NGOs’ EXPOSE, DOCUMENT ICE’S LIES 🤥 TO CONGRESS ABOUT ATTORNEY ACCESS IN SCATHING DEMAND FOR ACCOUNTABILITY!

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https://immigrantjustice.org/sites/default/files/content-type/commentary-item/documents/2022-03/NGO-Rebuttal-to-ICE-Legal-Access-Report-March-22-2022.pdf

     MEMO

To: Professional staff for the House and Senate Appropriations Subcommittees on

Homeland Security

From: National Immigrant Justice Center, American Immigration Council,

ACLU of Southern California, Southern Poverty Law Center

Re: Concerns re Veracity of ICE’s February 2022 “Access to Due Process” Report Date: March 22, 2022

On February 14, 2022, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) presented a report entitled “Access to Due Process” to the Chairs and Ranking Members of the House and Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on Homeland Security [hereinafter “ICE Access Memo”]. The report was responsive to direction in the Fiscal Year (FY) 2021 Joint Explanatory Report and House Report accompanying the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Appropriations Act, P.L. 116-260, requiring ICE to provide a report on attorney access to ICE facilities, the rate of denial of legal visits, and attorney/client communications. The ICE Access Memo largely focuses on FY 2020, i.e. October 1, 2019 through September 30, 2020.

Our organizations provide legal services or represent organizations that provide legal services to individuals in ICE detention facilities throughout the United States, and work closely in coalition with many other organizations that do the same. We write to share our concerns regarding the ICE Access Memo, which omits key facts and blatantly mis-states others. As recently as October 2021, more than 80 NGOs delivered a letter to DHS and ICE documenting a litany of access to counsel obstacles imposed by ICE on people in detention. The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) and American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of Southern California remain in active litigation against DHS and ICE over allegations of access to counsel violations so severe that they violate the Constitution. Yet the ICE Access Memo ignores the lawsuits and the written complaints, instead presenting a generally positive picture of the state of access to counsel and legal services for people in ICE custody. That picture bears little resemblance to the reality our legal service teams and clients experience daily in trying to communicate with each other.

This memo addresses the key points made by ICE in its Access Memo, and provides narrative and illustrative details of the misrepresentations made throughout. The topics addressed include: I) Access to legal counsel generally; II) Access to legal resources and representation (through the provision of free phone minutes and video conferencing capacity); and III) ICE’s purported efforts to address issues arising with access to legal counsel.

Our legal and policy teams would also be interested in engaging in an informal briefing with

  

 your teams to discuss these issues in greater depth. Please contact Heidi Altman at the National Immigrant Justice Center at haltman@heartlandalliance.org to arrange the briefing.

I. There are widespread, significant challenges in access to legal counsel at ICE facilities nationwide.

In its Access Memo, ICE claims that: a) “noncitizen access to legal representatives . . . has continued unabated” during the COVID-19 pandemic; b) in FY 2020, “ICE’s inspections did not identify any legal representatives being denied access to their clients, as confirmed by the DHS [Office for Civil Rights and Civil Liberties] and other oversight bodies”; and c) “Facilities continue to provide noncitizens opportunities to meet privately with their current or prospective legal representatives, legal assistants, translators, and consular officials.”

These representations make glaring omissions regarding ongoing challenges to legal access, illustrated in great detail below. Further, we note that while ICE’s inspections (which DHS’s own Inspector General has found to be flawed) may not have specifically identified legal representatives being denied access to their clients, all of our organizations have experienced these denials to be pervasive.

a) Far from continuing “unabated,” access to counsel in ICE detention has been significantly hampered during the COVID-19 pandemic.

ICE claims that “noncitizen access to legal representatives remains a paramount requirement throughout the pandemic and has continued unabated.” This claim is either an intentional misrepresentation or reflects a severe turn-a-blind-eye-mentality within the agency. DHS and ICE face ongoing litigation brought by legal service providers forced to seek emergency relief to gain even minimal remote access to their clients during the pandemic. And just months ago, DHS Secretary Mayorkas and Acting ICE Director Johnson received a 20 page letter from dozens of NGOs outlining in great depth the “host of obstacles to attorney access that exist in immigration detention facilities nationwide.”1 Referring to the agency’s commitment to providing legal access as “paramount” thus clearly omits important content from this report to Congress, the body meant to provide oversight of the agency in the public interest.

As the pandemic began to spread in April 2020, SPLC was forced to seek a Temporary Restraining Order (TRO) to ensure adequate remote access to counsel in four ICE facilities in Louisiana and Georgia, and then had to file a motion to enforce that TRO. The case is still active today and the court is seeking additional information on the state of the government’s compliance with the TRO. In granting the TRO in June 2020, the D.C. District Court found in its

1 Letter to The Honorable Alejandro Mayorkas and Tae Johnson from the American Immigration Council, the American Civil Liberties Union, et al., Oct. 29, 2021, available here.

