to file amicus briefs and engage in other advocacy work.  The group formed in 2017.  In just over two years, the group has grown to more than 40 members, dedicated to the principle of due process for all. Its members have served as amici 37 times in cases before the Supreme Court, various circuit courts, the Attorney General, and the BIA.  The Round Table of Former Immigration Judges has also submitted written testimony to Congress and has released numerous press statements and a letter to EOIR’s director. Its individual members regularly participate in teaching, training, and press events.

 

The Round Table opposes the proposed rule which violates the Immigration and Nationality Act, the United States Constitution, and the country’s international treaty obligations.  Each member of the Round Table has adjudicated applications for asylum and is intimately familiar with the asylum adjudication process.  Accordingly, the Round Table has the following concerns about the additional asylum bars and limits to immigration judges’, appellate immigration judges’, and asylum officers’ ability to exercise discretion in asylum cases.

 

The Round Table asserts that immigration judges and asylum officers who have been tasked with adjudicating asylum cases, are in the best position to assess the impact of criminal conduct and convictions on asylum applications.  The task of analyzing and reviewing criminal conduct and convictions should not be taken away from the judges and asylum officers through regulation.  Asylum seekers are the most vulnerable members of society who are seeking refuge in the United States.  Trained judges and asylum officers should have the authority to consider their cases, even where the applicants have criminal convictions.  Such authority is designated to the judges and asylum officers by statute.[1]

 

The agencies justify the expansive limitations on asylum by citing the authority designated to the Attorney General in the statute: “Congress further provided the Attorney General with the authority to establish by regulation ‘any other conditions or limitations on the consideration of an application for asylum,’ so long as those limitations are ‘not inconsistent with this chapter.’ INA 208(d)(5)(B), 8 U.S.C. 1158(d)(5)(B); see also INA 208(b)(2)(C), 8 U.S.C. 1158(b)(2)(C).”  The new bars and limits on discretionary relief set forth in the proposed regulation are not consistent with the statute and are contrary to Congressional intent.  They also interfere with the role of immigration judges and asylum officers.  We therefore oppose the proposed additional bars to eligibility, the clarification of the effect of criminal convictions, and the removal of regulations regarding reconsideration of discretionary denials of asylum.

 

Additional Limitations on Eligibility for Asylum

 

The proposed rule intends to bar asylum to individuals convicted of nearly any criminal offense in the United States:

 

Those bars would apply to aliens who are convicted of (1) a felony under federal or state law; (2) an offense under 8 U.S.C. 1324(a)(1)(A) or 1324(a)(1)(2) (Alien Smuggling or Harboring); (3) an offense under 8 U.S.C. 1326 (Illegal Reentry); (4) a federal, state, tribal, or local crime involving criminal street gang activity; (5) certain federal, state, tribal, or local offenses concerning the operation of a motor vehicle while under the influence of an intoxicant; (6) a federal, state, tribal, or local domestic violence offense, or who are found by an adjudicator to have engaged in acts of battery or extreme cruelty in a domestic context, even if no conviction resulted; and (7) certain misdemeanors under federal or state law for offenses related to false identification; the unlawful receipt of public benefits from a federal, state, tribal, or local entity; or the possession or trafficking of a controlled substance or controlled-substance paraphernalia.[2]

 

In the domestic violence context, a conviction would not be required.[3]

 

The agencies rely on the language in 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(B)(ii) to assert that the Attorney General and Secretary of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) have the authority to classify all felony offenses as particularly serious crimes.[4]  However, such a blanket rule is not consistent with 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(B)(ii), which states that the Attorney General may designate “offenses that will be considered to be a crime described in clause (ii) or (iii) of subparagraph (A).”  8 U.S.C. §1158(b)(2)(A)(ii) specifies the bar to asylum is for a particularly serious crime wherein the non-citizen is a danger to the community.  Designating all felony convictions under all jurisdictions as bars to asylum is beyond what Congress intended and improperly removes all discretion and legal analysis from immigration judges and asylum officers.  Had Congress intended to bar all felony convictions, it would have specified that in the statute.

 

The agencies suggest that it has become too time intensive, difficult, and inefficient for immigration judges to make determinations about particularly serious crimes and aggravated felonies using the categorical approach required by the United States Supreme Court.[5]  However, it is the job of an immigration judge to employ his or her legal skills and analyze cases.  Moreover, the statute purposely does not limit the particularly serious crime bar to aggravated felonies.  Immigration Judges are in the best position to analyze whether a conviction, if not an aggravated felony, is nevertheless a particularly serious crime that should bar an individual from asylum.  Regulating away the immigration judge corps’ ability to exercise discretion does not render the process more efficient,[6] rather, it turns immigration judges into mindless adjudicators.  Moreover, the agencies cannot regulate out of existence Supreme Court precedent and international treaty obligations in order to promote efficiency.  The Supreme Court has held immigration judges to the categorical and modified categorical analysis when analyzing criminal convictions, as that is what the statute requires.[7]

 

Furthermore a conviction for a crime does not, without more, make one a present or future danger—which is why the Refugee Convention’s particularly serious crime bar, made part of United States law through 8 U.S.C. § 1158, should only properly apply if both (1) a migrant is convicted of a particularly serious crime and (2) a separate assessment shows that she is a present or future danger.[8]  By acceding to the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees,[9] which binds parties to the United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees,[10]the United States obligated itself to develop and interpret United States refugee law in a manner that complies with the Protocol’s principle of non-refoulement (the commitment not to return refugees to a country where they will face persecution on protected grounds), even where potential refugees have allegedly committed criminal offenses. As noted above, immigration judges and asylum officers already have over-broad authority to deny asylum based on allegations of criminal activity, which vastly exceeds the categories for exclusion and expulsion set out in the Convention. Instead of working towards greater congruence with the terms of the Convention, the Proposed Rules carve out categorical bars from protection that violate the language and spirit of the treaty.

