INSIDE EOIR: FOIA REVEALS THAT DURING “JUDICIAL TRAINING,” BIA APPELLATE IMMIGRATION JUDGE ROGER PAULEY INSTRUCTED FELLOW JUDGES ON HOW TO FIND INDIVIDUALS REMOVABLE BY AVOIDING THE LAW!

https://www.hoppocklawfirm.com/foia-results-immigration-judges-conference-materials-for-2018/

)

 

Here’s what Attorney Matthew Hoppock, whose firm made the FOIA request, had to say about Judge Pauley’s presentation:

Developments in Criminal Immigration and Bond Law:

Slides – Developments in Criminal Immigration and Bond Law

This presentation is really striking, because Board Member Roger Pauley appears to be instructing the IJs not to apply the “categorical approach” when it doesn’t lead to a “sensible result.” The “categorical approach” is mandatory, and the Supreme Court has repeatedly had to reverse the BIA and instruct them to properly apply it.  So, it’s definitely disheartening to see this is the instruction the IJs received at their conference this summer on how to apply the categorical approach:

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Can’t say this is unprecedented. I can remember being astounded and outraged by some past presentations that essentially focused on “how to find the respondent not credible and have it stand up in court,” “how to deny claims establishing past or future persecution by invoking ‘no-nexus’ grounds,” and “how to find proposed ‘particular social groups non-cognizable’ under the BIA’s three-part test.”

I also remember a BIA Judge essentially telling us to ignore a previous “outside expert” panel that provided evidence that governments in the Northern Triangle were stunningly corrupt, politically beholden to gangs, and totally incapable of protecting the population against targeted gang violence.

Another colleague gave a stunningly tone-deaf presentation in which they referred to OIL and ICE as “us” and the respondents as “them.”

But, presentations like Judge Pauley’s are particularly troubling in the context of a so-called “training conference” where the “keynote speech” by the judges’ titular “boss” Jeff Sessions touted his decision removing asylum protections from battered women, warned judges to follow his precedents, emphasized increasing “volume” as the highest priority, and otherwise notably avoided mentioning the due process rights of respondents, the need to insure protection for asylum seekers, or the obligation to follow decisions of the Article III Courts (the latter has been, and remains, a chronic problem for EOIR).

Many of the Immigration Judges were recently hired, attending their first national conference. What message do you think they got about how to be successful in the “Age of Trump & Sessions?” What message did they get when a vocal minority of their colleagues improperly “cheered” the removal of protections for vulnerable refugee women? How would YOU like to be a foreign national fighting for your life in a system run by Jeff Sessions?

Right on cue, EOIR provides another powerful example of why Professor Maureen Sweeney was right in her recently posted article: the Article III Courts should NOT be giving the BIA or Sessions “Chevron deference.”

PWS

08-23-18

 

 

 

 

PROFESSOR MAUREEN SWEENEY ON WHY THE BIA DOESN’T DESERVE “CHEVRON” DEFERENCE – JEFF SESSIONS’S ALL OUT ATTACK ON THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE IMMIGRATION JUDICIARY IS EXHIBIT 1!

http://lawprofessors.typepad.com/immigration/2018/08/immigration-article-of-the-day-enforcingprotection-the-danger-of-chevron-in-refugee-act-cases-by-mau.html

Go on over to ImmigrationProf Blog at the  above link for all of the links necessary to get the abstract as well as the full article. Among the many current and former Immigration Judges quoted or cited in the article are Jeffrey Chase, Ashley Tabaddor, Dana Marks, Lory Rosenberg, Robert Vinikoor, and me. (I’m sure I’m missing some of our other colleagues; it’s a very long article, but well worth the read.)

In an article full of memorable passages, here is one of my favorites:

Full enforcement of the law requires full enforcement of provisions that grant protection as well as provisions that restrict border entry. This is the part of “enforcement” that the Department of Justice is not equipped to fully understand. The agency’s fundamental commitment to controlling unauthorized immigration does not allow it a neutral, open position on asylum questions. The foundational separation and balance of powers concerns at the heart of Chevron require courts to recognize that inherent conflict of interest as a reason Congress is unlikely to have delegated unchecked power on refugee protection to the prosecuting agency. In our constitutional structure, the courts stand as an essential check on the executive power to deport and must provide robust review to fully enforce the congressional mandate to protect refugees. If the courts abdicate this vital function, they will be abdicating their distinctive role in ensuring the full enforcement of all of our immigration law—including those provisions that seek to ensure compliance with our international obligations to protect individuals facing the danger of persecution.

This is a point that my friend and colleague Judge Lory Rosenberg made often during our tenure together on the BIA. All too often, her pleas fell on deaf ears.

The now abandoned pre-2001 “vision statement” of EOIR was “to be the world’s best administrative tribunals, guaranteeing fairness and due process for all.” Nothing in there about “partnering” with DHS to remove more individuals, fulfilling quotas, “sending messages to stay home,” securing the border, jacking up volume, deterring migration, or advancing other politically motivated enforcement goals. Indeed, the proper role of EOIR is to insure fair and impartial adjudication and Due Process for individuals even in the face of constant pressures to “just go along to get along” with a particular Administration’s desires to favor the expedient over the just.

Under all Administrations, the duty to insure Due Process, fairness, full protections, and the granting to benefits to migrants under the law is somewhat shortchanged at EOIR in relation to the pressure to promote Executive enforcement objectives. But, the situation under the xenophobic, disingenuous, self-proclaimed “Immigration Enforcement Czar” Jeff Sessions is a true national disgrace and a blot on our entire legal system. If Congress won’t do its job by removing the Immigration Courts from the DOJ forthwith, the Article III courts must step in, as Maureen suggests.

PWS

08-23-18

EOIR ANNOUNCES 23 NEW IMMIGRATION JUDGE APPOINTMENTS – TREND OF APPOINTING LARGELY FROM GOVERNMENT BACKGROUNDS CONTINUES!

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NOTICE

U.S. Department of Justice

Executive Office for Immigration Review

Office of Policy
5107 Leesburg Pike
Falls Church, Virginia 22041

Contact: Communications and Legislative Affairs Division

Phone: 703-305-0289 Fax: 703-605-0365PAO.EOIR@usdoj.gov @DOJ_EOIR

www.justice.gov/eoir

Aug. 15, 2018

Executive Office for Immigration Review Swears in 23 Immigration Judges

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Stuart D. Alcorn, Immigration Judge, Pearsall Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Stuart D. Alcorn to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Alcorn earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1994 from the University of Southern Mississippi and a Juris Doctor in 2004 from the Thurgood Marshall School of Law at Texas Southern University. From 2008 to 2018, he served as assistant chief counsel for Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Department of Homeland Security in San Antonio, Texas. From 2008 to 2017, he also served as a military defense attorney in the Judge Advocate General’s (JAG) Corps, U.S. Army Reserve. From 2005 to 2008, he was a military prosecutor and command judge advocate in the JAG Corps at Fort Benning, Ga. In addition to military duties, during 2005 to 2008, he was special assistant U.S. attorney in the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Columbus, Ga. In 2004, he was a law clerk for Ron Woods’ legal practice in Houston. From 2002 to 2004, he was a student clerk in the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Houston. Judge Alcorn is a member of the State Bar of Texas.

Robert A. Fellrath, Immigration Judge, Los Angeles Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Robert A. Fellrath to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Fellrath earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1996 and a Juris Doctor in 1999, both from the University of Notre Dame. From 2008 to 2018, he was assistant U.S. attorney for the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Tucson, Ariz. From 2007 to 2008, he was assistant federal public defender for the Office of the Federal Public Defender in Burlington, Vt. From 2000 to 2018, he served in different roles, locations, and increasing levels of seniority with the Judge Advocate General’s Corps, U.S. Army, in both active and reserve duty. These assignments were in San Antonio, Texas; Kaiserslautern, Germany; Fort Hood, Texas; and Fort Huachuca, Ariz. Judge Fellrath is a member of the State Bar of Michigan.

Kathleen French, Immigration Judge, Otero Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Kathleen French to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge French earned a Bachelor of Science degree in 1982 from the U.S. Coast Guard Academy and a Juris Doctor in 1997 from George Mason University. From 2000 to 2018, she

Communications and Legislative Affairs Division

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was assistant chief counsel and deputy chief counsel with the Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Department of Homeland Security in several locations: Denver; Lumpkin, Ga.; and Miami, Orlando, and Tampa, Fla. From 1999 to 2000, she was a judicial law clerk (JLC) with the Executive Office for Immigration Review, Department of Justice in Miami. From 1997 to 1999, she was a JLC with the Third District Court of Appeal, also in Miami. From 1998 to 2013, she served in several reserve-duty roles with the Judge Advocate General’s Corps, U.S. Army. From 1994 to 1982, she served on active duty in the U.S. Coast Guard as a shipboard law enforcement officer. Judge French is a member of The Florida Bar.

Daniel B. Gilbert, Immigration Judge, Harlingen Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Daniel B. Gilbert to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Gilbert earned a Bachelor of Talmudic Law degree in 2004 from the New Israel Rabbinical College and a Juris Doctor in 2008 from the Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law. He was assistant chief counsel with the Office of the Principal Legal Advisor, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Department of Homeland Security from 2012 to 2016 in Harlingen, Texas, and from 2016 to 2018 in Baltimore. From 2009 to 2011, he was a staff attorney with the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit in New York. In 2007, he was a student clerk with the U.S. District Court in Newark, N.J., as well as a judicial intern with the New York State Supreme Court of Kings County in Brooklyn, N.Y. Judge Gilbert is a member of the New York and New Jersey State Bars.

Lena Golovnin, Immigration Judge, New York City Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Lena Golovnin to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Golovnin earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 2002 from Hunter College and a Juris Doctor in 2008 from the Thomas M. Cooley Law School. From 2010 to 2018, she was assistant chief counsel for the Office of the Chief Counsel, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Department of Homeland Security in New York, N.Y. From 2009 to 2010, she was attorney advisor for the Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR), Department of Justice (DOJ), also in New York, N.Y. From 2008 to 2009, she was a judicial law clerk and later attorney advisor for EOIR, DOJ in San Antonio, Texas. Judge Golovnin is a member of the New York State Bar and the State Bar of Michigan.

Cynthia Gordon, Immigration Judge, New York City Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Cynthia Gordon to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Gordon earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1990 from Hamilton College and a Juris Doctor in 1993 from Cornell Law School. From 2007 to 2018, she was assistant chief counsel in the Office of the Principal Legal Advisor, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Department of Homeland Security in New York, N.Y. From 2001 to 2007, she was special assistant attorney general in the New York State Attorney General’s Office in New York City. From 1994 to 2001, she was assistant district attorney in the New York Country District Attorney’s Office, also in New York, N.Y. From 1993 to 1994, she was a judicial clerk in the Superior Court of New

Communications and Legislative Affairs Division

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EOIR Swears in 23 Immigration Judges Page 3

Jersey in Cape May, N.J. Judge Gordon is a member of the New York and New Jersey State Bars.

Nathan L. Herbert, Immigration Judge, El Paso Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Nathan L. Herbert to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Herbert earned a Bachelor of Science degree in 2003 from Western Michigan University and a Juris Doctor in 2008 from the Michigan State University College of Law. From 2015 to 2018, he was deputy chief counsel for the Office of Chief Counsel, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), Department of Homeland Security (DHS), in San Antonio, Texas. From 2009 to 2015, he was an assistant chief counsel, Office of Chief Counsel, ICE, DHS, in Denver. From 2008 to 2009, he was attorney advisor for the Executive Office for Immigration Review, Department of Justice, also in Denver. Judge Herbert is a member of the Colorado Bar.