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 Memorandum Opinion that DHS’s response to the pandemic “with respect to increasing the capacity and possibilities for remote legal visitation and communication has been inadequate and insufficient.” The Court also found ICE to be imposing restrictions and conditions on remote legal visitation and communication that were “more restrictive than standards promulgated for criminal detainees.” The TRO, among other things, required ICE to ensure access to confidential and free phone and video calls to legal representatives, to develop a system to schedule such calls, to create troubleshooting procedures for technology problems, and to institute a system to allow for electronic document transfer.2

SPLC was not the only legal service provider forced to seek emergency relief in order to get access to its clients as the pandemic spread. Also still in active litigation is Torres v. DHS, a case brought by the ACLU of Southern California, Stanford Law School Immigrants’ Rights Clinic, and Sidley Austin LLP on behalf of the American Immigration Lawyers Association and Immigrant Defenders Law Center in December 2018. The Torres case alleges many of the same obstacles to counsel in three California facilities as those at issue in SPLC v. DHS, including limited access to legal phone calls, prohibitively expensive calling rates, limited access to confidential phone calls with counsel, and inadequate opportunities for in-person attorney-client visitation.3 In April 2020, the District Court for the Central District of California entered a TRO in response to the plaintiff organizations’ arguments that ICE’s COVID-19 policies had effectively barred in-person legal visitation, leaving no confidential means for attorneys and detained clients to communicate.

In granting the TRO in Torres v. DHS, as of April 2020, the Court found the plaintiffs “likely to succeed on the merits of their claims that [DHS’s] COVID-19 attorney-access policies violate their constitutional and statutory rights,” noting that the pre-pandemic conditions alleged by plaintiffs made out such a claim, and the post-pandemic restrictions were “far more severe.”4 The Court also noted: “Defendants’ non-responsiveness to Plaintiffs’ factual assertions is telling.

2 In Southern Poverty Law Center v. Dep’t of Homeland Security (D.D.C.), 1:18-cv-00760, Dkt. 18-760, SPLC argues that the “totality of barriers to accessing and communicating with attorneys endured by detainees in these prisons [the LaSalle Detention Facility in Jena, Louisiana, the Irwin County Detention Center in Ocilla, Georgia, the Stewart Detention Center in Lumpkin, Georgia, and Pine Prairie ICE Processing Center in Pine Prairie, Louisiana] deprives SPLC’s clients of their constitutional rights to access courts, to access counsel, to obtain full and fair hearings and to substantive due process, in violation of the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment” and “violates the Administrative Procedure Act, as well as SPLC’s rights under the First Amendment.” The first complaint filed in April 2018 is available here; further briefing and orders in the litigation are available on the SPLC’s website here.

3 In Torres v. Dep’t of Homeland Security, (C.D. Cal.), 5:18-cv-02604-JGB, Dkt. 127-1, the ACLU of Southern California and the Immigrants’ Rights Clinic at Stanford Law School filed a class action lawsuit alleging that barriers to attorney-client communications at three ICE facilities in California (the Theo Lacy and James A. Musick county jails and the Adelanto Processing Center) were so severe as to make it nearly impossible for people in detention to reach their lawyers, in violation of statutory law, constitutional protections, and the Administrative Procedures Act. The first complaint filed in December 2018 is here; further briefing and orders in the litigation are available on the ACLU of Southern California’s website here.

4 Torres v. Dep’t of Homeland Security, (C.D. Cal.), 5:18-cv-02604-JGB, Dkt. 127-1, Order Granting Temporary Restraining Order, available here.

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 First, it took Defendants multiple rounds of briefing and two hearings to state whether there is any definite procedure to access free confidential legal calls and what that procedure is. Even if a procedure exists, Defendants do not rebut Plaintiffs’ showing that few detainees have ever accessed a free confidential legal call.” The Court further addressed the common problem of individuals in detention being forced to pay exorbitant phone rates for what should be free legal calls, stating, “Nor do Defendants explain why it is reasonable to expect detainees earning about one dollar a day…, or their families in the midst of an economic crisis, to fund paid ‘legal’ calls on recorded lines in the middle of their housing unit.”5

While litigation is ongoing in SPLC v. DHS and Torres v. DHS, our own legal teams throughout the country face daily, grueling obstacles in communicating with and effectively representing their detained clients, obstacles that have been compounded during the pandemic. ICE’s representations regarding phone and video-conference access are frequently belied by on-the-ground challenges including subcontractors’ belligerence, technology difficulties, or complex and opaque processes that even trained attorneys struggle to understand. As described by advocates in their October 2021 letter to DHS, the following examples are illustrative:

➔ Video-conference (VTC) technology is often not available or extremely limited in availability, even when facility policy states otherwise: An attorney with the University of Texas Immigration Law clinic attempted to schedule a VTC visit with a client who had recently been detained at the South Texas ICE Processing Center in Pearsall, Texas. A GEO staff member informed the attorney that there were no VTC visits available for two weeks—and even then availability was “tentative.” ICE’s webpage for Pearsall asserts that VTC appointments are available daily, 6 a.m. to 9 p.m., and can be scheduled 24 hours in advance.

➔ Emails and phone messages from attorneys go undelivered: The American Immigration Council’s Immigration Justice Campaign placed the case of a man detained at the El Paso Service Processing Center in Texas with a volunteer attorney at a law firm in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania in June 2021. That attorney sent three emails to the El Paso facility requesting that a message be delivered to the client to call his new attorney. The attorney then learned that the client had been transferred to the Otero County Processing Center and sent two more emails to that facility requesting a call with the client. On June 28, an ICE officer claimed a message had been delivered to the client. On July 6, the client appeared before an immigration judge and stipulated to an order of deportation, seeing no way to fight his case and no way to find an attorney. That evening, the client received two of the attorney’s messages and was finally able to contact her, but the damage had been done.