 

Moreover, the Supreme Court in INS v. Cardoza-Fonseca found, “[i]f one thing is clear from the legislative history of the new definition of “refugee,” and indeed the entire 1980 Act, it is that one of Congress’ primary purposes was to bring United States refugee law into conformance with the 1967 United Nations Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees.”[11]  The proposed regulations do the exact opposite.

 

The suggestion that the extensive bar is intended to increase efficiencies is belied by the agencies’ instructions that judges and asylum officers use a “reason to believe” standard to determine whether an offense is in furtherance of a criminal street gang and to “assess all reliable evidence in order to determine whether [a] conviction amounts to a domestic violence offense.”[12]  Further, in the domestic violence context, the proposed regulation would require the judges and asylum officers to consider whether non-adjudicated conduct “amounts to a covered act of battery or extreme cruelty.”[13]

 

The proposed regulations bar asylum to those convicted of a crime involving a criminal street gang, regardless of whether the conviction is a felony or misdemeanor.[14]  Moreover, this proposed bar does not even require that the statute of conviction include involvement in a street gang as an element.  Rather, the proposal is that the judges and asylum officers use a “reason to believe” standard to make the determination.[15] Federal courts have set forth the way in which to perform the categorical approach, whereas, the “reason to believe” standard is arbitrary.  Such an approach in the street gang context will lead to the unpredictable results the agencies suggest they are trying to avoid in other sections of the proposed regulations.

 

Further, the agencies propose to bar asylum under 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(C) to “aliens who engaged in acts of battery and extreme cruelty in a domestic context in the United States, regardless of whether such conduct resulted in a criminal conviction.”[16]  As discussed above, these sweeping bars to asylum eliminate the discretionary authority given to immigration judges and asylum officers.   They also require an immigration judge to hold the equivalent of a criminal trial to determine if such activity has been “engaged in.”

 

Requiring immigration judges to make complex determinations regarding the nature and scope of a particular conviction or, in the case of the domestic violence bar, conduct, will lead to massive judicial inefficiencies and “mini-trials” within the asylum adjudication process. The scope of the “reliable evidence” available to immigration judges in asylum cases is potentially limitless; advocates on both sides would be obligated to present endless documents and testimony to prove their cases.  This would put an unsustainable burden on respondents, their counsel, and attorneys for DHS.  Asylum merits hearings, which tend to be three hours at most under current case completion requirements[17], would provide insufficient time for either side to fully present their cases and would make it impossible for immigration judges to complete cases under the current time constraints.

 

As the immigration courts contend with backlogs that now exceed one million cases, tasking judges and asylum officers with a highly nuanced, resource-intensive assessment of the connection of a conviction to gang activity and/or the domestic nature of alleged criminal conduct will prolong asylum cases and lead to disparate results that will give rise to an increase in appeals. The proposed regulations repeatedly cite increased efficiency as justification for many of the proposed changes. Yet requiring immigration judges to engage in mini trials to determine the applicability of categorical criminal bars, rather than relying on adjudications obtained through the criminal legal system, will dramatically decrease efficiency in the asylum adjudication process.

 

As discussed above, the Supreme Court has “long deemed undesirable” exactly the type of “post hoc investigation into the facts of predicate offenses” proposed by the agencies here.[18] Instead, the federal courts have repeatedly embraced the “categorical approach” to determine the immigration consequence(s) of a criminal offense, wherein the immigration judge relies on the statute of conviction as adjudicated by the criminal court system, without relitigating the nature or circumstances of the offense in immigration court[19]. As the Supreme Court has explained, this approach “promotes judicial and administrative efficiency by precluding the relitigation of past convictions in minitrials conducted long after the fact.”[20]

 

Furthermore, the Departments asks for comments on: (1) what should be considered a sufficient link between an asylum seeker’s underlying conviction and the gang related activity in order to trigger the application of the proposed bar, and (2) any other regulatory approaches to defining the type of gang-related activities that should render individuals ineligible for asylum. The premise of these questions is wrong: a vague “gang related” bar should not be introduced at all. The Immigration and Nationality Act and existing regulations already provide overly broad bars to asylum where criminal behavior by an asylum seeker causes concern by an immigration judge or asylum officer. Adding this additional, superfluous layer of complication risks erroneously excluding bona fide asylum seekers from protection without adding any useful adjudicatory tool to the process.      

 

Suggesting that the proposed regulations are aiming at efficiency while also requiring immigration judges to engage in excessive litigation is contradictory and makes it clear that the agencies are simply trying to eliminate asylum rather than increase efficiencies in adjudication.  This does not comport with the statute, constitution, or the United States’ international treaty obligations.  Finally, efficiencies will not result, as immigration judges will nevertheless be required to analyze the particularly serious crime bar for the withholding of removal analysis.[21]

 

In addition to creating new bars to asylum both by designating most crimes as “particularly serious crimes” pursuant to 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(B)(ii), the agencies also render most crimes categorically exempt from a positive discretionary adjudication of asylum pursuant to 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(C). This effort is unlawful. The agencies’ reliance on 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(C) to render all felony convictions a bar to asylum takes away the discretionary authority granted to immigration judges and asylum officers when it comes to assessing the impact of a conviction on asylum eligibility.  Immigration judges and asylum officers have the opportunity to review all evidence, including the circumstances of the conviction during asylum interviews and hearings.  Such discretionary determinations are consistent with the statute and the intent of asylum, which is to protect the most vulnerable individuals in society from persecution.  “The Secretary of Homeland Security or the Attorney General may grant asylum to an alien who has applied for asylum in accordance with the requirements and procedures established by the Secretary of Homeland Security or the Attorney General under this section if the Secretary of Homeland Security or the Attorney General determines that such alien is a refugee within the meaning of section 1101(a)(42)(A) of this title.”[22]