Howard C. Hom, Immigration Judge, New York City Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Howard C. Hom to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Hom received a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1973 from the University of California, Los Angeles, and a Juris Doctor in 1976from Loyola Law School. In 2018, he served as an administrative law judge (ALJ) for the California Unemployment Insurance Appeals Board. From 2016 to 2018, he was a self-employed attorney specializing in immigration and nationality law. From 2009 to 2016, he was ALJ for the State of California. From 1981 to 2009, he was an attorney in private practice, in Los Angeles. From 1995 to 2008, he was an adjunct professor in immigration law at the Whittier Law School, Los Angeles. From 1976 to 1981, he was a general and trial attorney with the former Immigration and Naturalization Service, Department of Justice in Los Angeles. Judge Hom is a member of the State Bar of California.

Natalie B. Huddleston, Immigration Judge, Los Angeles Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Natalie B. Huddleston to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Huddleston earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 2001 and a Juris Doctor in 2004, both from the University of Notre Dame. From 2014 to 2018, she was assistant U.S. attorney in Phoenix. From 2013 to 2014, she was deputy county attorney with the Pinal County Attorney’s Office in Florence, Ariz. From 2008 to 2013, she was assistant attorney general with the Office of the Arizona Attorney General in Phoenix. From 2004 to 2008, she was deputy county attorney with the Maricopa County Attorney’s Office, also in Phoenix. Judge Huddleston is a member of the State Bar of Arizona.

David C. Koelsch, Immigration Judge, Baltimore Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed David C. Koelsch to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Koelsch earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1988 from Michigan State University and a Juris Doctor in 1994from Catholic University. From 2017 to 2018, he was a supervisory asylum officer with U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), Department of Homeland Security (DHS), in Arlington, Va. From 2015 to 2017, he was an appeals officer with

Communications and Legislative Affairs Division

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EOIR Swears in 23 Immigration Judges Page 4

the Administrative Appeals Office, USCIS, DHS. From 2002 to 2015, he was a professor and director of the Immigration Law Clinic at the University of Detroit Mercy School of Law. From 2000 to 2005, he was legal director of Freedom House. From 1998 to 2000, he was associate attorney with Dykema PLLC. From 1996 to 1998, he was associate attorney with Hopkins & Sutter. From 1995 to 1996, he was a law clerk for the Alaska Superior Court. He is a member of the Michigan State Bar.

W. Scott Laragy, Immigration Judge, Oakdale Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed W. Scott Laragy to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Laragy earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1991 and a Juris Doctor in 1994, both from Loyola University New Orleans. He has served in the Judge Advocate General’s (JAG) Corps for the U.S. Navy since 1995, first on active duty until 2007, and is currently serving in the reserves. From 2017 to 2018, he was counsel to the director in the Executive Office for United States Attorneys (EOUSA), Department of Justice (DOJ), in Washington, D.C. From 2012 to 2017, he was legislative counsel for the EOUSA, DOJ. From 2007 to 2012, he was assistant U.S. attorney for the U.S. Attorney’s Office in New Orleans. Judge Laragy is a member of the Louisiana State and the District of Columbia Bars.

Zakia Mahasa, Immigration Judge, Baltimore Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Zakia Mahasa to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Mahasa earned a Bachelor of Business Administration degree in 1981from the University of Maryland and a Juris Doctor in 1986 from the University of Maryland, Carey School of Law. From 1997 to 2018, she was magistrate in the Circuit Court for Baltimore. From 1992 to 1994, she was a staff attorney and, from 1994 to1997, she was a supervising attorney, both for the House of Ruth domestic violence legal clinic, also in Baltimore. From 1987 to 1992, she was an attorney with the Legal Aid Bureau of Maryland. Judge Mahasa is a member of the Maryland State Bar.

Michael G. McFarland, Immigration Judge, New York City Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Michael G. McFarland to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge McFarland earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 2004from New York University and a Juris Doctor in 2007from New York University School of Law. From 2011 to 2018, he was assistant chief counsel and then deputy chief counsel for Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Department of Homeland Security, in New York, N.Y. From 2007 to 2011, he was a staff attorney with the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, also in New York, N.Y. Judge McFarland is a member of the New York State Bar.

Patrick M. McKenna, Immigration Judge, Chicago Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Patrick M. McKenna to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge McKenna earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1998 from DePauw University and a Juris Doctor in 2001 from University of Notre Dame Law School. From 2006 to 2018, he was

Communications and Legislative Affairs Division

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EOIR Swears in 23 Immigration Judges Page 5

assistant chief counsel and associate legal advisor for Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Department of Homeland Security, in Chicago and Washington, D.C. From 2002 to 2006, he was assistant state’s attorney for the Will County State’s Attorney in Joliet, Ill. From 2001 to 2002, he was an associate with Eichorn and Eichorn in Hammond, Ind. Judge McKenna is a member of the Illinois and Indiana State Bars.

Nancy E. Miller, Immigration Judge, Los Angeles Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Nancy E. Miller to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Miller earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1974 from the University of California, Los Angeles, and a Juris Doctor in 1984 from Southwestern University School of Law. From 1998 to 2018, she was attorney and managing partner of Reeves Miller Zhang & Diza in Pasadena, Calif. From 1988 to 1998, she was a solo practitioner in private practice. From 1986 to 1988, she was associate attorney with the Law Office of James LeTourneau. From 1985 to 1986, she was law clerk and associate attorney with the Law Office of Kehrela Hodkinson. Judge Miller is a member of the State Bar of California.

Angela Munson, Immigration Judge, LaSalle Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Angela Munson to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Munson earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1990 from Georgia State University and a Juris Doctor in 1994from Tulane Law School. From 2005 to 2018, she was assistant U.S. attorney with the Office of the U.S. Attorney, Northern District of Georgia. From 2011 to 2012, she was detailed as resident legal advisor to the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad, Iraq. From 1998 to 2005, she was assistant U.S. attorney with the Organized Crime and Drug Enforcement Task Force, Office of the U.S. Attorney, Northern District of Georgia. From 1994 to 1998, she was assistant district attorney with the Office of the Fulton County District Attorney. Judge Munson is a member of the State Bar of Georgia.

Jonathan W. Owens, Immigration Judge, Cleveland Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Jonathan W. Owens to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Owens earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1997 from the University of Michigan and a Juris Doctor in 2005from Michigan State University, Detroit College of Law. From 2014 to 2018, he was an administrative law judge (ALJ) manager, and from 2007 to 2014, he was an ALJ both for the State of Michigan Licensing and Regulatory Affairs in Detroit. From 2003 to 2007, he was departmental analyst for the Office of Child Support, Michigan Department of Health and Human Services. Judge Owens is a member of the State Bar of Michigan.

Kaarina Salovaara, Immigration Judge, Chicago Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Kaarina Salovaara to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Salovaara earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1976 from Smith College and a Juris Doctor in 1980from the University of Virginia Law School. From 1991 to 2018, she was an assistant U.S. attorney in the U.S. Attorney’s Office, Criminal Division, Northern District of

Communications and Legislative Affairs Division

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Illinois in Chicago. From 1981 to 1991, she was an associate and later a partner with Jenner & Block, also in Chicago. From 1980 to 1981, she was a clerk for Judge Barbara B. Crabb in the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Wisconsin. She is a member of the Illinois State Bar.

Eric J. Tijerina, Immigration Judge, San Antonio Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Eric J. Tijerina to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Tijerina earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1991 from the University of Texas at Austin, a Master of Business Administration in 1996 from Texas Christian University, and a Juris Doctor in 2006 from St. Mary’s University School of Law. From 2015 to 2018, he was a policy analyst with the Office of Policy and Strategy, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, Department of Homeland Security in Washington, D.C. From 2014 to 2015, he was associate director, Immigrant Children’s Legal Program, U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants in Arlington, Va. From 2010 to 2014, he was director of legal programs, Refugee and Immigrant Center for Education and Legal Services in San Antonio, Texas. From 2008 to 2010, he was teaching clinical fellow and supervising attorney for the St. Mary’s University School of Law Immigration Clinic in San Antonio, Texas. From 2006 to 2008, he was lead attorney, Legal Orientation Program, Political Asylum Project of Austin, Texas. Judge Tijerina is a member of the State Bar of Texas.

Nelson A. Vargas-Padilla, Immigration Judge, Ulster Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Nelson A. Vargas-Padilla to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Vargas-Padilla earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1990 from the State University of New York at Albany and a Juris Doctor in 1994from the University at Buffalo School of Law. From 2016 to 2018, he was litigation and national security counsel for the Litigation and National Security Coordination Law Division, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), Department of Homeland Security (DHS), in Washington, D.C. From 2015 to 2016, he was transformation counsel and immigration officer for the Refugee Affairs Division, USCIS, DHS, in Kenya and Malaysia. From 2013 to 2016, he was transformation counsel for the Transformation Law Division, USCIS, DHS, also in Washington, D.C. From 2001 to 2007, he was assistant chief counsel; from 2007 to 2009, he was senior attorney; and from 2009 to 2013, he was deputy chief counsel for the Office of Chief Counsel, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, DHS, in Baltimore, Md. From 1996 to 2001, he was attorney advisor for the Board of Immigration Appeals, Executive Office for Immigration Review, Department of Justice in Falls Church, Va. Judge Vargas-Padilla is a member of the New Jersey State Bar.

Michael G. Walleisa, Immigration Judge, Miami Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Michael G. Walleisa to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Walleisa earned a Bachelor of Science degree in 1981from Philadelphia College of Textiles and Science and a Juris Doctor in 1985 from Temple University School of Law. From 1989 to 2018, he worked in several roles in the U.S. Attorney’s Office, Southern District of

Florida in Miami. From 2002 to 2018, he was assistant U.S. attorney with the National Security — more —

Communications and Legislative Affairs Division

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EOIR Swears in 23 Immigration Judges Page 7

Section. From 1996 to 2002, he was assistant U.S. attorney with the Civil Division. From 1993 to 1996, he was chief of the Narcotics and Violent Crimes Section. From 1992 to 1993, he was chief of the Trial Section. From 1991 to 1992, he was deputy chief of the Major Crimes Section. From 1990 to 1991, he was assistant U.S. attorney with the Organized Crime Section. From 1989 to 1990, he was assistant U.S. attorney with the Appeals/Major Crimes Sections. From 1985 to 1989, he was an attorney with the State Attorney’s Office in Dade County, Fla. Judge Walleisa is a member of the Florida Bar.

George J. Ward Jr., Immigration Judge, Falls Church Immigration Adjudication Center

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed George J. Ward Jr. to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Ward earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1988 from Bucknell University and a Juris Doctor in 1993 from St. John’s University School of Law. From 1999 to 2018, he served in several positions with the Office of the Principal Legal Advisor, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), Department of Homeland Security (DHS) in both Arlington, Va., and Washington, D.C. From 2012 to 2018, he was deputy chief in the Office of Chief Counsel, ICE, DHS. From 2011 to 2012, he was deputy chief and then chief with the District Court Litigation Division. From 2010 to 2011, he was chief with the District Court Litigation Section. From 2007 to 2010, he was legislative counsel. From 2003 to 2007, he was an associate legal advisor. From 1999 to 2003, he was an assistant district counsel with the former Immigration and Naturalization Service, Department of Justice in New York, N.Y. From 1993 to 1999, he was an assistant district attorney with the Nassau County District Attorney’s Office in Mineola, N.Y. Judge Ward is a member of the New York and New Jersey State Bars.

Jason R. Waterloo, Immigration Judge, Los Angeles Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Jason R. Waterloo to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Waterloo earned dual Bachelor of Science degrees in 2004 from the Pennsylvania State University and a Juris Doctor in 2007 from the West Virginia University College of Law. From 2014 to 2018, he was an assistant chief counsel for the Office of Chief Counsel, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Department of Homeland Security in Los Angeles. From 2008 to 2014, he was an assistant district attorney with the Berks County District Attorney’s Office in Reading, Pa. From 2007 to 2008, he was a judicial law clerk with the Northampton County Court of Common Pleas in Easton, Pa. Judge Waterloo is a member of the Pennsylvania Bar.