5 Id.

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 ➔ Poor sound quality, dropped calls, and limited phone access: The Refugee and Immigrant Center for Education and Legal Services (RAICES) in San Antonio, Texas faces consistent problems trying to speak to clients detained at the facility in Pearsall, Texas. For example, over the course of one month in April and May 2021, RAICES staff struggled to prepare a declaration for a Request for Reconsideration of a negative credible fear interview for a client due to a host of communication failures at the facility. After RAICES was unable to contact the client for three days (despite prior regular calls) RAICES staff was finally about to reach their client, but the call dropped before the declaration was complete and GEO staff prohibited the client from calling back. GEO staff then did not schedule a VTC call as requested, canceled a VTC call, and a telephone call to attempt to finalize the client’s declaration had sound quality so poor that it was difficult to hear the client. These obstacles to access delayed the submission of the client’s Request for Reconsideration by several weeks. Similarly, The Florence Immigrant & Refugee Rights Project (FIRRP) has difficulty conducting legal intakes at La Palma Correctional Center in Arizona because guards frequently cut calls short. FIRRP works to complete intakes in just twenty to thirty minutes. Yet in the first two weeks of July 2021, it was unable to complete intakes for five potential clients because their calls were cut short by La Palma staff.

➔ Phone access restricted during quarantine and beyond: The El Paso Immigration Collaborative (EPIC) represents detained people in the El Paso area detention facilities, including the Torrance County Detention Facility. Staff at the Torrance facility have repeatedly told EPIC attorneys that they simply do not have capacity to arrange legal calls—with delays that can last for one week or more. For example, a call scheduling officer stated in August 2021: “Courts are my main priority and when I get chances to make attorney calls I will get to that.” Throughout the El Paso district, ICE denies any access to over-the-phone legal intakes and/or legal calls to people who are in quarantine for being exposed to COVID-19.

➔ Prohibitive cost of phone calls: The Immigration Detention Accountability Project of the Civil Rights Education and Enforcement Center (CREEC) answers calls to a free hotline available in immigration detention centers nationwide to monitor ICE compliance with the injunction in Fraihat v. ICE. Hotline staff routinely receive reports from callers—typically people with medical vulnerabilities or in need of accommodations—that they do not receive free calls for the purpose of finding an attorney, and the cost of telephone calls in detention is prohibitive for finding a removal defense attorney.

➔ Obstacles to sending and receiving legal documents: The Carolina Migrant Network represents a significant number of people detained at the Winn Correctional Center in

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 Louisiana. The Winn facility has the lowest availability of immigration attorneys in the entire country—a recent study showed that there was one immigration attorney for every 234 detained people at Winn within a 100-mile radius of the facility.6 Winn is so far from most immigration attorneys and legal services providers that most attorneys who serve that facility must do so remotely, but Winn will not facilitate getting legal documents to and from clients. Winn will not allow attorneys to email or fax a Form G-28, Notice of Entry of Appearance as Attorney, for signing. Instead, attorneys must mail a Form G-28 with a return self-addressed stamped envelope. It takes approximately two business weeks for Carolina Migrant Network attorneys to receive a signed Form G-28, because the facility is so geographically isolated that the postal service will not guarantee overnight mail.

➔ Intransigence of subcontractors and inadequate access policies in local jails: An attorney with Mariposa Legal in Indianapolis, Indiana routinely confronts obstacles to reaching clients at the Boone County Jail in Kentucky. Those challenges include a faulty fax machine as the only mechanism for requesting client calls or visits, the facility’s refusal to allow any calls on Thursdays, staff who bring the wrong person to the attorney client room, and the use of attorney-client rooms as dorms when the population level increases. Boone’s mail system is particularly problematic. An attorney sent paperwork via FedEx to a client in July 2021 and the client simply never received the package. Jail staff made an “exception” and allowed the attorney to email the documents but delayed the attorney being able to file a time-sensitive Freedom of Information Act request by more than a week.

b) Legal representatives are routinely denied access to their clients in ICE custody.

The ICE Access Memo states that, “ICE ERO does not track the number of legal visits that were denied or not facilitated and/or the number of facilities that do not meet ICE standards for attorney/client communications. However, in FY 2020, ICE’s inspections did not identify any legal representatives being denied access to their clients, as confirmed by the DHS Office for Civil Rights and Civil Liberties (CRCL) and other oversight bodies.” Given ICE’s own admission that it does not track or keep records of visit denials, this statement is meaningless.

As organizations providing legal services to individuals in detention, we can confirm that in-person and virtual legal visits are in fact routinely denied either outright or because of facility

6 This study is found in a report called Justice-Free Zones, which also provides in-depth evidence and data regarding the lack of availability of lawyers for many of ICE’s newest detention facilities. See American Civil Liberties Union, National Immigrant Justice Center, Human Rights Watch, Justice-Free Zones: U.S. Immigration Detention Under the Trump Administration (2020), 20-23. The report discusses at length the ways in which ICE’s use of remote detention centers and prisons for its detention sites undermines the ability of those in custody to find counsel. This topic is not addressed in this memo, but underlies the entirety of the due process crisis for detained immigrants facing removal proceedings.