 

Setting arbitrary large-scale blanket bars to a discretionary determination is inconsistent with the statute and the United States’ international treaty obligations.  The statute provides specific language about criminal bars, persecutor bars, and particularly serious crimes.[23]  Had Congress intended to remove the discretionary authority to grant relief to nearly all applicants with criminal convictions, it would have made that clear in the above referenced sections.  However, Congress clearly delineated bars to asylum and while it also provided the Attorney General the authority to clarify such bars, it in no way suggested the Attorney General could regulate away legal analysis of the bars or an immigration judge’s or asylum officer’s discretion.[24]  The proposed rules add sweeping categories of offenses that automatically remove an applicant from the consideration of discretion—a regulatory proposal that is ultra vires to the plain text of the statute.

 

The agencies also propose to bar under 8 U.S.C. 1158(b)(2)(B)(ii) and (b)(2)(C) anyone convicted of alien harboring under 8 U.S.C. § 1324(a)(1)(A), (2),[25] illegal reentry under 8 U.S.C. 1326,[26] any convicted of a second or subsequent offense for driving while intoxicated, impaired (DUI), or under the influence or a single such offense that resulted in death or serious bodily injury.[27] The agencies further propose to bar asylum under 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(B)(ii) to all individuals convicted for domestic violence and child abuse, regardless of whether the conviction is a misdemeanor or felony.[28]  The proposed regulations do not render the adjudication process more efficient, as the language in the domestic violence and DUI bar is vague and requires a case by case assessment of the facts of the case.  The proposed regulations serve to eliminate discretion while increasing demands on immigration judges and asylum officers as well as the length and complexity of hearings and interviews.

 

Moreover, the proposed bar to asylum for multiple offenses for driving under the influence is problematic, particularly for individuals with offenses from states like New Jersey.  Unlike the majority of states, New Jersey does not criminalize the offense of driving while intoxicated (DWI).  In NJ, DWI is only a traffic offense.[29]  Individuals who have been arrested for a DWI have access to certain constitutional protections, such as being entitled to a public defender, and having the burden of proof of beyond a reasonable doubt.[30]  However, other constitutional protections are not available, namely the right to trial by jury.  This is true regardless of whether the DWI is a first, second, or third offense, and regardless of whether actual jail time may be imposed.[31]

 

As a practical matter. NJ DWI adjudications are conducted in municipal courts, in which judges, the prosecutors, and the public defenders are all part-time, township-appointed officials.  The dockets are often enormous, and, in many cases, defendants do not even seek time to obtain an attorney. They line up to meet with the prosecutor and enter into plea agreements that limit their amount of jail time and/or loss of license.  The defendants, with their attorneys if they have one, then appear before the judge and allocute to a brief set of facts and plead guilty; then pay their fines and leave.  The prosecutor does not normally even appear in court.

 

Thus, under the INA, a DWI offense under NJ law does not constitute a crime. In order to be found guilty of a crime, more is needed than just a formal judgment of guilt under a “reasonable doubt” standard, and some punishment was imposed.[32]  However, under the proposed regulations, such an offense could nevertheless bar an individual from asylum.

 

 

The agencies further propose to bar asylum under 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(C) to individuals convicted of an expansive list of misdemeanor convictions, including simple possession of a controlled substance.[33] Including such minor offenses in the list of convictions that lead to a bar to asylum further demonstrate that the agencies are working to eliminate discretion from the adjudicatory process.  Furthermore, although Congress assigned to the Attorney General the authority to promulgate regulations further defining the particularly serious crime bar and other limits on asylum, had Congress intended to bar from asylum all applicants with criminal convictions, it would have provided such direction in the statute.[34]  The language of the statute shows that Congress intended to distinguish particularly serious crimes and aggravated felonies from other crimes, as it set forth specific language barring applicants with such offenses from asylum.[35] Congress easily could have indicated that all felonies or all criminal convictions constitute particularly serious crimes, but it did not.  Accordingly, the bar is in conflict with the statute.

 

Clarification on the Effect of Criminal Conviction

 

The agencies further propose to increase the burden on asylum applicants to prove that orders vacating convictions or modifying sentences were not entered to avoid immigration consequences or for rehabilitative purposes.[36]  They also create a rebuttable presumption against the validity of an order if such order was entered after the initiation of a removal proceeding or if the applicant moved for the order more than one year after the original order of sentencing.[37]  Furthermore, “the rule would provide that the alien must establish that the court issuing an order vacating or expunging a conviction or modifying a sentence had jurisdiction and authority to do so.”[38]  These new rules would increase, rather than decrease burdens on immigration judges and asylum officers.  It would require judges and asylum officers to look beyond a court order.  It would also require judges and asylum officers to make jurisdictional findings about state court orders on facially valid orders.  It is a long-standing legal principle that courts have jurisdiction to determine their own jurisdiction.[39]  If a state court has determined it had jurisdiction to issue an order, it is not the role of the immigration court or any other court to question that finding.

 

Removal of Regulations Regarding Reconsideration of Discretionary Denials of Asylum

 

“The proposed rule would remove the automatic review of a discretionary denial of an alien’s asylum application by removing and reserving paragraph (e) in 8 C.F.R. 208.16 and 1208.16.”[40]  The current regulatory section is consistent with the purpose of asylum—to protect the most vulnerable members of society, including family members of those fleeing persecution.  To remove it is inconsistent with the purpose of asylum and therefore inconsistent with the statute.  The agencies acknowledge that the purpose of the existing regulation is to promote family unity and reunification with spouses and children in third countries.[41]  However, the agencies suggest that the automatic reconsideration is unnecessary, as family unity is a discretionary factor that should be considered in the original adjudication.[42]  8 C.F.R. § 208.16(e) and 1208.16(e) provide additional procedural protections to vulnerable refuges who have been found eligible for withholding of removal.  While the existing regulations require reconsideration and a weighing of factors, including family reunification, they in no way require the immigration judge or asylum officer to grant asylum upon reconsideration.  The proposed regulation provides an extra layer of protection for vulnerable family members and should not be removed.