— EOIR —

Communications and Legislative Affairs Division

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Congrats and good luck to all!
Remember, no matter what Jeff Sessions says, the job of being a good Immigration Judge is about impartiality, fairness, scholarship, respect, timeliness, teamwork, and Due Process for the individuals coming before the Immigration Court. Nothing else!
PWS
08-16-18

“OUR GANG” OF RETIRED US IMMIGRATION JUDGES ISSUES PRESS RELEASE ON IMPROPER REMOVAL OF IMMIGRATION JUDGE FROM CASTRO-TUM CASE!

On Thursday, July 26, EOIR, in a costly and inefficient use of the agency’s resources, sent an Assistant Chief Immigration Judge to the Philadelphia Immigration Court to conduct a single preliminary hearing.  Although there was no indication of any legitimate basis for doing so, the case had been taken off of the calendar of an experienced Immigration Judge in Philadelphia, apparently for the sole reason that the judge had exercised independent judgment by asking for briefs on the issue of whether the respondent had in fact received notice of the hearing.  The Assistant Chief Judge (a part of EOIR’s management) ordered the respondent removed in absentia without further inquiry into such question, fulfilling the purpose for which she was sent to Philadelphia.

An independent judiciary is imperative to democracy.  Immigration Judges have always struggled to maintain independence while remaining in the employ of an enforcement agency, the Department of Justice, and serving at the pleasure of a political appointee, the Attorney General.  Although not entitled to the same due process safeguards as criminal proceedings, the consequences of deportation can be as harsh as any criminal penalty.  As their decisions often have life-or-death consequences, Immigration Judges must be afforded the independence to conduct fair, impartial hearings.  For this reason, some important due process safeguards are required in deportation proceedings, and errors should be corrected through the appeals process, not through interference by managers.

Last Thursday’s case had been remanded by Attorney General Jeff Sessions. In the absence of another explanation, it would seem that EOIR’s management did not believe Sessions’ purpose in remanding the case was for an Immigration Judge to then exercise independent judgment to ensure due process. The agency therefore removed the case from the docket of a capable judge in order to ensure an outcome that would please its higher-ups. While as former Immigration Judges and BIA Members with many decades of combined experience, we appreciate the pressures on EOIR’s leadership, such interference with judicial independence is unacceptable.  EOIR’s management exists to fulfill an administrative function, not to impede on the decision-making process of its judges. EOIR more than ever needs leadership with the courage to protect its judges from political pressures and to defend their independence.  As a democracy, we expect our judges to reach results based on what is just, even where such results are not aligned with the desired outcomes of politicians.

Hon. Steven Abrams
Hon. Sarah M. Burr
Hon. Jeffrey S. Chase
Hon. Cecelia M. Espenoza
Hon. John F. Gossart, Jr.
Hon. William P. Joyce
Hon. Carol King
Hon. Margaret McManus
Hon. Charles Pazar
Hon. Susan Roy
Hon. Paul W. Schmidt
Hon. Polly A. Webber

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Sadly, no surprise that under Sessions the “captive” U.S. Immigration Courts are becoming more blatantly politicized — always in ways that are adverse to Due Process, an independent judiciary, and the rights of migrants appearing before those courts.

We need an Article I U.S. Immigration Court, run by judges, not politicos, with the assistance of professional court administrators responsible to the judges.

PWS

07-30-17

 

GOOD NEWS FROM THE U.S. IMMIGRATION COURT IN ARLINGTON, VA BY TAL @ CNN: U.S. IMMIGRATION JUDGE JOHN MILO BRYANT SHOWS CONGRESS, PUBLIC, PRESS HOW IMMIGRATION COURT COULD & SHOULD WORK IF JEFF SESSIONS & THE DOJ WERE REMOVED FROM THE PICTURE & THE JUDGES WERE INDEPENDENT RATHER THAN BEING UNETHICALLY TOLD BY SESSIONS THAT THEY ARE “PARTNERS WITH DHS!”

The Wonderful Tal Kopan of CNN

Judge Roger Harris, Me, Judge Thomas Snow, & Judge John Milo Bryant (“The Non-Conformist”) head out to lunch on my last day at the Arlington Immigration Court, June 30, 2016

http://www.cnn.com/2018/06/28/politics/immigration-court-hearings/index.html

‘Just be a kid, OK?’: Inside children’s immigration hearings

By: Tal Kopan, CNN

As each immigrant child took their seat in his courtroom for their hearing, Judge John M. Bryant started the same way.

“How are you doing today?” he’d ask.

“Muy bien,” most would answer.

In a span of about 45 minutes, Bryant — an immigration judge in Arlington, Virginia — checked in on the cases of 16 immigrants under the age of 20, all with attorneys and some with parents.

The day was known as a “master calendar hearing” — a swift introduction in court and the beginning of court proceedings for immigrants facing deportation.

The children had largely been in the country for some time, each fighting in court for the right to stay.

But though the immigration courts have long dealt with immigrant children, even those barely school age or younger, their turn through the unique, stand-alone immigration courts is getting new attention as the government’s “zero tolerance” border policy has sent thousands more children into the system without their parents.

The hearings were observed by six Democratic members of Congress: Whip Steny Hoyer of Maryland; Rep. Don Beyer, whose Virginia district includes the court; Congressional Hispanic Caucus Chairwoman Rep. Michelle Lujan Grisham of New Mexico; and Reps. Pete Aguilar, Nanette Diaz Barragán and Norma Torres, all of California.

At a news conference afterward, Beyer called the session “One of the best-case scenarios of a master calendar hearing, a sympathetic judge with kids with lawyers.”

The lawmakers said they had wanted to come to the court to witness it for themselves, because they fear that around the country there are too many courtrooms that are the opposite.

“We know that in vast numbers of cases, there is not proper representation,” Hoyer said, adding that some kids are “not old enough to spell their own names, let alone represent themselves in court.”

In each case, the attorneys described waiting for applications filed with the government, and all were quickly given court dates into 2019 to come back for another check-in. One, a boy named José who had just finished ninth grade, was there for his second check-in and for his full asylum hearing received a court date of May 11, 2021 — likely to be just as he is finishing high school in the US.

The youngest was a 6-year-old boy, Rodolfo, who was there with his attorney and father, though Rodolfo’s case was being heard by itself. As he did with most of the children, Bryant asked Rodolfo if he was in school, translated by an interpreter via headphones provided to every immigrant facing the court.

“Hoy?” Rodolfo asked, confused — “Today?”

Bryant cheerfully prompted Rodolfo about what grade he had finished — kindergarten — and his teacher’s name — Ms. Dani. Bryant said he still remembered his own kindergarten teacher, Ms. Sweeney, from many years prior. “Hasta luego,” Bryant told Rodolfo, giving him a next court date of May 30, 2019.

While all the children in Bryant’s courtroom on this afternoon had attorneys, the Arlington Immigration Court is not typical of the country, where closer to 1-in-3 children are represented in court. Bryant was also generous with the continuances requested by attorneys as they waited to hear from the government on applications for other visas for the children, despite uniform opposition by the government attorney in court.

“Mr. Wagner, your turn,” Bryant joked at one point to the government attorney present, who dutifully recited the government’s opposition to granting continuances solely on the basis of waiting to hear back on a visa application. Bryant than immediately picked a day on his calendar for the immigrant and attorney to return.

One attorney for a 12-year-old girl, Rosemary, who was there with her mother, said they had applied for a Special Immigrant Juvenile visa, which is for minors who have been abused, abandoned or neglected by a parent. Bryant asked the attorney if the application was before a “sweet or sour judge.”

“I think it’s going to be a problem. It may have to be appealed,” the attorney replied.

The judge granted them a court date on February 28 of next year.

“Have a nice summer,” he said to the girl. “Just be a kid, OK?”

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“The lawmakers said they had wanted to come to the court to witness it for themselves, because they fear that around the country there are too many courtrooms that are the opposite.” And, with very good reason!

No trace of the Jeff Sessions’s paranoia, xenophobia, bias, child abuse, and de-humanization of migrants here. It’s like one would expect a “real” U.S. Court to be run! Sadly, that’s not what’s happening in the rest of the country. Just ask folks in Charlotte, Atlanta, Stewart, Ga., or Houston how they are treated by Immigration Judges. It’s ugly, abusive, well documented, highly inappropriate, and needs to end!

Even more outrageously, rather than building on and replicating successful judicial models like Arlington, Sessions has actually adopted some of the worst imaginable “judicial” practices, encouraged bias, and has actually endorsed and empowered the actions of some of the most clearly biased and anti-immigrant, anti-asylum Immigraton Judges in the system. It’s a simply unacceptable waste of taxpayer money and abuse of our legal system by someone incapable of fulfilling his oath of office.

Imagine, with judges actually in control, lawyers for the respondents, time to prepare and file applications, empathy, courtesy, knowledge, kindness, concern for fairness, efficiency, and giving ICE’s obstructionist “rote objections” and other dilatory tactics encouraged and enabled by this Administration exactly the short shrift they so richly deserve, the U.S. Immigration Courts could potentially fulfill their original vision of “becoming the world’s best tribunals, guaranteeing fairness and due process for all.”

And, ICE could be once again required to function in the same highly-professional, courteous, collegial, respectful, and helpful manner that they did in Arlington during the last Administration. It’s disgraceful that rudeness and unfairness have become the norm under Trump. Things like that used to get even Government lawyers fired, disbarred, or disciplined. Now they appear to win kudos.

And, having dockets run by experienced judicial professionals like Judge Bryant with the help of professional staff responsible to him and his colleagues would promote fairness, quality, and efficiency over the “Amateur Night at the Bijou” atmosphere created by a biased, politicized, and totally incompetent Department of Justice and carried out by agency bureaucrats who aren’t judges themselves and are not qualified to administer a major court system.

Why not design a system “built for success” rather one that is built for failure and constant crisis? A well-functioning court system where “Due Process and Quality Are Job One” and which serves as a “level playing field” would actually help DHS Enforcement as well as the immigrants whose lives depend upon it. Fairness and Due Process are good for everyone. It’s also what our Constitution requires! Play the game fairly and professionally and let the chips fall where they may, rather than trying to “game the system” to tilt everything toward enforcement. 

But, it’s not going to happen until either 1) Congress creates an independent U.S. Immigration Court, or 2) the Article III Courts finally step up to the plate, put an end to this travesty, remove the DOJ from its totally improper and unethical supervisory role, and place the Immigration Courts under a court-appointed “Special Master” to manage them with the goal of Due Process and judicial efficiency until Congress reorganizes them outside of the Executive Branch! Otherwise, the Article IIIs will have to do the job that Sessions won’t let the Immigration Courts perform!

Compare Judge Bryant’s professional performance with the “judicial meat processing plant/Due Process Denial Factory” being operated by U.S. Magistrate Judge Peter Ormsby on the Southern Border as described by Karen Tumulty of the Washington Post in my post from yesterday:

http://immigrationcourtside.com/2018/06/28/karen-tumulty-washpost-assembly-line-justice-is-already-the-norm-in-u-s-district-courts-at-the-border-as-go-along-to-get-along-u-s-magistrate-convicts-bewilder/

Who is the “real” judge here? It doesn’t take a “rocket scientist” to answer that one! Just some judges with the backbone, courage, and integrity not to “go along to get along” with Sessions’s assault on the integrity and independence of our justice system.