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 policies so restrictive as to constitute denials in practice. SPLC has documented over two dozen incidents of legal visits, including four in-person visits and 22 calls and VTCs, that were denied or not facilitated at the Stewart, Irwin, LaSalle and Pine Prairie facilities in FY 2020 alone. Attorneys attempting in-person meetings in 2020 were often left waiting for their visits for so long that they had to leave the detention center and come back another day, a constructive denial even if not outright. SPLC attorneys also report phone calls and VTCs being regularly canceled or unilaterally rescheduled by facility staff with no notice to attorneys, often preventing attorneys from speaking to clients on time-sensitive matters.

In many facilities, the procedures and rules around setting up attorney-client visits are so cumbersome as to make visitation nearly impossible; in these cases ICE may not be denying visits outright but they are allowing conditions to persist that constitute a blanket denial. In a number of facilities in Louisiana, for example, attorneys are not allowed to meet with clients in person unless visits are scheduled by 3 p.m. the day before. This policy renders visits entirely unavailable for attorneys who need to meet with a client for time-sensitive matters that cannot wait 24 hours.

In Torres v. DHS, the court noted in ordering a TRO in April 2020 that ICE “equivocate[d]” on the question of whether contact visitation was allowed at all at the Adelanto facility in California. ICE eventually admitted that “only two contact visits” had been allowed between March 13 and April 6, 2020.7

c) Legal representatives frequently face obstacles to meeting in a private confidential space with current or prospective clients.

The ICE Legal Access Memo states that, “Facilities continue to provide noncitizens opportunities to meet privately with their current or prospective legal representatives, legal assistants, translators, and consular officials.” However, it is our experience that in many facilities it is not possible for individuals to meet in person with their lawyers in a private setting, and that access to translators is also frequently compromised. Many detained individuals are also unable to access private, confidential remote communication with their attorney. The ability to access a confidential space may be the difference between presenting a successful claim to relief or being order deported, especially for individuals sharing difficult or traumatic experiences or sharing information that they fear will place them at risk if overheard by other people in detention such as sexual orientation or gender identity.

In many facilities, especially since the pandemic, it is nearly or completely impossible to access a confidential space to have a remote communication with one’s attorney. Some facilities may

7 Torres v. Dep’t of Homeland Security, (C.D. Cal.), 5:18-cv-02604-JGB, Dkt. 127-1, Order Granting Temporary Restraining Order, available here.

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 claim to provide confidential spaces, but the reality is quite different. In the Pine Prairie facility, for example, the spaces designated for “confidential” attorney-client phone calls and VTC are actually cubicles with walls that do not reach the ceiling and allow for noise to travel outside the cubicle. Cubicle-style spaces with walls that do not reach the ceiling are also the only spaces available for so-called confidential attorney-client meetings at the T. Don Hutto Residential Center in Texas, where the University of Texas School of Law Immigration Clinic provides services. Similarly, confidential phone calls are provided at the Stewart facility but are limited to 30 minutes, which is far from sufficient for many types of legal calls necessary to gather facts or prepare for an immigration court case, especially if an interpreter is needed.

There are also severe restrictions to individuals’ ability to meet in person with their lawyers in confidential settings. At Pine Prairie, for example, because the cubicles described above have been reserved for VTC during the pandemic, attorneys must meet with their clients or prospective clients at a table in the middle of an open-plan intake space that is the most highly-trafficked part of the facility. There is absolutely no privacy—guards, ICE officers, other facility staff, other detained individuals and even people refilling the vending machines all travel through or wait in this space frequently, making it impossible to have a confidential conversation.

We also contest ICE’s claim that it provides ready access to translators as necessary for attorney-client communication. As explained in briefing in SPLC v. DHS, for example, the non-contact attorney-client visitation rooms in the LaSalle, Irwin, and Stewart facilities provide only one phone on the “attorney side” of the room, which means that there is no way for an attorney to be accompanied by a legal assistant or interpreter. Also at these facilities, a “no-electronics policy” is maintained meaning that attorneys are effectively denied from accessing remote interpretation services (there are also no outside phone lines available).

The following examples provide further evidence of the ways in which access to confidential in-person or remote communications are restricted throughout ICE detention:

➔ Restricted access to confidential remote communications during periods of COVID quarantine: In the McHenry County Jail in Illinois, prior to its closure, individuals were subjected to a mandatory fourteen-day quarantine period if exposed to COVID-19, during which they had literally zero access to confidential attorney-client phone calls. In January 2022, the National Immigrant Justice Center (NIJC) raised this issue to the Office of the Immigration Detention Ombudsman, sharing several case examples. One of the examples was that of an NIJC client who was represented by pro bono attorneys at a major law firm. In the weeks leading up to the client’s asylum merits hearing, the pro bono team contacted the facility and were told that no time slots were available because their client was in COVID-related quarantine. The facility informed the pro bono attorneys that their

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 only option to speak with their client was if he called them during the one hour every other day when he had access to the communal phones. Although the communal phones offered no confidentiality, it was the only option for them to speak with their client. The pro bono team had to deposit money into their client’s commissary account in order for him to call out, and then faxed him a letter asking him to call them during his one hour window. Their client did call, but he could barely hear his attorneys because the noise from the television and other people in detention speaking in the background was so loud.