 

The agencies again suggest that efficiency is the reason behind eliminating this regulatory section.  However, as discussed above, there are multiple sections of this proposed regulation that render adjudications less, not more efficient.  The purpose of this proposed section is to further limit discretion and reduce access to asylum.

 

Conclusion

 

These proposed rules erode access to asylum in violation of Congressional intent, the United States Constitution, and international treaty violations.   The Round Table of Immigration Judges therefore urges the Department of Justice and DHS to withdraw, not implement this rule.

 

Very truly yours,

 

/s/

Stephen Abrams

Sarah Burr

Teofilo Chapa

Jeffrey Chase

George Chew

Bruce J. Einhorn

Noel Ferris

John Gossart

Paul Grussendorf

Miriam Hayward

Rebecca Jamil
Bill Joyce

Carol King
Elizabeth A. Lamb

Donn Livingston
Peggy McManus

Laura Ramirez

John Richardson

Lory Rosenberg

Susan Roy

Paul Schmidt

Ilyce Shugall

Denise Slavin

Andrea Sloan

Polly Webber

 

The Round Table of Former Immigration Judges

 

[1] 8 U.S.C. §§ 1158(b)(1)(A); 1229a

[2] 84 Fed. Reg. 69645 (December 19, 2019).

[3] Id.

[4] 84 Fed. Reg. 69645.

[5] Id. citing Taylor v. United States, 495 U.S. 575 (1990); Mathis v. United States, 136 S. Ct. 2243 (2016); Descamps v. United States, 133 S. Ct. 2276 (2013).

[6] 84 Fed. Reg 69646

[7] Taylor v. United States, 495 U.S. 575 (1990); Moncrieffe v. Holder, 569 U.S. 184, 186 (2013); Mathis v. United States, 136 S. Ct. 2243 (2016); Descamps v. United States, 133 S. Ct. 2276 (2013)

[8] See U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, Criminal Justice and Immigration Bill: Briefing for the House of Commons at Second Reading ¶ 11 (July 2007), http://www.unhcr.org/en-us/576d237f7.pdf (the Refugee Convention’s particularly serious crime bar only applies if (1) a migrant is convicted of a particularly serious crime and (2) a separate assessment shows she is a “present or future danger.”).

[9] United Nations Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, Jan. 31, 1967, [1968] 19 U.S.T. 6223, T.I.A.S. No. 6577, 606 U.N.T.S. 268.

[10] Convention Relating to the Statute of Refugees, July 28, 1951, 140 U.N.T.S. 1954 (hereinafter

“Refugee Convention”).

[11] INS v. Cardoza-Fonseca, 480 U. S. 421, 437 (1987)

[12] 84 Fed. Reg. 69649, 69652

[13] 84 Fed. Reg 6952.

[14] Id.

[15] Id.

[16] Id.

[17] Memorandum, James R. McHenry III, Case Priorities and Immigration Court Performance Measures, January 17, 2018; see alsohttps://www.npr.org/2018/04/03/599158232/justice-department-rolls-out-quotas-for-immigration-judges (discussing memorandum requiring that Immigration Judges complete 700 cases per year).

[18] Moncrieffe v. Holder, 569 U.S. 184, 186 (2013).

 

[19] See Moncrieffe, 569 U.S. at 191 (“This categorical approach has a long pedigree in our Nation’s immigration law.”).

[20] Moncrieffe, 569 U.S. at 200-201.

[21] 8 U.S.C. § 1231(b)(3)(B)(ii)

[22] 8 U.S.C. §1158(b)(1)(A) (emphasis added)

[23] 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(A), (B)

[24] 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(C) (“The Attorney General may by regulation establish additional limitations and conditions, consistent with this section…”) (emphasis added)

[25] 84 Fed. Reg. 69647

[26] 84 Fed. Reg. 69648

[27] 84 Fed. Reg. 69650

[28] 84 Fed. Reg. 69651

[29] See NJSA § 39:4-50; see generally NJSA §§2C:1-98 (NJ criminal code, in which DWI does not appear)

[30] See, e.g. State v. Ebert, 871 A.2d 664 (App. Div. 2005)

[31] State v. Hamm, 121 N.J. 109, 577 A 2.d 1259 (1990)

[32] Castillo v. Att’y Gen., 729 F.3d 296 (3d Cir. 2013)

[33] 84 Fed. Reg. 69653

[34] 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(B)(ii) (“The Attorney General may designate by regulation offenses that will be considered to be a crime described in clause (ii) or (iii) of subparagraph (A).”)

[35] 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(2)(A)(ii), (B)(i)

[36] 84 Fed. Reg. 69654

[37] 84 Fed. Reg. 69655

[38] 84 Fed. Reg. 69656

[39] United States v. United Mine Workers of America, 330 U.S. 258, 289 (1947)

[40] 84 Fed. Reg. 69656

[41] 84 Fed. Reg. 69656

[42] 84 Fed. Reg. 69657

 

*************************

Many, many thanks to our wonderful Round Table colleague Judge Ilyce Shugall, who organized and coordinated our response!

 

PWS

01-21-20

 

RESTRICTIONIST ALERT: “White Nationalist Nation” Is At It Again, Flooding The System With Bogus Racist-Inspired Comments Approving USCIS’s Proposal To Screw Asylum Seekers On Essential Work Authorization – HERE’S HOW THE “NEW DUE PROCESS ARMY” CAN FIGHT BACK AGAINST THE FORCES OF EVIL AND IGNORANCE!