PWS

06-30-18

 

I TAKE TO THE AIRWAVES TO DEFEND THE CONSTITUTION, DUE PROCESS, RULE OF LAW, ASYLUM, KIDS, HUMANITY, IMMIGRATION JUDGES! – Weekend Clips

1. NPR WEEKEND EDITION WITH SCOTT SIMON, JUNE 23, 2018

Click here:

https://www.npr.org/2018/06/23/622795409/a-former-immigration-judge-on-the-current-situation

2.  WITH SOLEDAD O’BRIEN, JUNE 24, 2018

Click here:

http://matteroffact.tv/retired-immigration-judge-there-is-still-a-right-to-asylum-after-illegal-entry/

 

3. MSNBC, VELSHI & RUHLE WITH ALI VELSHI, JUNE 25, 2018

Click here:

https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/politics/fmr-immigration-judge-migrants-are-not-invaders/vp-AAz9ENo

PWS

06-26-18

 

 

 

TAL@ CNN: SESSIONS’S MOVES TO UNDERMINE DUE PROCESS IN IMMIGRATION COURTS NOT ENOUGH FOR TRUMP, WHO WANTS TO DO AWAY WITH CONSTITUTION — Huckabee Sanders Spouts Nonsense! (What Else Is New?)

Trump fumes over immigration courts Sessions has focused on

By: Tal Kopan, CNN

President Donald Trump in recent days has fumed about the immigration courts that handle cases of people seeking entry into the US.

But Trump’s fixation on the courts and the judges who staff them flies in the face of what his attorney general has been trying to do to reshape the courts to align with the President’s vision, including hiring more immigration judges and restricting asylum laws.

The President tweeted that those stopped at the border should be simply told they can’t enter, rather than going through the system.

“When somebody comes in, we must immediately, with no judges or court cases, bring them back from where they came,” Trump tweeted on Saturday.

Press secretary Sarah Sanders told reporters Monday that “virtually all Americans” agree that drawn-out court proceedings don’t make sense for migrants who enter the country illegally. Trump, she said, “would certainly like to see more expedited removal.”

“Just because you don’t see a judge doesn’t mean you aren’t receiving due process,” she said.

The immigration courts decide whether immigrants have a legal right to stay in the US or should be deported — and those cases include people arriving at the border as well people from the interior of the US, who may or may not have had legal status at some point.

But Trump’s suggestion has several problems, including the fact that there are fewer than 350 immigration judges nationwide and the Justice Department has budgeted for only 100 more.

In addition, the suggestion that the immigration courts could be done away with altogether would likely fly in the face of the Constitution and a host of domestic and international laws that bestow rights on everyone in the US and crossing the border, regardless of whether they are citizens.

More: http://www.cnn.com/2018/06/25/politics/trump-sessions-immigration-judges-courts/index.html

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  • There is no Due Process without an impartial decision maker (lots of doubt as to whether any Immigration Judge working for Jeff Sessions can be considered “impartial”).
  • Jeff Sessions has nothing to do with virtue. His disingenuous, racist, White Nationalist policies are the polar opposite of “virtue.”
  • As the Supreme Court has said, Due Process takes time — sometimes a lot, sometimes less.
  • Trump’s outrageous proposals violate our Constitution, our statutory law, and two international conventions to which we are party.
  • There is no crisis for the United States, except the unnecessary one that Trump and Sessions have created with their lawless behavior.
  • But, there is a crisis in the Northern Triangle for which we are at least partially responsible.
  • The stakes for the refugees are literally life or death —  Trump and Sessions’s dehumanizing rhetoric is beyond disgusting.
  • Even those who fail to qualify for protection after full hearings likely face rape, torture, extortion, severe beatings, mutilation, or death upon return.  We actually should be protecting more, not fewer, of them.

PWS

06-25-18

HON. JEFFREY CHASE: SOME IMMIGRATION JUDGES START PARTICIPATING IN THE SESSIONS/DHS ALL-OUT ATTACK ON DUE PROCESS BY SUBJECTING ASYLUM APPLICANTS TO AN UNAUTHORIZED “SUMMARY JUDGMENT PROCESS” TO DENY ASYLUM WITHOUT A HEARING – The Likely Result Of Yet Another Administration “Haste Makes Waste” Initiative – Massive Denials Of Due Process, Unlawful Removals, Lost Lives, Massive Remands From The “Real” Courts, Further Loss Of Credibility For The Immigration Courts, More Unnecessary Backlogs, Waste Of Taxpayer Funds – Hey, What’s Not To Like About Another Jeff Sessions Bogus White Nationalist Scheme?

https://www.jeffreyschase.com/blog/2018/6/24/are-summary-denials-coming-to-immigration-court

Are Summary Denials Coming to Immigration Court?

An attorney recently reported the following: at a Master Calendar hearing, an immigration judge advised that if on the Individual Hearing date, both the court and the ICE attorney do not believe the respondent is prima facie eligible for asylum based on the written submissions, the judge will deny asylum summarily without hearing testimony.  The judge stated that other immigration judges around the country were already entering such summary judgments, in light of recent decisions of the Attorney General.

I have been telling reporters lately that no one decision or policy of the AG, the EOIR Director, or the BIA should be viewed in isolation.  Rather, all are pieces in a puzzle.  Back in March, in a very unusual decision, Jeff Sessions certified to himself a four-year-old BIA precedent decision while it was administratively closed (and therefore off-calendar) at the immigration judge level, and then vacated the decision for the most convoluted of reasons.  What jumped out at me was the fact that the decision, Matter of E-F-H-L-, had held that all asylum applicants had the right to a full hearing on their application without first having to establish prima facie eligibility for such relief.  It was pretty clear that Sessions wanted this requirement eliminated.

Let’s look at the timeline of recent developments.  On January 4 of this year,  Sessions certified to himself the case of  Matter of Castro-Tum, in which he asked whether immigration judges and the BIA should continue to have the right to administratively close cases, a useful and common docket management tool.  On January 19, the BIA published its decision in Matter of W-Y-C- & H-O-B-, in which it required asylum applicants to clearly delineate their claimed particular social group before the immigration judge (an extremely complicated task beyond the ability of most unrepresented applicants), and stated that the BIA will not consider reformulations of the social group on appeal.  The decision was written by Board Member Garry Malphrus, a hard-line Republican who was a participant in the “Brooks Brother Riot” that disrupted the Florida ballot recount following the 2000 Presidential election.

On March 5, Sessions vacated Matter of E-F-H-L-.  Two days later, on March 7, Sessions certified to himself an immigration judge’s decision in Matter of A-B-, engaging in procedural irregularity in taking the case from the BIA before it could rule on the matter, and then completely transforming the issues presented in the case, suddenly challenging whether anyone fearing private criminal actors could qualify for asylum.

On March 22, Sessions certified to himself Matter of L-A-B-R- et al., to determine under what circumstances immigration judges may grant continuances to respondents in removal proceedings.  Although this decision is still pending, immigration judges are already having to defend their decisions to grant continuances to their supervisors at the instigation of the EOIR Director’s Office, which is tracking all IJ continuances.

On March 30, EOIR issued a memo stating that immigration judges would be subjected to performance metrics, or quotas, requiring them to complete 700 cases per year, 95 percent at the first scheduled individual hearing, and further requiring that no more than 15 percent of their decisions be remanded.  On May 17, Sessions decided Castro-Tum in the negative, stripping judges of the ability to manage their own dockets by administratively closing worthy cases.

On May 31, Castro-Tum’s case was on the Master Calendar of Immigration Judge Steven Morley.  Instead of ordering Castro-Tum deported in absentia that day, the judge continued the proceedings to allow an interested attorney to brief him on the issue of whether Castro-Tum received proper notice of the hearing.  Soon thereafter, the case was removed from Judge Morley’s docket and reassigned to a management-level immigration judge who is far less likely to exercise such judicial independence.

On June 11, Sessions decided Matter of A-B-, vacating the BIA’s 2014 decision recognizing the ability of victims of domestic violence to qualify for asylum as members of a particular social group.  In that decision, Sessions included headnote 4: “If an asylum application is fatally flawed in one respect, an immigration judge or the Board need not examine the remaining elements of the asylum claim.”  The case was intentionally issued on the first day of the Immigration Judges training conference, at which the need to complete more cases in less time was a repeatedly emphasized.

So in summary, within the past few months, the immigration judges have been warned that their livelihood will depend on their completing large numbers of cases, without the ability to grant continuances or administratively close cases.  They have had the need to hold a full asylum hearing stripped away, while at the same time, having pointed out to them several ways to quickly dispose of an asylum claim that until weeks ago, would have been clearly grantable under settled case law.

So where does all this leave the individual judges?  There has been much discussion lately of EOIR’s improper politicized hirings of immigration judges.  I feel that the above developments have created something of a Rorschach test for determining an immigration judge’s ideology.

The judges that conclude from the above the best practice is to summarily deny asylum without testimony are exactly the type of judges the present administration wants on the bench.  They can find a “fatal flaw” in the claim – either in the formulation (or lack thereof) of the particular social group, or in the lack of preliminary documentation as to the persecutor’s motive, the government’s inability to protect, or the unreasonableness of internal relocation, and simply deny the right to a hearing.  It should be noted that these issues are often resolved by the detailed testimony offered at a full merits hearing, which is the purpose of holding such hearings in the first place.

On the other hand, more thoughtful, liberal judges will find that in light of the above developments, they must afford more time for asylum claims based on domestic violence, gang threats, or other claims involving non-governmental actors.  They will conference these cases, and hear detailed testimony from the respondent, country experts, and other witnesses on the particular points raised by Sessions in Matter of A-B-.  They may consider alternative theories of these cases based on political opinion or religion.  They are likely to take the time to craft thoughtful, detailed decisions.  And in doing so, they will find it extremely difficult to meet the completion quotas set out by the agency with Sessions’ blessing.  They may also have their decisions remanded by the conservative BIA, whose leadership is particularly fearful of angering its superiors in light of the 2003 purge of liberal BIA members by then-Attorney General John Ashcroft.  The removal of Castro-Tum’s case from the docket of Judge Morley is clearly a warning that the agency does not wish for judges to behave as independent and impartial adjudicators, but rather to act in lockstep with the agency’s enforcement agenda.

There is another very significant issue: most asylum claims also apply for protection under Article III of the U.N. Convention Against Torture.  Unlike asylum, “CAT” relief is mandatory, and as it does not require a nexus to a protected ground, it is unaffected by the AG’s holding in A-B-.  So won’t those judges pondering summary dismissal still have to hold full hearings on CAT protection?  It would seem that a refusal to hold a full CAT hearing would result in a remand, if not from the BIA, than at the circuit court level.

Copyright 2018 Jeffrey S. Chase.  All rights reserved.

 

 

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Jeffrey S. Chase is an immigration lawyer in New York City.  Jeffrey is a former Immigration Judge, senior legal advisor at the Board of Immigration Appeals, and volunteer staff attorney at Human Rights First.  He is a past recipient of AILA’s annual Pro Bono Award, and previously chaired AILA’s Asylum Reform Task Force.

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Four Easy, Low Budget, Steps To A Better, Fairer, & More Efficient U.S. Immigration Court System:

  • Remove Jeff Sessions and all other politicos from control.
  • Restore Immigration Judges’ authority to “administratively close” cases when necessary to get them off the docket so that relief can be pursued outside the Immigration Court system.
  • Give Immigration Judges authority to set and control their own dockets, working with Court Administrators and attorneys from both sides (rather than having DHS enforcement policies essentially “drive the docket” as is now the case) to:
    • Schedule cases in a manner that insures fair and reasonable access to pro bono counsel for everyone prior to the first Master Calendar;
    • Schedule cases so that pleadings can be taken and applications filed at the first Master Calendar (or the first Master Calendar after representation is obtained);
    • Schedule Individual Hearings in a manner that will maximize the chances of “completion at the first Individual Hearing” while minimizing “resets” of Individual Hearing cases.
  • Establish a Merit Selection hiring system for Immigration Judges overseen by the U.S. Circuit Court in the jurisdiction where that Immigration Judge would sit, or in the case of the BIA Appellate Immigration Judges, by the U.S. Supreme Court.