➔ So-called “confidential spaces” providing no privacy: The University of Texas School of Law Immigration Clinic serves women detained at the Hutto facility, where since the start of the COVID pandemic attorneys have been required to sit in one plastic cubicle while their clients sit in another. This requires attorneys and their clients to raise their voices while speaking to one another, further limiting confidentiality. Two clinic students spoke to several women from Haiti who had experienced sexual assaults. The women had not been able to speak to attorneys prior to their credible fear interviews because of limits placed on attorney access, and so had little understanding of the process and the importance of describing their experiences fully. Because of this obstacle to due process, the women did not share their experiences of sexual assault during their credible fear interview. One woman was deported even after the students took on the case, because it took so long for legal counsel to learn about the details of the assault due to communication barriers.

II. ICE’s claims that it provides enhanced access to legal resources and representation are belied by the experiences of legal service providers and detained people.

In the Access Memo, ICE claims that it “made improvements in legal access accommodations by enhancing detained noncitizens’ remote access to legal service providers,” specifically including: a) the provision of more than 500 free phone minutes to “most noncitizens” and b) by expanding the Virtual Attorney Visitation (VAV) program from five to nine programs in FY 2020. ICE fails to mention, however, that the rollout of both programs has been extremely flawed. The 500 free minutes, for those in facilities where they are offered, are usually not available on a confidential line (making them generally not usable for attorney-client communication) and detained individuals often face severe obstacles in accessing the minutes at all. The VAV program, similarly, is in practice often inaccessible to attorneys trying to reach their clients.

a) The 500 free minutes do not meaningfully enhance legal access because they are usually available only on non-confidential lines and the length of calls is restricted.

ICE describes in the Access Memo that 520 minutes per month are provided to individuals detained in all facilities with Talton operated phone systems. The list of Talton-served facilities is

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 available on the AILA website here. However, these minutes are of limited utility in enhancing access to legal counsel for two primary reasons: First, the minutes can generally be used only in 10 or 15-minute increments after which time the call automatically cuts off, disrupting attorney-client calls and making conversations with interpreters particularly difficult. Second, in most cases it appears the minutes are available only on phones in public areas of housing units, and therefore cannot be used for confidential attorney-client communication. It has also been our experience that it is difficult for individuals who do not read Spanish or English to access the minutes at all, as the instructions for how to use them are usually provided in English and Spanish without accommodation for speakers of other languages, including indigenous languages.

Our own legal service teams and clients have experienced these challenges:

➔ The Otay Mesa Detention Center in California is one of the facilities ICE claims provides 520 free minutes. NIJC provides legal services to individuals at the Otay Mesa facility, and has found it to be difficult and often impossible for attorneys providing remote representation to get a secure line set up using clients’ free minutes. One NIJC attorney has had some success in doing so by calling the facility, asking for her client to submit a form adding her to their attorney list, and then calling her back. However, she has found this to only work in rare instances and notes that it usually takes at least three days’ advance notice.

➔ The American Immigration Council works with partners who provide legal services at the Otero County Processing Center in New Mexico, which is also on the list of facilities providing 520 free minutes. However, the free minutes available at the Otero facility are available only on recorded lines from phones in public areas of the housing units, thus not confidential. In July 2020, a law clerk with EPIC shared that they had conducted an intake interview with a potential client at Otero which had to be conducted over four short calls, because the first three calls were free ten minute calls that automatically cut off. The client paid for the fourth call, which cut off before the intake could be completed. This made it difficult to maintain a conversation, caused confusion, and impeded the law clerk’s ability to ask the client a full range of questions.

➔ The practice of dividing the 520 monthly minutes into calls of such short duration that they disrupt attorney-client communication was confirmed by ICE Assistant Field Officer Director Gabriel Valdez in a written affidavit filed in Torres v. DHS stating that as of April 2020 at the Adelanto facility, the 520 free minutes were provided as a maximum of 13 calls per week, with each call permitted to last no longer than 10 minutes. Legal service providers at Adelanto also confirm that these free minutes are provided only on

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 the phones in the common spaces of the Adelanto facilities, where attorney-client confidentiality is not protected.

b) The Virtual Attorney Visitation (VAV) program is severely compromised in its utility by restrictions on usage and technology problems, and in certain facilities does not even appear to be operational.

ICE describes in its Access Memo that the VAV program was expanded from five to nine facilities in Fiscal Year 2020, allowing legal representatives to meet with their clients through video technology in private rooms or booths to ensure confidentiality of communications. ICE posts a list of the facilities it claims are VAV-enabled here.

Many of our legal service teams had never heard of the VAV program until reviewing the ICE Access Memo, which speaks to the extent to which it can be utilized in practice. Included in ICE’s list of VAV-enabled facilities are three facilities where SPLC currently provides services—the Folkston ICE Processing Center, the LaSalle ICE Processing Center, and the Stewart Detention Center. Yet SPLC’s legal teams are entirely unaware of any VAV programs having been accessible at any of these three facilities in Fiscal Year 2020. While some VTC capacity was present at these facilities using Skype, they do not appear to have been part of the VAV program which is largely conducted using Teams and WebEx, according to the Access Memo. Further, the number of confidential VTC rooms in use at these facilities was dismally low. In the Stewart Detention Center, for example, which can detain up to 2,040 people, there are only two VTC rooms, neither of which are confidential.