Hello,

I’m writing in the hopes that you will take five minutes to write a comment opposing USCIS’s proposal to eliminate the 30-day processing regulation for initial asylum EADs. The deadline is tomorrow, November 8. There are some convenient templates and links below which you can use.

Unfortunately the comments are being flooded by uninformed, irrelevant, blatantly anti-immigrant, pro-Trump comments on the proposed regulation, such as:

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“Please stop illegals from coming into our country. And, deport everyone who’s already here illegally! Thank you Mr President!”

“Our President is the smartest President we have ever had in my lifetime. He has done more for our country than any other that I have ever known or read about.”

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There are literally over a thousand of these comments that just came up over the last few days. Please consider commenting and forwarding to your networks.

By way of background, as a result of the Rosario litigation, USCIS is now adjudicating initial asylum EAD applications within 30 days. In response, USCIS has proposed to simply eliminate the 30-day deadline. This proposed rule will harm asylum seekers and their families, and USCIS even estimates it will lead to $100s of millions of lost tax revenue.

We urge you to submit comments opposing this rule.  Students at the University of Washington Immigration Law Clinic created a quick and easy way to submit comments. Simply go to this link:

https://sites.google.com/view/letasylumseekerswork

And submit your comment today!  Please take 5 minutes to help us fight this fight! Comments are due no later than November 8th.

Thank you!

-Scott

On behalf of the Rosario Litigation Team

 

 

Scott

Scott D. Pollock & Associates, P.C.

105 W. Madison, Suite 2200

Chicago, IL 60602

(312) 444-1940

Fax: (312) 444-1950

Email: spollock@lawfirm1.com

Web: www.lawfirm1.com

“Like us on Facebook: www.facebook.com/sdpollock

Follow us on Twitter: www.twitter.com/sdpollock

 

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Using this template, I submitted my opposition to this outrageous proposal which would actually destroy human lives as well as cost the U.S. economy hundreds of millions of dollars. It took fewer than five minutes.

 

Obviously, the human and economic costs of xenophobic bias are astronomically high. But, that’s of no apparent concern to “White Nationalist Nation,” which is willing to pay anything to screw America and the most vulnerable among us!

 

 

 

PWS

11-08-19

 

“JUDICIAL” FARCE: In 1983, The Reagan Administration Created EOIR To Enhance Judicial Independence – Hon. Ashley Tabaddor Tells Us How The Trump Administration & Billy Barr Are Rewriting That History To Weaponize EOIR As The Servant Of DHS Enforcement!

Hon. A. Ashlley Tabaddor
Hon. A. Ashley Tabaddor
President, National
Association of Immigration Judges (“NAIJ”)

Dear Colleagues,

As you may be aware, on August 26, 2019, the Agency announced drastic organizational changes to EOIR, via interim regulations effective immediately. Among a number of troubling changes, the Agency collapsed the role of the Director with that of the Chairperson of the Board. Attached please find NAIJ’s comment, filed on October 25, 2019, in response to this interim rule. You may also visit the following link to see other comments by additional organizations in response to the EOIR’s interim rule.

https://www.regulations.gov

I personally would like to take this opportunity to thank Judge Khan and Judge Marks for leading the laborious effort in finalizing this Comment for publication.

Additionally as we have just concluded our rating period, IJs should be receiving their formal performance evaluations. Please contact us with any questions or concerns if you believe (or have been notified) that you will receive a rating of less than Satisfactory on all of your PWP elements.

Many IJs have inquired about ways that they may register their protest against the imposition of the quotas and deadlines. If you are inclined, you may use the proposed language below in your cover email returning the electronically signed PWP to your ACIJ.

● Protest Language – “I do not agree that the numerical metrics/quotas constitute an accurate measure of my performance. Nor do I agree that the numbers produced by EOIR are accurate within the designated metric categories.”

As always, we welcome any questions, comments and concerns. Hope you have a great weekend,
Ashley Tabaddor
President, NAIJ

Here’s the complete NAIJ comment:

NAIJ Comment re Organization of EOIR 84 Fed.Reg. 44537 , RIN 1125-AA85- Final

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Outrageous!

One of the “under the radar” aspects of this “deconstruction of justice in America” is the arrogant confidence of Sessions, Barr, and their minions at DOJ and EOIR that Congress and the Article III Courts will turn a “blind eye” to their blatantly “in your face” unconstitutional behavior. So far, they have been right.

Article III Courts have recognized the Immigration Judges’ “duty to remain neutral and impartial when they conduct immigration hearings.” See, e.g., Wang v. Att’y Gen., 423 F.3d 260, 267–68 (3d Cir. 2005). Yet, they have basically ignored their own rules and pronouncements by continuing to approve decisions from a “fake” court system. One where the “judges” are selected, supervised, and can be removed by the “Chief Prosecutor” and are told that they owe their first duty of obedience to that prosecutor rather than to the Constitution or the rule of law that they are sworn to uphold. Even when they do rule in favor of the individual, the prosecutor can and does simply reach in, change the result, and then designate his prosecutorial decision as a “precedent.”

What kind of “Due Process” and “fundamental fairness” is that? What Article III Judge would submit him or herself to such a parody of “justice?”

EOIR as “redesigned, politicized, and weaponized” against migrants and their courageous representatives by the Trump DOJ mocks the stated criteria and standards of the Article IIIs. Why are the Article IIIs afraid to follow up their legal rhetoric with the actions that logically should flow from it?

Under Trump, the Attorney General and his toadies have disingenuously disparaged the motives and character of the individuals coming before the “courts” and their attorneys. Many are actually forced to appear “unrepresented” and have no idea what is happening and the intentionally arcane, hyper technical, and confusing “rules” being applied to extinguish their rights and claims.