No, it wouldn’t overnight eliminate the backlog (which has grown up over many years of horrible mismanagement by the DOJ under Administrations of both parties). But, it certainly would give the Immigration Courts a much better chance of reducing the backlog in a fair manner over time. Just that, as opposed to the Trump Administration’s “maximize unfairness, minimize Due Process, maximize backlogs, shift blame, waste money and resources” policies would be a huge improvement at no additional costs over what it now takes to run a system “designed, built, and operated to fail.”

PWS

06-25-48

TAL @ CNN: EVIDENCE MOUNTS OF SESSIONS’S ILLEGAL POLITICIZED HIRING OF IMMIGRATION JUDGES — Best Qualified Individuals Need Not Apply? – Is He Looking For Hacks Who Share His White Nationalist Bias? – When Is Congress Going To Create An Article I Court?

Immigration judge applicant says Trump administration blocked her over politics

By Tal Kopan, CNN

When the Obama administration offered Thea Lay a chance to serve as one of the nation’s top immigration judges pending a successful background check, she eagerly accepted.

But the Trump administration withdrew her offer this year with little explanation after months of silence — and she suspects it’s because of her political ideology.

Lay’s case is one of several being questioned by House Democrats, who have accused the Justice Department of political bias in hiring judges to serve on the nation’s immigration courts — which would be against the law. And the suspicion of politically based hiring, even if unfounded, belies the greater criticism of Attorney General Jeff Sessions’ broader efforts to speed up the immigration courts and use his authority as attorney general to single-handedly interpret immigration law.

Lay has spent much of her 25-year career working on the exact type of asylum law Sessions recently reinterpreted by rolling back protections for domestic violence victims, and she worries that she was perceived as having an ideology that would not be welcome on the Board of Immigration Appeals.

The Justice Department forcefully denies that political ideology has been a factor in any of its hiring of immigration judges, including the decision on Lay, citing federal laws which say it cannot be. They say Lay declined a temporary appointment to the position and cite that and a subsequent reevaluation of the salary for the position as the reason for her rejection.

But the questions about whether there was a quiet move away from candidates who were perceived as too pro-immigrant is an illustration of the unique position the attorney general holds, as the political appointee who hires, manages and can single-handedly overrule each of the nation’s immigration judges.

More: http://www.cnn.com/2018/06/21/politics/immigration-judge-applicant-says-trump-administration-blocked-her-over-politics/index.html

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Sessions is fortunate that the “Do-Nothing” GOP has control of both Judiciary Committees. But, some day the truth will out. And, given Sessions’s already well-established record of lies, distortions, and misrepresentations, it could be pretty ugly.

PWS

06-22-18

 

KANGAROO COURT UPDATE: ICE’S OPLA MAKES IT OFFICIAL: Castro-Tum Made Immigration “Judges” ICE Factotums — ICE Counsel Told That Any Attempt By Your Local Factotum To Disobey Your Orders & Exercise “Independence” Should Be Reported To Higher Authorities Immediately (If Not Sooner)!

Factotum = a servant, retainer – a person working in the service of another (particularly in the household)

 

Here’s the memo — demeaning and insulting U.S. Immigration Judges in exactly the way that Sessions intended:

https://www.dropbox.com/s/9h1k4942zcomwku/Castro%20Tum%20OPLA%20guidance.pdf?dl=0

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Bottom line: “Sessions made it clear that we at ICE control the Immigration Judges, their dockets, and their priorities. If they get out of line, report ’em. We’ll all working on the “Trump/Sessions Deportation Express.” And we at ICE are the Conductors. The “Judges” are just porters to carry our baggage.

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Talk about feckless!

I think that it’s critical that advocates work documents like this into their Article III briefs and arguments. It’s important to let  “real” judges know that notwithstanding fancy titles and outward appearances, the “Immigration Court” is not a real independent court system that can be expected to provide Due Process, or even care about it on a systemic basis, for that matter.

It’s a “captive” of Chief Child Abuser Jeff Sessions who has directed it to carry out his prosecutorial (and overall racist) program of dehumanization and bias against the most vulnerable and defenseless among us. In no way, shape, or form, can a court system selected, directed, and evaluated by Jeff Sessions and his biased minions be considered to provide the “fair and impartial adjudication” required by the Due Process Clause.  Article III Judges must be (politely) confronted with their own complicity when they approve any removal order entered by this inherently corrupt, unethical, and unfair system.

Yes, there are many dedicated and conscientious Immigration Judges out there.  But, they have been ordered to carry out Sessions’s enforcement vendetta, stripped of all meaningful authority to control their dockets, and told they are being watched to make sure they are “with the program”  — which in Sessions’s own words is all about “volume” – not fairness, not quality, not scholarship, not empathy, not human understanding, not respect — nope “volume” which has nothing whatsoever to do with individual justice. How would you like to trust your life to a judge working under those conditions.

Almost every day, Jeff Sessions provides clear public evidence of his bias and total unsuitability for any public office, let along one purporting to run a “court system.”

PWS

06-18-18

 

 

HON. JEFFREY CHASE: Speaking Out Against The “Notable Minority” Of U.S. Immigration Judges Who Demonstrated Bias Against Women & Asylum Seekers – “Think about that: some federally appointed immigration judges cheered the fact that women who had been violently raped and beaten in their country can no longer find refuge here, and will be sent back to face more violence, and possibly death. Will there be any consequences for their actions? Were the many outstanding immigration judges who have been proud to grant such cases in the past, who were saddened and sickened by this decision, able to openly jeer or weep or curse this decision? Or would that have been viewed as dangerous?”

Women Need Not Apply

Those looking for legal analysis should read no further.  The following is a cry from the heart.

The respondent’s personal nightmare began the year after her marriage.  For the next 15 years, she was subjected to relentless physical, sexual, and emotional abuse.

It is most apt that Donald Trump became president by beating a woman.  His campaign historically provoked millions to march in angry protest of his denigration of women on his first full day in office.

“The violence inflicted on [her] took many forms.  Her husband beat her repeatedly, bashing her against the wall and kicking her, including while she was pregnant.  He raped her on countless occasions.”

On Monday, Trump’s Attorney General announced that women who are victims of domestic violence should no longer be deemed to merit protection from our government in the form of political asylum.

Sessions’ action was shockingly tone deaf.  As the wonderful Rebecca Solnit wrote in her 2013 essay “The Longest War:” “We have an abundance of rape and violence against women in this country and on this Earth, though it’s almost never treated as a civil rights or human rights issue, or a crisis, or even a pattern.  Violence doesn’t have a race, a class, a religion, or a nationality, but it does have a gender.”  The year after Solnit wrote those words, our Department of Justice took a step in the right direction.  In recognizing domestic violence as a basis for asylum, our government was finally recognizing such gender-based abuse as a human rights issue, at least in the limited forum of immigration law.

“He also frequently threatened to kill her, at times holding a knife to her neck, and at other times brandishing a gun or, while she was pregnant, threatening to hang her from the ceiling by a rope.”  The above were supported by sworn statements provided by the respondents’ neighbors.

It is only very recently that our society has begun to hold accountable those who commit gender-based abuses against women.  #MeToo is a true civil rights movement, one that is so very long overdue.  In opposing such movement, Jeff Sessions is casting himself as a modern day George Wallace.  It bears repeating that no one, no one, was challenging the settled precedent that victims of domestic violence may be granted asylum as members of a particular social group.  When the precedent case was before the Board of Immigration Appeals, the Department of Homeland Security, i.e. the enforcement agency prosecuting the case, filed a brief in which it conceded that the group consisting of “married women in Guatemala who are unable to leave their relationship” satisfied all of the legal criteria, and was therefore a proper particular social group under the law.  No one has appealed or challenged that determination in the four years since.  Who is Jeff Sessions, who has never practiced immigration law in his life, to just toss out such determination because he and only he disagrees?

The respondent’s “husband controlled, humiliated, and isolated her from others.  He insulted her ‘constantly,’ calling her a ‘slut’ or ‘dog.’  He did not want her to work outside the house and believed ‘a woman’s place was in the home like a servant.’  When he came home in the middle of the night, he forced her out of bed to serve him food, saying things like ‘Bitch, feed me.”

Like Wallace before him, who in 1963 stood in front of the door of the University of Alabama trying in vain to block the entry of four black students, Sessions is trying to block a national movement whose time has come.  As with Wallace and the Civil Rights Movement, justice will eventually prevail.  But now as then, people deserving of his protection will die in the interim.

“Although [her] husband frequently slept with other women, he falsely accused her of infidelity, at times removing her undergarments to inspect her genitals.  He also beat their children in front of her, causing her serious psychological damage.”

The AG’s decision was intentionally released during the first day of the Immigration Judges’ Training Conference.  There have been ideological-based appointments of immigration judges under both the Trump and Bush administrations.  Several persons present at the conference reported that when the decision was announced, some immigration judges cheered. It was definitely a minority; the majority of immigration judges are very decent, caring people.  But it was more than a few; one of my sources described it as “many,” another as “a noteworthy minority.”

Think about that: some federally appointed immigration judges cheered the fact that women who had been violently raped and beaten in their country can no longer find refuge here, and will be sent back to face more violence, and possibly death.  Will there be any consequences for their actions?  Were the many outstanding immigration judges who have been proud to grant such cases in the past, who were saddened and sickened by this decision, able to openly jeer or weep or curse this decision?  Or would that have been viewed as dangerous?

The respondent “believes her life will be in danger” if returned to her country, “where her ex-husband, supported by his police officer brother, has vowed to kill her.  She does not believe there is anywhere” in her country “she could find safety.

Victims of domestic violence will continue to file applications for asylum.  They will argue before immigration judges that their claims meet the legal criteria even under the AG’s recent decision.  Unfortunately, some of those applicants will have their cases heard by immigration judges who, when they heard that the woman whose claim was described in the italicized sections was denied asylum by Jeff Sessions, and will now likely be deported to suffer more such abuse or death, cheered.

The sections in italics are the facts of the asylum-seeker in Matter of A-B-, (including quotes from her appeal brief) who was denied asylum on Monday by Jeff Sessions.

Copyright 2018 Jeffrey S. Chase.  All rights reserved.

 

 

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Jeffrey S. Chase is an immigration lawyer in New York City.  Jeffrey is a former Immigration Judge, senior legal advisor at the Board of Immigration Appeals, and volunteer staff attorney at Human Rights First.  He is a past recipient of AILA’s annual Pro Bono Award, and previously chaired AILA’s Asylum Reform Task Force.