Another facility on ICE’s list of VAV-enabled facilities is the Otay Mesa Detention Center, where NIJC provides legal services. Yet NIJC’s attorneys who represent individuals at Otay Mesa through a program focused on ensuring legal representation for LGBTQI individuals have found that there is no way for NIJC to schedule legal calls or VTC sessions for free, through the VAV or any other program. For one current NIJC client, the legal team must provide funds to the client’s commissary to be able to speak with them, and even then the calls cut off every ten minutes.

The ICE website describes the VAV program as providing detained individuals access to their attorneys in a “timely and efficient manner.” Yet at the Boone County Jail, one of the listed VAV-enabled facilities, NIJC’s clients report that there are very limited available hours for attorneys to call through the VAV program, and they must be requested well in advance. On one occasion, for example, an NIJC attorney called to ask for a VAV session in the ensuing 48 hours and was told none were available. Instead, the facility staff directed the attorney to the iwebvisit.com website where she could “purchase confidential visits” at $7.75 per 15-minute interval. Boone strictly limits the availability of free confidential VAV calls, and charges for calls

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 occurring during many slots in normal business hours. Given the limited availability that Boone provides for free calls on the VAV platform, NIJC has had to pay these fees in order to communicate with clients. Additionally, the quality of the videoconferences on the platform used by Boone County Jail is poor, and NIJC attorneys and advocates struggle to hear clients. Finally, the process for adding third-party interpreters through Boone’s system is extremely onerous, which raises serious concerns about accessibility for speakers of diverse languages. Third party interpreters are unable to join calls unless they go through a registration and clearance process with the jail and like attorneys, must also pay fees for 15-minute intervals if the call takes place during certain hours.

III. ICE’s stated increased coordination with Enforcement and Removal Operations (ERO) to address issues with access to legal counsel has not been communicated to legal service providers.

ICE notes in its Access Memo that it has designated Legal Access Points of Contact (LA-POC) in field offices, who are intended to “work with the ICE ERO Legal Access Team at headquarters to address legal access-related issues and to implement practices that enhance noncitizen access to legal resources and representation.” Among the four organizations authoring this memo, none of our legal service teams reported knowing how to access these designated points of contact or had experienced them resolving concerns or issues. For many of us, the Access Memo was in fact the first time we had even heard of LA-POCs, which is fairly remarkable given that all four of our organizations either provide large quantities of legal services to detained individuals or represent other organizations that do.

***

Meaningful and prompt access to confidential communication with counsel is literally a life and death matter for individuals who are in ICE detention. Barriers to communication can prevent an individual from being fully prepared for a court hearing that will determine whether they are permanently separated from their loved ones. A lack of confidential space for attorney-client communications can mean that an LGBTQI person may never feel safe to disclose their sexual orientation or gender identity, compromising both their own safety and their ability to present their full claim to asylum or other protection.

ICE has submitted this report, in effect asking Members of Congress to believe that they have been responsive and thoughtful in their approach to ensuring access to counsel, even while legal service providers are forced to seek emergency relief in the federal courts simply to be able to communicate with their detained clients. The ICE Access Memo represents a disingenuous and cavalier approach to a gravely serious topic, and we urge Chairpersons Roybal-Allard and Murphy to hold the agency accountable.

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*******************

Previous coverage from “Courtside:”

https://immigrationcourtside.com/2022/03/29/the-gibson-report-03-28-22-compiled-by-elizabeth-gibson-esquire-managing-attorney-nijc-headliners-ice-lies-to-congress-about-attorney-access-bia-flagged-by-11th-for/

You don’t have to be a “legal eagle” to understand that putting “civil” immigration prisons (the “New American Gulag”) in obscure locations like Jena, LA, and elsewhere in the notoriously anti-immigrant Fifth Circuit is, among other illegal objectives, about restricting access to lawyers and running roughshod over due process and fundamental fairness.

But, don’t hold your breath for a day of reckoning for immigration bureaucrats peddling lies, myths, and distortions.

Sadly, accountability for White Nationalist abuses of asylum seekers and other migrants by the Trump regime hasn’t been a priority for either a moribund Congress or the Biden Administration. And, a “New Jim Crow” 5th Circuit loaded with Trump judges isn’t likely to stop abuses of due process as long as they are directed primarily against persons of color. See, e.g., https://www.theguardian.com/law/2021/nov/15/fifth-circuit-court-appeals-most-extreme-us?CMP=Share_iOSApp_Other.

Nevertheless, as the GOP initiative to rewrite the history of racism in America rolls forward, it’s more important than ever to continually document  truth for the day in the future when America develops the communal courage to deal honestly with the past rather than intentionally and spinelessly distorting it.

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

04-03-22

⚖️10TH CIR. SAYS TRANSGENDER WOMEN FACE “PATTERN OR PRACTICE OF PERSECUTION” IN HONDURAS — Gonzalez Aguilar v. Garland — Latest Setback For Garland’s “Asylum Deniers’ Club” (A/K/A “BIA”)!👎🏽 “Refugee Roulette” ☠️⚰️  The “Order Of The Day” @ Garland’s Dysfunctional & Unjust DOJ!