DOJ officials have also demeaned, disparaged, and denigrated the work ethic and character of their own “judges” with limitations on their authority, “Mickey Mouse” quotas and timeframes, and giving away judicial authority to non-judicial officials at EOIR, as Judge Tabaddor cogently points out.

Article III Courts compound that error when they improperly “defer” to Executive Branch adjudicators who are neither “fair and impartial” nor in many cases “expert.” The whole system is intentionally put under pressure to “produce and deport,” with scholarship, independent judicial decision making, and Due Process being shoved to the “back of the bus.”

By accepting contemptuous unlawful actions from Barr and the DOJ, the Article III Judiciary basically diminishes itself and demeans its Constitutional role. Perhaps that doesn’t make any difference to most of them; life tenure guarantees that they get paid every day just for waking up regardless of what they do afterwards. But, as Congress is finding out, once you establish yourselves as feckless in the face of a tyrannical and overbearing Executive, respect and proper Constitutional roles might prove difficult or impossible to regain.

Since the NAIJ leadership seem to be the only ones courageous enough to speak out against the travesty occurring in the Immigration Courts, no wonder the DOJ is trying to illegally disband the NAIJ. I wonder why these very overt actions to suppress the First Amendment and subvert the Fifth Amendment are going “over the heads” of the Article III Judiciary. What’s the purpose of an “independent judiciary” that is afraid or unwilling to stand up for judicial independence when it matters most!

As the late Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., said:

Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly.”

I think he would be totally disgusted with the overall performance of the Article III Appellate Judiciary in failing to stand up for and protect the legal rights and very lives of the most vulnerable among us: migrants, including asylum seekers.

FULL DISCLOSURE: I am a proud retired member of the National Association of Immigration Judges.

PWS
11-03-19

HON. JEFFREY S. CHASE SLAMS BIA, BARR FOR INSTITUTIONALIZING SLOPPY WORK — BIA “Has Certainly Not Earned The Deference”

Jeffrey S. Chase
Hon. Jeffrey S. Chase
Jeffrey S. Chase Blog

Jul 5 EOIR’s Troubling New Regulations

On July 2, the Department of Justice published final regulations impacting how decisions of immigration judges will be reviewed, both on appeal to the Board of Immigration Appeals and by certification to the Attorney General.  I plan to cover the topic in depth in a later article, but I wanted to post my quick take on the fact that the new rule encourages the BIA to decide cases using two sentences of boilerplate language (plus a citation) that provides no insight into its determination process.  However, the regs imbue such decisions with a presumption that the Board “properly and thoroughly considered all issues, arguments, and claims raised or presented by the parties on appeal or in a motion that were deemed appropriate to the disposition of the appeal or motion, whether or not specifically mentioned in the decision.”

Just to be clear, the boilerplate denials look like this (in their entirety):

“ORDER: The Board affirms, without opinion, the result of the decision below. The decision below is, therefore, the final agency determination. See 8 C.F.R. § 1003.1(e)(4).”

The above decision is referred to as an “affirmance without opinion,” or “AWO” for short.  In its commentary accompanying the publication of the final rule, the Department of Justice addressed a commenter’s concern that the BIA may use such AWOs to quickly deny cases even if a favorable disposition is warranted where “the Board member reviewing the case simply lacked the time or inclination to spend his or her resources writing a reasoned, public opinion for that particular case.’’  The Department responded by summarizing the BIA’s process of having staff attorneys first review the record of proceedings before making a recommendation to the Board member.  The Department offered such process as proof that “the use of an AWO does not reflect an abbreviated review of a case, but rather reflects the use of an abbreviated order to describe that review…”

Several facts are at odds with this claim.  There is an excellent corps of staff attorneys at the BIA, but over the past few years, those staff attorneys have been pushed to decide more cases in less time or risk discipline or termination.  Staff attorneys are encouraged to produce 40 decisions per month that are actually signed by Board Members, but are being assigned increasingly difficult cases to decide.  One staff attorney reported needing 18 hours to complete one decision on a very unique legal issue, but was still expected to meet the overall quota.  Such extreme pressure would make it tempting if not necessary for attorneys to resort to AWOs simply to keep their jobs.  Furthermore, as the present EOIR Director has downgraded the staff attorney positions to entry level with no upward progression, and as the agency is strapped for funds, the Board is extremely short of such attorneys at present, further increasing the pressure on those remaining to decide more cases more quickly.

As for review by the Board Members themselves, there were always those who were known to sign anything handed to them.  In a 2007 decision of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, former Judge Richard Posner noted that one Board Member, Ed Grant, “was discovered to have decided more than 50 immigration cases in one day, requiring a decision ‘nearly every 10 minutes if he worked a nine-hour day without a break,’” or 7 minutes per case if he worked an 8 hour day and took lunch.  See Kadia v. Gonzales, 501 F.3d 817, 820 (7th Cir. 2007).  I hope we can all agree that reviewing a complete record of an immigration court hearing, plus the decision drafted for such case, in seven minutes does in fact reflect an abbreviated review of the case.

In its comments to the new regs, the Department further defended its presumption argument by citing the language from a Ninth Circuit decision, Angov v. Lynch, 788 F.3d 893, 905 (9th Cir. 2015), relating to the reliability of a State Department consular investigation which undermined some of the factual claims of an asylum claim.  In that case, the court (in a 2-1 decision) upheld the IJ’s reliance on the report (in spite of its author’s unavailability to testify), stating that such reports “aren’t just a collection of statements by disconnected individuals.  Rather, they are the unified work product of a U.S. government agency carrying out governmental responsibilities. As such, the report itself, and the acts of the various individuals who helped prepare it, are clothed with a presumption of regularity.”