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Look no further to understand why the U.S. Immigration Courts have been struggling for years with issues of quality control, bias, prejudice, and un-judicial conduct. That’s notwithstanding that the vast majority of us were working hard to be “honest referees,” set good examples, and treat those coming before us with dignity, respect, fairness, and humanity. A few colleagues who “don’t get the message” or who operate in a “parallel universe” actually bring the whole system into disrepute and undermine the efforts of those functioning as fair and independent judges.
And, make no mistake about it, Jeff Sessions aims to institutionalize bias, disrepute, and “worst judicial practices.” He’s designing a system that will reward scofflaws like him while punishing and forcing out judges who conscientiously adhere to their oath to put Due Process first! Look at what’s happening in the rest of the DOJ under Sessions, as talented and conscientious career attorneys are being displaced by political hacks with law degrees.
Following A-R-C-G-, the BIA, an inherently conservative tribunal if ever there was one, had made some modest progress in reigning in the minority of Immigration Judges who historically had anti-asylum attitudes, particularly toward women from the Northern Triangle. Sessions intentionally derailed such efforts and gave ugly encouragement to judges to “do whatever is necessary” to deny virtually all PSG claims that have provided refuge for Central Americans.
An independent U.S. Immigration Court with a strong and diverse Appellate Division and a merit selection system for judges supervised by the Article III Courts would be a necessary initial step in correcting these defects while establishing a system that will fairly and efficiently decide cases — without “bogus gimmicks” like trying to block access to entire groups of migrants, intentionally blocking access to counsel, using the court system as a “deterrent,” or using cruel, inhuman, and degrading detention practices to duress migrants into surrendering their already limited rights.
Eventually, as Jeffrey says, Sessions’s White Nationalist program of “turning back the clock” for women of color and other asylum seekers will fail. The current “Rogue State,” will be replaced by a Government re-committed to Due Process for all, regardless of status, and to re-establishing the U.S. as a leader in promoting and respecting international standards for refugee protection.
Inevitably, many, including defenseless women and children, will die unnecessarily, be tortured, and suffer other unspeakable human rights abuses during our struggle to end the “Trumpist Rogue State” and re-establsh the principles of liberal democracy and humanitarian international leadership in the United States. While such deaths and human rights abuses might be an inevitable result of the abusive reign of Trump and Sessions, nobody, particularly those claiming to be fair and impartial judges, should cheer or glory in that obscene result!
PWS
06-15-18

LATEST FROM TRAC: IMMIGRATION COURT SYSTEM COLLAPSING UNDER EXPLODING BACKLOG AS TRUMP/SESSIONS “DISSING” OF DUE PROCESS, BLATANT POLITIZATION, INCOMPETENT ADMINISTRATION, AND “GONZO” ENFORCEMENT POLICIES TAKE HOLD — Backlog Soars By An Amazing 32% In Just Over One Year Since Sessions Assumed Control — Now An Astounding 714,000 – Sessions’s Wrong-Headed Actions Geared To Push It Over ONE MILLION With No Sensible End In Sight!

Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse
==========================================
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Greetings. The Immigration Court’s backlog keeps rising. As of the end of May 2018, the number of cases waiting decision reached an all-time high of 714,067. This compares with a court backlog of 542,411 cases at the end of January 2017 when President Trump assumed office. During his term the backlog has increased by almost a third (32%) with 171,656 more cases added.

The pace of court filings has not increased – indeed, case filings are running slightly behind that of last year at this time. What appears to be driving the burgeoning backlog is the lengthening time it now takes to schedule hearings and complete proceedings in the face of the court’s over-crowded dockets.

For example, cases that ultimately result in a removal order are taking 28 percent longer to process than last year – up from 392 days to an average of 501 days – from the date of the Notice to Appear (NTA) to the date of the decision. And compared with the last full fiscal year of the Obama administration, cases resulting in removal take an average of 42 percent longer.

Decisions granting asylum or another type of relief now take over twice as long as removal decisions. Relief decisions this year on average took 1,064 days – up 17 percent – from last year.

Wait times in Houston, San Antonio, Chicago, Imperial (California), Denver, and Arlington (Virginia) now average over 1,400 days before an immigrant is even scheduled for a hearing on his or her case. At many hearing locations hearings are currently being scheduled beyond 2021 before an available slot on the docket is found.

To read the full report, including how long at each court hearing location current cases are waiting before their hearing is scheduled, go to:

http://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/516/

In addition, many of TRAC’s free query tools – which track the court’s overall backlog, new DHS filings, court dispositions and much more – have now been updated through May 2018. For an index to the full list of TRAC’s immigration tools go to:

http://trac.syr.edu/imm/tools/

If you want to be sure to receive notifications whenever updated data become available, sign up at:

http://tracfed.syr.edu/cgi-bin/tracuser.pl?pub=1&list=imm

or follow us on Twitter @tracreports or like us on Facebook:

http://facebook.com/tracreports

TRAC is self-supporting and depends on foundation grants, individual contributions and subscription fees for the funding needed to obtain, analyze and publish the data we collect on the activities of the U.S. federal government. To help support TRAC’s ongoing efforts, go to:

http://trac.syr.edu/cgi-bin/sponsor/sponsor.pl

David Burnham and Susan B. Long, co-directors
Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse
Syracuse University
Suite 360, Newhouse II
Syracuse, NY 13244-2100
315-443-3563

*************************************

Wow! The “One Man Supreme Court” is also a “One Man Wrecking Crew” trying his best to bring down the entire U.S. justice system with his remarkable mix of bias, ignorance, cruelty, political grandstanding, and just plain old incompetence.  To my knowledge, he’s never run anything larger than a modest sized U.S. Attorney’s Office, and not everyone who worked with him then was enamored by the way he handled that job. In fact, he was so bad that members of his own party his own party helped block him from a U.S. District Judge position because of his perceived racial bias and lack of ability to deal fairly with minorities.

All of this while, the GOP Congress just sits back and “ho hums” about the mess they have created and allowed to fester in the DOJ and their lack of meaningful oversight over Sessions’s destructive, often dishonest, actions and gross mismanagement!

And, destroying the U.S. Immigration Courts is by no means the last or least of his efforts. According to Richard Morosi’s “banner headline top story” in today’s Los Angeles Times, Sessions & Co have so overloaded the U.S. District Courts along the border with non-violent misdemeanor immigration offenders that those courts 1) don’t have time for more serious offenders, major fraudsters, and other real criminals; and 2) are abandoning their values and independence to produce what one former senior prosecutor, Charles La Bella, termed “turnstyle justice” (“not what the federal courts were meant to do”). It’s so horrible that one long-time U.S. District Judge has already quit because he couldn’t take the wanton wastefulness, stupidity, and inhumanity of it all.  You can check out Morosi’s full article here: http://enewspaper.latimes.com/infinity/article_share.aspx?guid=aec32f3c-e756-4d4a-acbc-f7e451bd9d87

In other words, Sessions is compromising the actual safety and security of the United States and threatening the integrity of our U.S. Court System to indulge his own racist, xenophobic desire to punish “regular folks, dishwashers, landscapers . . .people who are coming to pick fruit or find menial work to send money back home.”

At least the Chief U.S. District Judge trying to deal with this mess has included defense attorneys along with judges and prosecutors in his new “case management committee.”  Compare that with the Immigration Courts, where Sessions, his DOJ politicos, and administrative bureaucrats in Falls Church manage the cases from afar, based solely on political and enforcement considerations. The U.S. Immigration Judges who actually hear the cases, the hard-working (largely pro bono) defense attorneys, and even the local ICE prosecutors are effectively “frozen out” of the system for setting priorities and managing cases. I’ll wager that there is no other court system in the United States that attempts to operate in this bone-headed and obviously counterproductive manner!

Under Sessions, more judges = more backlog! That militates against Congress throwing any more judges, money, and personnel into this mess until the Immigration Courts are removed from the DOJ, a long, long overdue move.

How do you build more backlog with more judges? First, by demoralizing and effectively forcing out some of the most experienced and fairest judges and replacing them with “newbies,” Sessions reduces judicial legal expertise, productivity, and independence, at least in the short run.

Second, by trashing the very promising “prosecutorial discretion” program undertaken by ICE prosecutors with the encouragement and cooperation of the Immigration Judges, he forces “low priority” cases into the court system at the expense of the more difficult and complex cases that then get pushed to the end of the line. Astoundingly, Sessions’s recent legally flawed “beat down” of “Administrative Closing” virtually guarantees that several hundred thousand low priority “closed” cases will be returned to the courts’ active dockets in the near future, thus artificially pushing the backlog  beyond 1,000,000!

This is known as “Aimless Docket Reshuffling.” It started under Obama, but has accelerated dramatically under Sessions. This is essentially what is happening with Sessions’s irresponsible prosecution of minor misdemeanants over in the U.S. District Courts along the border.

Third, and this jumped out from the TRAC report, it now takes much longer to complete cases, particularly asylum case and other cases granting relief,  because they are all contested by ICE and Sessions is actively trying to “jack” the law against respondents, particularly asylum applicants. A wise Attorney General actually committed to the job of justice for all in America and responsible use of taxpayer-funded resources would work cooperatively with prosecutors, defense attorneys, and Immigration Judges within existing precedents favorable to asylum applicants to encourage “pretrial” of the many well-documented, meritorious asylum cases and other cases for relief (like cancellation of removal) now unnecessarily clogging the dockets so that they could be granted relief on “short-block dockets” by Immigration Judges. In other cases, they could be closed and removed from the docket to pursue alternative forms of relief at USCIS. This would be a great way of attacking the backlog without running over anyone’s Due Process rights! But, that’s not what Sessions is interested in.

Not only are asylum cases becoming unnecessarily complex and time-consuming under Sessions, but his apparent plan to intentionally misconstrue U.S. asylum law to disadvantage bona fide applicants in favor of his restrictionist agenda and personal biases against asylum seekers, women, and Central Americans is almost sure to result in many “losers” for the Government in the Courts of Appeals. This, in turn, is likely to result in massive returns for “do-overs” — just as happened during the Due Process disaster than occurred following the “Ashcroft Purge” of the BIA in 2003!

PWS

06-08-18

AS SESSIONS DISEMBOWELS DUE PROCESS, THE REAL LEGAL PROBLEMS LEADING TO UNFAIR HEARINGS FOR ASYLUM SEEKERS AND OTHERS CONTINUE UNABATED & UNADDRESSED IN U.S. IMMIGRATION COURT – 2d Cir. Delivers A “Double Shot” Rebuke To Misapplication Of Credibility Rules By Immigration Judges & BIA Judges Who Should Know Better — HONG FEI GAO V. SESSIONS

GAO-2D CIR 16-2262_16-2493_opn

Hong Fei Gao v. Sessions, 2d Cir., May 25, 2018, published

PANEL: WINTER and CHIN, Circuit Judges, and KORMAN, Judge.*

  • Edward R. Korman, of the United States District Court for the Eastern District of New York, sitting by designation.

    OPINION BY: JUDGE CHIN

    SUMMARY OF HOLDING (From Decision):

    These petitions for review heard in tandem challenge two decisions of the Board of Immigration Appeals (the ʺBIAʺ), affirming decisions by two Immigration Judges (ʺIJsʺ), denying asylum, withholding of removal, and protection under the Convention Against Torture (ʺCATʺ) to two petitioners seeking relief from religious persecution in China on adverse credibility grounds. During removal proceedings, petitioners testified regarding the medical attention they received for injuries they sustained from police beatings. The IJs and the BIA relied substantially on the omission of that information from petitionersʹ initial applications and supporting documents to determine that petitioners lacked credibility.

    On appeal, petitioners principally challenge the agencyʹs adverse credibility determinations. In light of the totality of the circumstances and in the context of the record as a whole, in each case we conclude that the IJ and BIA erred in substantially relying on certain omissions in the record. Accordingly, we grant the petitions, vacate the decisions of the BIA, and remand the cases to the BIA for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.

     

KEY QUOTE:

For cases filed after May 11, 2005, the effective date of the REAL ID Act, Pub L. No. 109‐13, 119 Stat. 231 (2005), ʺan IJ may rely on any inconsistency or omission in making an adverse credibility determination as long as theʹtotality of the circumstancesʹ establishes that an asylum applicant is not credible,ʺ Xiu Xia Lin, 534 F.3d at 167 (quoting 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(1)(B)(iii)). The agency may base a credibility finding on an asylum applicantʹs ʺdemeanor, candor, or responsivenessʺ; the ʺinherent plausibilityʺ of his account; the consistency among his written statements, oral statements, and other record evidence; and ʺany inaccuracies or falsehoods in such statements, without regard to whether an inconsistency, inaccuracy, or falsehood goes to the heart of the applicantʹs claim, or any other relevant factor.ʺ 8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(1)(B)(iii). Even where the agency ʺrelies on discrepancies or lacunae that, if taken separately, concern matters collateral or ancillary to the claim, the cumulative effect may nevertheless be deemed consequential.ʺ Xiu Xia Lin, 534 F.3d at 167 (quoting Tu Lin v. Gonzales, 446 F.3d 395, 402 (2d Cir. 2006)). To resolve the instant appeals, we first clarify the following principles that govern credibility determinations based on omissions following the REAL ID Act.