Dan Kowalski reports for LexisNexis:

https://www.lexisnexis.com/legalnewsroom/immigration/b/insidenews/posts/ca10-2-1-on-honduras-transgender-women-gonzalez-aguilar-v-garland

Immigration Law

pastedGraphic.png

Daniel M. Kowalski

29 Mar 2022

CA10 (2-1) on Honduras, Transgender Women: Gonzalez Aguilar v. Garland

Gonzalez Aguilar v. Garland

“Kelly Gonzalez Aguilar is a transgender woman from Honduras. She came to the United States and applied for asylum, withholding of removal, and deferral of removal. In support, Kelly claimed • past persecution in Honduras from her uncle’s abuse, • fear of future persecution from pervasive discrimination and violence against transgender women in Honduras, and • likely torture upon return to Honduras. The immigration judge denied the applications and ordered removal to Honduras. In denying asylum, the immigration judge found no pattern or practice of persecution. Kelly appealed the denial of each application, and the Board of Immigration Appeals dismissed the appeal. The dismissal led Kelly to petition for judicial review. We grant the petition. On the asylum claim, any reasonable adjudicator would be compelled to find a pattern or practice of persecution against transgender women in Honduras.”

[Hats off to Nicole Henning, Tania Linares Garcia and Keren Hart Zwick!  And…nota bene…this PFR was filed in 2018!]

******************************

Imagine what it would be like if we had an AG with the guts and decency to appoint a BIA of real judges — asylum experts who would adhere to due process and fairly, properly, and consistently interpret asylum laws rather than spewing out specious, life-destroying, bogus denials? Backlogs might even start decreasing!

Remarkably, even the Trump-appointed dissenting Circuit Judge Joel M. Carson concedes that EOIR easily could have decided this case in favor for the respondent and perhaps should have. 

No doubt a person could view the record before us differently—the majority does so today—and I might on de novo review.

He then willingly gets lost in a forest of bogus reasons for abusing “standards of review” as an excuse for Article III Judges to avoid responsibility for life-threatening miscarriages of justice.

In stark terms, a reasonable judge could have saved this respondent and probably should have. But, this IJ and the BIA chose not to. So, who cares because it’s only a brown-skinned asylum seeker whose life is so insignificant that we should relegate it to the realm of chance and happenstance. Next case, please!

Asylum law, according to the Supremes in Cardoza-Fonseca is supposed to be interpreted generously in favor of protection. If legal protection from persecution or death is one possible outcome, it should be the the only acceptable outcome! Saying that some humans should potentially die while others be protected basically depending on a Federal Judge’s personal philosophy and mood on a particular day isn’t just legally wrong and a denial of due process and equal protection — it’s immoral!

The point is obvious. Better qualified judges at the BIA would put an end to this treatment of life or death decisions as a “crap shoot” — dependent on which IJ is drawn, the composition of the BIA “panel,” the Federal Circuit in which the case arises, the “luck of the draw” on the Circuit panel, and probably the “day of the week.” This is no way to run a justice system. And, Garland and his complicit lieutenants know that!

A better AG would long ago have installed a better BIA. It’s classic “Refugee Roulette” ☠️⚰️ being promoted by a Dem Administration! Instead of putting an end to this disgraceful “intellectual game of chance with human lives” being played by ivory tower bureaucrats and judges who have “immunized” themselves from the traumatic real life consequences of their bad decisions, Garland has chosen to “play along” 

I’m not the only one to express frustration with Garland’s failure to do his job, to prioritize accountability, and to take justice, human lives, and the rule of law seriously! See, e.g., https://www.huffpost.com/entry/merrick-garland-justice-department-contempt-charges-lag-capitol-riot-investigation_n_62427a3ae4b0e44de9b8451f

When he’s not carrying out Stephen Miller’s anti-asylum policies @ EOIR with Miller’s holdover acolytes  as “judges” and “senior executives,” Garland is busy helping Trump and his fellow GOP insurrectionists “run out the clock” on the House Jan. 6 Panel!

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

03-30-22

🗽END THE “DOUBLE STANDARD” FOR REFUGEES — All Refugees Must Be Treated With Respect, Dignity, & In Accordance With The International Legal Standards! 

 

Nikolái Ingistov-García
Nikolái Ingistov-García Lecturer in Spanish Language and Latin American Studies at UC Riverside


http://enewspaper.latimes.com/infinity/article_share.aspx?guid=7fe1b555-69d3-499c-b9cc-3deaebd50a26

A glaring double standard on refugees

The portrayal and treatment of Ukrainians fleeing war and of Haitian, Central American and Mexican asylum seekers also fleeing deadly violence could not be more different

By Nikolái Ingistov-García

. . . .

Over the course of that weekend, I watched how the Ukrainian refugee crisis grew day by day. I read that Airbnb was paying for thousands of refugees to stay in their rooms. Thousands of Europeans in dozens of countries opened their doors to Ukrainians. I was encouraged but bothered at the same time. Media outlets all over the world from the left, right and center praised the courage of these refugees, and some reporters called them heroes.

An overwhelming majority of my students in my classes at UCR are Latino. Several of them are refugees from Latin America, and a few are “Dreamers.” I asked if any of them noticed anything with this growing refugee crisis in Eastern Europe, and several were quick to point out the double standard.