However, the situation in Angov was not analogous to a BIA decision.  In carrying out an investigation to confirm or disprove factual aspects of the asylum claim, the issue of reliability in Angov related to the likelihood of government misconduct: i.e., whether the investigator lied, and in fact had not taken the investigatory steps claimed in the report.  The presumption cited by the court was that the State Department officials did their job “fairly, conscientiously, and thoroughly,” that none had a personal stake in the outcome, and that “no one lied or fabricated evidence.”  It should also be noted that the Court found that, because the petitioner had not formally entered the U.S., he had no constitutional due process rights, and thus could not challenge the admission of the report on such grounds.  And the court conceded that the outcome would have been different had the claim arisen in the Second Circuit, whose case law favored the petitioner’s argument.

However, in the context of the BIA’s review on appeal, the question isn’t whether the single Board member fabricated facts or had a personal stake in the claim.  The question is whether the Board Member got it right – i.e. whether he or she properly interpreted the law, and applied that law correctly to the proper facts.  History has demonstrated that they often do not, nor would they be expected to when signing a decision every seven minutes.

Yet through the new regulations, the Department of Justice is essentially saying that, due to the crushing case load, just trust that it is doing everything correctly, and defer to its two-sentence boilerplate decisions without requiring further explanation of its reasoning.  The retort to this may be found a little later in Judge Posner’s decision in Kadia: “Deference is earned; it is not a birthright. Repeated egregious failures of the Immigration Court and the Board to exercise care commensurate with the stakes in an asylum case can be understood, but not excused, as consequences of a crushing workload that the executive and legislative branches of the federal government have refused to alleviate.”  Kadia, supra at 821 (emphasis added).  I am not aware of any other court that would expect Circuit Court judges to grant them carte blanche to simply affix rubber-stamp denials on appeals, particularly those involving life-or-death determinations arising in the asylum context.  Furthermore, regular readers of my blog or that of my friend Paul Schmidt will know that the BIA errs not infrequently in its interpretation of fact and law.  And for the record, the caseload has become far more crushing in the 12 years since Judge Posner penned those words in Kadia.

Take for example a recent decision of the Fourth Circuit.   In Orellana v. Barr, No. 18-1513 (4th Cir. May 23, 2019), the court found that the BIA had distorted the evidence of record in order to conclude that the government had been willing and able to control the non-government persecutor by ignoring the many credible instances in which the police did not respond to the petitioner’s call for help, and instead focusing on the few isolated incidents in which they did respond.  So had the BIA chosen to decide the case with a two-sentence AWO, should the same circuit court have credited the Board with properly considering and weighing all of the police’s responses and non-responses, without such distortion, because government employees are presumed to properly carry out their duties?  The Third Circuit reversed the BIA for its troubling, erroneous overreach in Alimbaev v. Att’y Gen. of U.S., 872 F.3d 188 (3d Cir. 2017), finding the Board to have violated its proper standard of review, and then wrongly reversed based on false insinuation and nitpicking.  Had the BIA relied on a two-sentence AWO in that case, should the circuit court have just assumed that none of those errors had occurred, and that the BIA had instead reached the correct conclusion for the right reasons?

The BIA has certainly not earned the deference the Department of Justice believes it deserves based on the regulatory presumption.  Hopefully, the circuit courts will waste no time in pointing this out in future appeals of the AWOs we can expect to see frequently from the BIA.

Copyright 2019 Jeffrey S. Chase.  All rights reserved.

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Like Jeffrey, I’ve been saying for some time now that under the control of Attorneys General who are neither experts in immigration and refugee law nor qualified quasi judicial adjudicators, the Federal Courts should stupor giving “Chevron deference” to BIA decisions.

PWS

07-07-19

DOJ FINALIZES REG INTENDED TO CEMENT EVASION OF REGULATORY PROCESS & “RULE BY PRECEDENT” – Drops Some Of The More Controversial Proposals In Proposed Regulation!

Tal Kopan
Tal Kopan
Washington Reporter, SF Chronicle

Tal Kopan reports for the SF Chronicle:

 

https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/AG-Barr-moves-forward-with-immigration-court-14063716.php

AG Barr moves forward with immigration court changes

By Tal Kopan

WASHINGTON — Attorney General William Barr has moved forward with a regulation changing the way immigration courts handle appeals, expanding the ability of that court to issue decisions that bind the way all immigration judges must decide cases.

The final version of the proposal, which will be published Tuesday, backs away from other changes after the public raised concerns the appellate body would have too much discretion over precedent.

Barr’s first major regulatory change to the immigration courts continues efforts started by his predecessor, former Attorney General Jeff Sessions, to tighten the ways immigrants can pursue a right to stay in the country. As first reported by The Chronicle, the regulation originally proposed during the George W. Bush administration was revived under President Trump and sent for review in April.

The version set for publication drops some of the more controversial provisions of the original proposal but expands the ability of the appellate body, the Board of Immigration Appeals, to issue binding decisions about immigration law.

A senior Department of Justice official who briefed reporters on the condition of anonymity called the regulation a “cleanup rule more than anything else.” But, the official said, the administration believes it’s important to make the courts “as efficient or as effective through the process as possible.”

The immigration courts are separate from the federal judiciary and exist entirely under the control of the Department of Justice and attorney general. The lower courts hear arguments as to why immigrants should be legally allowed to stay in the U.S. and decide whether they should be deported.

Appeals of those decisions are reviewed by the Board of Immigration Appeals. Under current law, those decisions remain unpublished, and thus not binding on the entire system unless a majority of all members of the board vote to publish it. According to the Department of Justice, the board averages less than 30 such decisions each year.

The new regulation creates another way for decisions to become binding — at the direction of the attorney general. Such a change could allow the attorney general to shape all immigration judges’ decisions by selecting which appellate decisions should become precedent.