First, although the REAL ID Act authorizes an IJ to rely on ʺanyinconsistency or omission in making an adverse credibility determination,ʺ even one ʺcollateral or ancillaryʺ to an applicantʹs claims, id. at 167, the Act does not give an IJ free rein. The REAL ID Act does not erase our obligation to assess whether the agency has provided ʺspecific, cogent reasons for the adverse credibility finding and whether those reasons bear a legitimate nexus to the finding.ʺ Id. at 166 (quoting Zhou Yun Zhang, 386 F.3d at 74); accord Shrestha v. Holder, 590 F.3d 1034, 1042 (9th Cir. 2010) (ʺThe REAL ID Act did not strip us of our ability to rely on the institutional tools that we have developed, such as the requirement that an agency provide specific and cogent reasons supporting an adverse credibility determination, to aid our review.ʺ). Thus, although IJs may rely on non‐material omissions and inconsistencies, not all omissions and inconsistencies will deserve the same weight. A trivial inconsistency or omission that has no tendency to suggest a petitioner fabricated his or her claim will not support an adverse credibility determination. See Latifi v. Gonzales, 430 F.3d 103, 105 (2d Cir. 2005) (per curiam) (remanding where we found ʺany potential discrepancies that might exist to be far from ʹsignificant and numerous,ʹ but rather insignificant and trivialʺ); accord Shrestha, 590 F.3d at 1044 (noting thatʺtrivial inconsistencies that under the total circumstances have no bearing on a petitionerʹs veracity should not form the basis of an adverse credibility determinationʺ); Kadia v. Gonzales, 501 F.3d 817, 821 (7th Cir. 2007) (faulting IJ forʺfail[ing] to distinguish between material lies, on the one hand, and innocent mistakes, trivial inconsistencies, and harmless exaggerations, on the other handʺ).3

Second, although ʺ[a] lacuna in an applicantʹs testimony or omission in a document submitted to corroborate the applicantʹs testimony . . . can serve as a proper basis for an adverse credibility determination,ʺ Xiu Xia Lin, 534 F.3d at 166 n.3, we also recognize that ʺasylum applicants are not required to list every incident of persecution on their I–589 statement,ʺ Lianping Li v. Lynch, 839 F.3d 144, 150 (2d Cir. 2016) (per curiam) (quoting Pavlova, 441 F.3d at 90); see also Secaida‐Rosales v. INS, 331 F.3d 297, 308 (2d Cir. 2003) (noting that an applicantʹsʺfailure to list in his or her initial application facts that emerge later in testimony will not automatically provide a sufficient basis for an adverse credibility findingʺ), superseded by statute on other grounds as recognized in Xiu Xia Lin, 534 F.3d at 167; accord Pop v. INS, 270 F.3d 527, 531‐32 (7th Cir. 2001) (ʺWe hesitate to find that one seeking asylum must state in his or her application every incident of persecution lest the applicant have his or her credibility questioned if the incident is later elicited in direct testimony.ʺ); Abulashvili v. Attorney Gen. of U.S., 663 F.3d 197, 206 (3d Cir. 2011). Because of this tension, although we have noted in dictum that an inconsistency and an omission are ʺfunctionally equivalentʺ for adverse credibility purposes, Xiu Xia Lin, 534 F.3d at 166 n.3, in generalʺomissions are less probative of credibility than inconsistencies created by direct contradictions in evidence and testimony,ʺ Lai v. Holder, 773 F.3d 966, 971 (9th Cir. 2014). Cf. Lianping Li, 839 F.3d at 150 (upholding adverse credibility determination where petitionerʹs ʺasylum application did not simply omit incidents of persecution. . . . [but rather] described the same incidents of persecution differentlyʺ).

An example of a trivial inconsistency that is entitled to little if any weight is the difference between Gaoʹs hearing testimony that he was interrogated by the police ʺfour timesʺ and his application statement that he was interrogated ʺseveral times.ʺ The BIA correctly held that this ʺdiscrepancyʺ did not support an adverse credibility determination. Likewise, the difference between September 1, 2010 and September 4, 2010 as the date when Shao contacted his cousin is a trivial discrepancy.

Although the federal evidentiary rules do not apply in immigration proceedings, Aslam v. Mukasey, 537 F.3d 110, 114 (2d Cir. 2008) (per curiam), it is nonetheless instructive to analogize the use of omissions in adverse credibility determinations to the use of a witnessʹs prior silence for impeachment. In the latter context, we have indicated that ʺ[w]here the belatedly recollected facts merely augment that which was originally described, the prior silence is often simply too ambiguous to have any probative force, and accordingly is not sufficiently inconsistent to be admitted for purposes of impeachment.ʺ United States v. Leonardi, 623 F.2d 746, 756 (2d Cir. 1980) (citation omitted). In addition, the probative value of a witnessʹs prior silence on particular facts depends on whether those facts are ones the witness would reasonably have been expected to disclose. See Jenkins v. Anderson, 447 U.S. 231, 239 (1980) (ʺCommon law traditionally has allowed witnesses to be impeached by their previous failure to state a fact in circumstances in which that fact naturally would have been asserted.ʺ(emphasis added)). In the immigration context, in assessing the probative value of the omission of certain facts, an IJ should consider whether those facts are ones that a credible petitioner would reasonably have been expected to disclose under the relevant circumstances.

Finally, the REAL ID Act requires IJs to evaluate each inconsistency or omission in light of the ʺtotality of the circumstances, and all relevant factors,ʺ8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(1)(B)(iii). That requirement is consistent with our well‐established rule that review of an agencyʹs adverse credibility determination ʺis conducted on the record as a whole.ʺ Tu Lin, 446 F.3d at 402; see also Xiu Xia Lin, 534 F.3d at 167 (an applicantʹs testimony must be considered ʺin light of . . . the manner in which it hangs together with other evidenceʺ (citation omitted)); accord Shrestha, 590 F.3d at 1040 (ʺ[T]he totality of the circumstances approach also imposes the requirement that an IJ not cherry pick solely facts favoring an adverse credibility determination while ignoring facts that undermine that result.ʺ). Thus, ʺan applicantʹs testimonial discrepancies ‐‐ and, at times, even outright lies ‐‐ must be weighed in light of their significance to the total context of his or her claim of persecution.ʺ Zhong v. U.S. Depʹt of Justice, 480 F.3d 104, 127 (2d Cir. 2007). An IJ must also ʺʹengage or evaluateʹ an asylum applicantʹs explanations for apparent inconsistencies in the record.ʺ Diallo v. Gonzales, 445 F.3d 624, 629 (2d Cir. 2006) (quoting Latifi, 430 F.3d at 105); see also Cao He Lin v. U.S. Depʹt of Justice, 428 F.3d 391, 403 (2d Cir. 2005) (ʺAbsent a reasoned evaluation of [petitionerʹs] explanations, the IJʹs conclusion that his story is implausible was based on flawed reasoning and, therefore, cannot constitute substantial evidence supporting her conclusion.ʺ).

II. Application
In light of the foregoing principles, we conclude that in both cases, the IJs and the BIA erred by substantially relying on certain inconsistencies and omissions that had no tendency to show that petitioners fabricated their claims when considered in light of the totality of the circumstances and in the context of the record as a whole. Because we cannot confidently predict that the IJs would have adhered to their adverse credibility determinations absent these erroneous bases, we remand for further evaluation.

*******************************

So, while Jeff Sessions is busy with a “nuclear attack” on asylum law and Constitutional Due Process, some U.S. Immigration Judges and BIA Appellate Immigration Judges are equally busy just mis-applying well-established legal standards to screw asylum seekers.

Rather than looking at the record as a whole, as required by law, and giving asylum seekers the “benefit of the doubt,” too many Immigration Judges and BIA Judges are playing “gotcha” with the law — using minor or irrelevant variances in testimony or minor gaps in proof to justify bogus adverse credibility findings and asylum denials. Obviously, as backlogs stretch out, the problems inherent in “fly-specking” an applicant’s testimony about events many years in the past increases. That’s one of the reasons why Sessions’s insane bid to shove more properly administratively closed removal cases back onto “active dockets,” and to discourage the further removal of “low priority” cases from active dockets, is totally and intentionally destructive to an already failing court system.

The REAL ID ACT was effective in 2005, well over a decade ago. So, its proper application is not “rocket science.” It’s “Immigration Judging 101.”

Yet unfair applications of the law to wrongfully discredit and deny asylum seekers persists in the Immigration Courts and seems to breeze through at least some BIA “Panels” without critical review or analysis. I put “Panels” in quotes because all too often these days the appellate review is conducted by a “Panel of One” judge.

And since the BIA Appellate Immigration Judges now come almost exclusively from Government backgrounds, they are very likely to share some of the same “blind spots” as to the reality of presenting an affirmative asylum application in Immigration Court. If any of them have done it (and most haven’t), it was decades ago when conditions and the law were very different. They all too often draw inferences and reach conclusions that any competent immigration practitioner would know are way out of line with reality.

How are these endemic problems affecting fairness and Constitutional Due Process in the Immigration Courts, and potentially destroying and endangering lives of asylum applicants, solved by cranking up judicial productivity, trying to reverse long-standing precedents that aid asylum seekers pursuing legal protections, and making biased public anti-asylum statements? How is justice and Due Process served by gratuitously attacking immigration lawyers and disingenuously seeking to eliminate laws that provide the already meager and inadequate protections that asylum seekers now have? Yet this is precisely what Sessions’s program is!

The Immigration Court system needs reform to guarantee unbiased, high quality, fair treatment of asylum seekers and other individuals fighting for their very lives. Jeff Sessions is dedicated to the eradication of Due Process and turning the Immigration Courts into a “Death Railroad” for asylum seekers and other migrants. He must be stopped before he destroys our entire U.S. justice system — apparently his ultimate aim.

Join the New Due Process Army and stand up to Jeff Sessions and the other bullying, scofflaw, White Nationalists in the Trump Regime.

PWS

06-01-18

 

HON. JEFFREY CHASE: MORE INTERNAL EVIDENCE OF POLITICIZED HIRING AND UNNECESSARY DELAYS UNDER SESSIONS AS EOIR APPEARS TO JOIN TRUMP’S “WAR ON THE CAREER CIVIL SERVICE” BY ATTACKING THE CAREER PROMOTION SYSTEM FOR BIA ATTORNEY ADVISORS!

https://www.jeffreyschase.com/blog/2018/5/27/eoirs-hiring-practices-raise-concerns

EOIR’s Hiring Practices Raise Concerns

In response to a whistleblower’s letter from within EOIR, ranking Senate Democrats have requested an investigation into improper political influence in EOIR’s hiring criteria for immigration judges and members of the Board of Immigration Appeals.  https://democrats-judiciary.house.gov/news/press-releases/top-dems-request-inspector-general-investigation-allegations-illegal-hiring.  Following up on an April 17 letter to Attorney General Sessions, the Democratic leaders on May 8 stated that in subsequent weeks, more whistleblowers have come forward to corroborate the delaying or withdrawal of IJ appointments to candidates whose political views are not believed to align with those of the present administration.

There seems to be little if any doubt among EOIR employees that this is in fact happening.  The resulting slowdown in IJ hiring is further exacerbating the huge backlog of cases plaguing the immigration courts.  There are presently no judges sitting in the Louisville, Kentucky immigration court; other courts are simply understaffed.  In what my friend and fellow blogger Hon. Paul W. Schmidt has termed “ADR” (Aimless Docket Reshuffling), sitting IJs are being detailed to hear cases in courts with vacancies, forcing the continuance of cases on their own dockets, some of which have been waiting two or more years for their day in court.