The final regulation also expands the circumstances under which the Board of Immigration Appeals can hear cases for potential binding precedent, including “the need to resolve a complex, novel, unusual, or recurring issue of law or fact” in the immigration courts, which would allow the board to take up cases that pose what the department views as a repeat issue in the lower courts. It also would allow the board to weigh parts of the case that lawyers did not bring up at appeal.

One aspect of the proposal that the administration chose not to pursue was expanding judges’ ability to issue cursory opinions that had no written explanation. The Bush-era version would have allowed judges to consider their time and resources in doing so, which the Trump administration opted against. The final version also bowed to concerns and dropped a proposal that would have allowed two out of three judges behind a decision to make their own ruling precedent.

Under Trump, the administration has taken a keen interest in the immigration courts as it seeks to tackle the nearly million-case backlog that allows many migrants seeking asylum and other rights to stay in the country as they wait years for their case to work through the system.

Sessions began using the attorney general’s power to refer cases to himself for review. Under immigration law, the attorney general has the final say over the immigration courts system, similar to the Supreme Court in the federal judiciary. Sessions issued several binding decisions that limited the right to claim asylum for domestic violence and gang violence victims, and he sped up the court process by reducing judge’s discretion to close or postpone cases.

That authority would still exist under this new rule, but the attorney general now could also opt to have a decision with which he agrees issued as binding and skip reviewing the decision himself.

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No wonder they don’t want to use the regulatory process, preferring to “rule by fiat” instead. As this example shows, promulgating a regulation in the face of widespread and well-reasoned public opposition can turn out to be problematic in later court challenges.

The proposed relgulation was a recycled “relic” from the Bush II Admnistration. But, it’s not like the Obama Administration did much for improving Due Process and fundamental fairness in Immigration Court. Honestly, I think that they kind of liked the idea of a subservient, captive, “go along to get along” system that functioned as a bureaucracy yet looked like a court, originally pioneered under Bush II.

 

Obviously, part of the game here is to misuse the ostensible Immigration “Court” precedent process to shore up the DOJ’s ability to defend DHS’s most extreme positions in the Article III courts. In other words, the Immigration Courts now serve both the interests of DHS Enforcement and the litigating attorneys at OIL who defend DHS’s orders of removal in the Courts of Appeals.

 

The rights of the individuals, who are supposed to be the focus of this system, have become nominalized, at best. But, some Article III Courts either haven’t bothered to figure this out or else know and just don’t care because, hey, dead, tortured, raped, and otherwise brutalized deportees don’t usually make headlines in the local papers. Out of sight, out of mind.

 

While DOJ does still “go through the motions” of soliciting briefs on new precedents, such solicitations reach a much smaller audience than do proposed regulatory changes. Also, since the DOJ routinely ignores all the cogent arguments in the briefs and plows ahead with its obviously “predetermined” precedent resolution, some groups have undoubtedly given up on the EOIR “fake” amicus briefing process, preferring instead to marshal their resources for an Article III court challenges. There, real judges still appear to actually read and respond to many, if not all, legal arguments and sometimes are persuaded by them.

 

For example, our “Roundtable” amicus briefs have had considerable influence in the Article III courts after the same or similar arguments were largely ignored by EOIR and the AG.

 

But, as I keep suggesting, what if everyone could work together to actually improve Due Process and fix the broken Immigration Court system, rather than having to devote limited high-level pro bono time and resources to fending off further outrageous assaults on the system by the DOJ and DHS? It would also free up time for the Article III Courts which in the near future are likely to have their civil dockets dominated and likely overwhelmed by petitions for review showcasing the sloppy and defective work emanating from the broken and dysfunctional Immigration Courts and their “pedal faster, cut more corners, quality and fairness be damned” philosophy.

 

Nice work, Tal. Great to have you “back in the immigration headlines again.”

 

PWS

07-01-19

 

 

FINAL REG WILL SPEED PROCESSING OF SOME CANCELLATION OF REMOVAL DENIALS IN IMMIGRATION COURT

Here is the DOJ final regulation published at 82 Fed. Reg. 57336:

2017-26104 Cancellation Reg

Buried in the bureaucratic technical gobbledygook of this regulation is one major change in U.S. Immigration Court docket procedures.

Up until now, U.S. Immigration Judges have been required to withhold final merits decisions in almost all non-lawful-permanent resident (“NLPR”) cancellation of removal cases once the statutory 4,000 limit for a particular fiscal year is reached. This includes cases where the Immigration Judge intends to deny the application and which, therefore, would not count toward the 4,000 limit in any event. There were some very narrow exceptions for denials based on certain determinations of statutory ineligibility because of crimes, lack of physical presence, or lack of a “qualifying relative.” But, by far the greatest number of NLPR cancellation denials are based on a determination that the respondent has failed to establish that his or her removal would result in “exceptional and extremely unusual hardship” to a qualifying U.S. family member.

The regulatory change now allows Immigration Judges to issue denials of NLPR cancellation for any reason, including failure to establish the requisite hardship and failure to merit a favorable exercise of discretion. Only those cases where the Immigration Judge deems a grant of NLPR cancellation to be probable must be “held” for the availability of a statutory “number.” ation of Removal

Many Immigration Judges felt that the prior limitation was problematic because it was based on the unsupported assumption that Immigration Judges might deny otherwise “grantable” NLPR cancellation of removal applications just to achieve a an immediate “case completion.”  Additionally, the process of withholding final decision in almost all cancellation merits decisions placed considerable additional burdens on already overwhelmed Immigration Court staff from Judicial Law Clerks to Court Clerks and those fielding public inquiries about the status of cases. From that standpoint, I believe that most U.S. Immigration Judges and their court staffs will welcome this regulatory change.

PWS

12-08-17