It was just under 10 years ago that a 140 page report of the Department of Justice’s Office of the Inspector General found similar wrongdoing in the hiring of IJs under the Bush administration.  https://oig.justice.gov/special/s0807/final.pdf That report noted at p.135 that “both Department policy and federal law prohibit discrimination in hiring for career positions on the basis of political affiliations.”  That investigation found that such policy and law had been violated, and included recommendations to prevent a future recurrence of such improper conduct. Then as now, the slowdown in IJ hiring caused by the improper political screening of candidates compromised EOIR’s mission (in the words of the agency’s Director at the time, at p.96), and contributed to the growing case backlog.

In another employment-related development that has drawn little public notice, the Department of Justice on May 17 posted a hiring ad for 38 vacant staff attorney positions at the BIA.  The twist is that for the first time, the positions were advertised as being entry level grade positions with no potential for promotion.

EOIR Director James McHenry had hinted since his appointment that he believed BIA attorney positions should be downgraded.  There is something disingenuous about such statement. I can think of at least three immigration judges who were appointed to the bench directly from their positions as non-supervisory BIA staff attorneys.  Two of the four temporary BIA Board Members at present are long-term BIA staff attorneys. The present BIA chairperson, David Neal, previously served as a Board staff attorney for 5 years, a position that apparently qualified him to directly become chief counsel to the Senate Immigration Subcommittee.  Nearly all of the BIA’s decisions, including those that are published as precedent binding on the agency and DHS, are drafted by its staff attorneys. Some of those attorneys have accumulated significant expertise in complex areas of immigration law. A number of Board staff attorneys have participated as speakers at the immigration judge training conferences.

The question thus becomes: how are experienced attorneys who are deemed qualified to move directly into immigration judge and BIA Board Member positions, to craft precedent decisions and to train immigration judges only deemed to be entry level, non-career path employees?

There has been much attention paid to the nearly 700,000 cases pending before the nation’s immigration courts.  As the agency moves to hire more judges and limit continuances, and recently had its power to administrative close cases revoked by the AG, the number and pace of cases appealed to the BIA will speed up significantly.  It would seem like a good time for the BIA to be staffed with knowledgeable and experienced staff attorneys. Instead, the agency’s move essentially turns new BIA attorney hires into short-term law clerks.  New attorneys undergo a full year of legal training to bring them up to speed to handle the high volume and variety of complex legal issues arising on appeal. However, attorneys are unlikely to remain in such positions for much more than a year without the possibility of promotion.

Copyright 2018 Jeffrey S. Chase.  All rights reserved.

 

 

 

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Jeffrey S. Chase is an immigration lawyer in New York City.  Jeffrey is a former Immigration Judge, senior legal advisor at the Board of Immigration Appeals, and volunteer staff attorney at Human Rights First.  He is a past recipient of AILA’s annual Pro Bono Award, and previously chaired AILA’s Asylum Reform Task Force.

As an Attorney-Manager and Government Senior Executive, I always had high expectations for the professionals working for me, which they achieved in the vast, vast majority of cases. My experience told me that everyone had their strengths and weaknesses and that it was the job of a good manager to find ways for everyone to succeed whenever possible.
If I do say so myself, I believe that I was good at finding the right “sweet spots” for folks to “be the best that they can be.” And, I’ll freely acknowledge getting some of my ideas from watching the late “Legacy INS” General Counsel Mike Inman operate. Whatever else one might think or say about “Iron Mike,” he did have an “eye for talent.” He also could take people who seemed to be “bouncing along” in their careers and position them to be outsized contributors and “superstars,” in his lingo.

At the same time, I saw the importance of insuring that folks working for me had the maximum number of career advancement opportunities and a fair chance to be recognized and move up the “career ladder.” Indeed, former EOIR Director Anthony “Tony” Moscato and I finished the work begun by my predecessor as BIA Chair, the late Judge David Milhollan and his then “Chief Attorney Advisor” now retired BIA Appellate Immigration Judge David B. Holmes in creating a career ladder where all qualified BIA Attorney Advisers could eventually reach the full DOJ career level for attorneys of GS-15.

Additionally, with the support of Tony and then Attorney General Janet Reno, I created various supervisory and leadership positions for senior Attorney Advisors that allowed them to assist in the management of the BIA staff while preparing themselves for other senior-level careers both at EOIR and elsewhere. Indeed a significant number of todays Appellate Immigration Judges, Immigration Judges, and senior EOIR managers, and managers in other divisions of the DOJ  got their start in management at the BIA.
Disappointingly, under Sessions, EOIR appears to have joined the fight against the career civil service by “dumbing down” in various ways both the Immigration Judge and BIA Attorney Advisor position by making them less attractive to those seeking a career in public service.
I recently was discussing the politicized hiring process with a retired colleague who had worked elsewhere in the DOJ but had knowledge of both the past and current problems at EOIR. She said “It’s happening again, Paul. Just wait till it all comes out — ‘you ain’t seen nothin’ yet!'”
It’s time for EOIR to be removed from the DOJ and its politicized policies and practices! In this instance, “past performance predicts future results!” And, that’s not a good thing!
PWS
05-28-18

SOPHIA GENOVESE: “INJUSTICE AT JUSTICE” – The Immigration Court system should not be used as a political tool of the executive branch to effectuate anti-immigrant policies. Rather, it should be an independent system that is committed to the fair adjudication and implementation of our immigration laws.”

http://blog.cyrusmehta.com/2018/05/assembly-line-injustice-how-the-implementation-of-immigration-case-completion-quotas-will-eviscerate-due-process.html

Assembly Line Injustice: How the Implementation of Immigration Case Completion Quotas will Eviscerate Due Process

The Executive Office for Immigration Review, under the direction of the Department of Justice, announced last year that it had reopened the Collective Bargaining Agreement with the National Association of Immigration Judges (NAIJ) to include case completion quotas in the performance evaluations of Immigration Judges. On March 30, 2018, James McHenry, the Director of the EOIR, formally announced these metrics, which require IJs to complete at least 700 cases per year, have a remand rate of less than fifteen percent, and meet half of the additional benchmarks listed in the evaluation plan, which can be found here. As pointed out by the Association of the Bar of the City of New York, “this quota translates into each judge hearing testimony and rendering decisions almost three cases per day, five days per week, 52 weeks per year.” According to several retired IJs and Former Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA) Members, such quotas raise serious due process concerns and will result in a system that is less focused on justice and appearing “more like an assembly line.”

There are a number of issues with the EOIR case completion quotas. First, these quotas may force IJs to breach their ethical obligations. Specifically, the new completion quotas are tied to the financial incentives of IJs, where the performance evaluations affect IJs’ job security and eligibility for raises. IJs are not given life appointments and can be easily removed from the bench by the Attorney General if he finds them to not be meeting these performance thresholds. Thus, IJs may be encouraged to render hasty decisions in order to satisfy these case completion quotas and receive a good review (and thus a raise) instead of making decisions based on what is proper for the cases in front of them. Having such a financial incentive in the completion of a case arguably forces an IJ to violate 5 C.F.R. §§ 2635.401 to 2635.403,[i] which prohibits IJs from participating in proceedings where he or she has a financial interest. Additionally, IJs must be impartial in their decision-making under 5 C.F.R. § 2635.101(b)(8). It is hard for an IJ to remain impartial when pressured with impossible case completion standards especially when a case is meritorious but an IJ may not grant a continuance for legitimate reasons.

The case completion quotas also violate 8 C.F.R. § 1003.10(b), which provides: “In deciding the individual cases before them, and subject to the applicable governing standards, immigration judges shall exercise their independent judgement and discretion and may take any action consistent with their authorities under the Act and regulations that is appropriate and necessary for the disposition of such cases.” For example, an attorney may have been only recently retained by an asylum-seeker, and may request a continuance in order to gather and assemble evidence that is vital for the asylum-seeker’s claim. Under ordinary circumstances, an IJ would likely grant such a continuance as it would be considered proper under INA § 240(b)(4)(B) which affords a “reasonable opportunity…to present evidence” on one’s behalf. However, under the quota system, an IJ may feel pressure to deny the motion for continuance and may ultimately deny the asylum claim because the asylum-seeker was not afforded sufficient time to present their case. Such an outcome clearly violates 8 C.F.R. § 1003.10(b) and INA § 240(b)(4)(B) where the IJ is stripped of their independent decision-making authority where they feel pressured to quickly close out a case despite compelling reasons to grant a continuance, and where the asylum-seeker is not afforded a reasonable opportunity to be heard.

Another example is an individual placed in removal proceedings who is the intending beneficiary of a pending I-130 with USCIS. Typically, USCIS takes several months to adjudicate an I-130, and thus, attorneys for respondents file motions for continuance with the IJ until the USCIS has rendered a decision which will determine the respondent’s eligibility for relief from removal. Under the new case quota system, IJs will be less inclined to grant such continuances. This hypothetical similarly implicates 8 C.F.R. § 1003.10(b) and INA § 240(b)(4)(B), as described above. Moreover, the IJ’s denial of the continuance here would violate Matter of Hashmi, 24 I&N Dec. 785, 793-94 (BIA 2009) where the Board held that compliance with a IJ’s case completion goals “is not a proper factor in deciding a continuance request” where there is an meritorious pending I-130. We’ve previously blogged about AG Sessions’ stripping of judicial independence through his self-referral of  Matter of L-A-B-R- et al, 27 I&N Dec. 245 (AG 2018), which can be found here.

The case completion quotas will also lead to an unprecedented number of BIA and federal court appeals. This would needlessly increase the BIA’s backlog and indeed affect the dockets of the federal court systems, resulting in the tremendous waste of taxpayer’s dollars where a proper decision could have been rendered at the IJ level. In addition, the number of remanded cases may exceed fifteen percent, and thus, the IJ would again fail to meet the performance metrics in their performance evaluation.

There is no denying that the Immigration Courts face tremendous pressure to address the ballooning backlog of cases. As of this writing, there are 692,298 pending cases in Immigration Courts across the country, with only approximately 330 judges to hear them. Advocates during the Obama-era consistently advocated for the appointment of more IJs to address the backlog. However, in the Trump-era, advocate are now skeptical of such a move where it is clear that this Administration seeks to deport as many people as possible. Indeed, the Department of Justice, headed by Jeff Sessions, has celebrated deportations under the Trump Administration. Such an emphasis on deportation, as opposed to fair adjudication of claims, undermines the independence and impartiality of IJs. The implementation of the DOJ/EOIR case completion quotas will undoubtedly lead to a rise in unfair hearings and erroneous deportations, which is exactly what this Administration wants. The appointment of Trump-supporting IJs will only exacerbate the problem.

For many years, the NAIJ has advocated for the creation of an Article I Immigration Court that is independent of the political whims of the Department of Justice. Under the current Administration, and in light of the newly imposed DOJ/EOIR performance quota metrics, these calls have never been more relevant. The Immigration Court system should not be used as a political tool of the executive branch to effectuate anti-immigrant policies. Rather, it should be an independent system that is committed to the fair adjudication and implementation of our immigration laws. The case completion quotas will undoubtedly undermine the integrity of our immigration system and should be vigorously challenged by IJs and practitioners.

[i] The author acknowledges that 5 CFR § 2635.402 directly implicates 18 U.S.C. 208(a), a criminal statute. This author suggests that the EOIR case completion quotas may jeopardize an IJ’s ethical obligations where their financial interests are directly and predictably impacted by blind adherence to such arbitrary quotas. Criminal liability for these actions, however, goes beyond the scope of this article.

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WOW! What a clear statement of the illegal and unconstitutional actions going on at the U.S. Department of Justice under Jeff Sessions! So, why are Congress and the Article III courts going along with this obvious perversion of our legal system? As with the Civil War and the Jim Crow era, the names of those who “went along to get along” eventually will be tarnished forever in posterity.
PWS
05-11-18