A few weeks before Putin’s invasion of Ukraine started, my class watched interviews about the forced sterilization of Latina refugees at an immigration detention center in Georgia. We discussed the Latino children fleeing Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala who are being held in U.S. Immigration and Custom Enforcement detention centers to this day. The double standard in the me-dia’s portrayal of the Ukrainian refugees in Europe compared with the images of Haitian, Central American and Mexican migrants at the Mexican border was obvious to everyone in my class.

I thought about the tens of thousands of refugees fleeing Ukraine and the tens of thousands of refugees who have had to flee their homes in Central America, Mexico and other parts of Latin America because of wars, dictatorships, gang warfare and cartel terrorism. Refugees and migrants who are uprooted from their homes all go through trauma whether they come from Latinoamérica or Eastern Europe.

The images of people fleeing Ukraine shook me as I remembered my family’s histories from Ukraine and Mexico, with both sides leaving their homelands for a better life.

. . . .

Ukraine and Mexico came together to form my family in the borderland of Los Angeles. My Chicano-Mexican-Russian-Ukrainian border-crossing identity hurts as I watch Putin’s war unfold while more waves of Latin American and, very recently, Ukrainian refugees arrive at the Tijuana-U.S. border. My hope is that out of this tragedy, future refugees that come to the Mexican border, whether they are from Honduras or Ukraine, are treated with equal dignity — which all of them deserve.

Nikolái Ingistov-García is a lecturer in Spanish languageand Latin American Studies at UC Riverside.

******************

Ukrainian refugees are “courageous heroes.” Meanwhile, equally brave and deserving refugees of color from Haiti, Latin America, and Africa are dehumanized, degraded, and removed to potential death or danger without a thought and in violation of law. 

They are often called by the misnomer “illegal migrants” — or worse! Ironically, however, the refugees arriving at Southern Border, even if not “invited,” are exercising internationally and domestically recognized legal rights to apply for asylum and other legal protections from involuntary return, some mandatory!

Of course, as intelligent humans, they don’t wait in vain or line up for “imaginary invitations” that will never come! We have no viable refugee programs for Haiti, Africa, and Latin America. Indeed, after four years of Trump and one of Biden we barely have any refugee programs anywhere! Even worse, we have immorally and illegally closed legal ports of entry to asylum seekers. So, having left refugees no viable legal avenues for seeking refuge in the U.S., a right guaranteed by both statute and international convention, we dehumanize and degrade them for using the only “self-help” methods available! Talk about chutzpah!  

It’s actually folks like Vice President Harris, Secretary Mayorkas, AG Garland, and his band of scofflaw lawyers at the DOJ who are the “illegals” in this  scenario. The Biden Administration is hardly the first to turn refugee and asylum laws as well as the Due Process and Equal Protection Clauses of our Constitution on their heads.

The Trump regime gloried in violating the law and mistreating refugees simply for the cruelty, racism, and hate involved. Shockingly, with a some exceptions, life-tenured Federal Judges gave them a pass — particularly at the Supremes which developed their own “special double standard” to dehumanize and “Dred Scottify” immigrants of color!

The Biden Administration sweeps their own gross misconduct and racially charged “double standards” under the rug! Under Garland, the DOJ has “gone along to get along” and even disgracefully defended illegal, immoral, and deadly removals without any process at all. In doing so, they have advanced some of the same discredited myths and disingenuous pretexts developed by Miller, Sessions, Barr and the Jim Crow White Nationalist nativists!

The “mainstream media” give excruciatingly detailed coverage of the humanitarian plight of Ukrainian refugees. Meanwhile, the similar humanitarian plight of vulnerable equally deserving refugees of color, like Ukrainians many of them desperate women and children, gets little coverage outside of a few specialized reporters. 

Of course, beyond the rhetoric, the Biden Administration has actually done very little to help even Ukrainian refugees beyond hollow expressions of sympathy and using them as “props” in the “war of words” with Putin. Leadership is a combination of rhetoric backed with action! 

Our refugee and asylum systems are in shambles, without the leadership and expertise in place to respond to either predictable refugee flows or humanitarian catastrophes in a practical and effective way. That needs to end! But, unfortunately, its hard to see the current, spineless (non) leadership from Harris, Mayorkas, Garland, and others in this Administration getting the job done!

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

03-21-22

🤯TITLE 42 MADNESS: Even As DC Circuit Bars Returns To Persecution &/Or Torture, Trump Federal Judge In Texas Abuses Children!🤮☠️ — Circuit Findings Of Illegal Returns To “Stomach-Churning” Conditions & No Evidence Supporting Bogus Title 42 Orders Fails To Motivate “Robed Ones” To Reinstate The Rule Of Law! — Meanwhile, In Texas, Rogue Righty Judge Takes Over Immigration, Targets Vulnerable Kids For Rape, Torture, Death!

“Floaters”
Trump Judge Mark T. Pittman has a very explicit vision of the future for brown-skinned children seeking protection from “White Nationalist Nation.”
EDS NOTE: GRAPHIC CONTENT – The bodies of Salvadoran migrant Oscar Alberto Mart??nez Ram??rez and his nearly 2-year-old daughter Valeria lie on the bank of the Rio Grande in Matamoros, Mexico, Monday, June 24, 2019, after they drowned trying to cross the river to Brownsville, Texas. Martinez’ wife, Tania told Mexican authorities she watched her husband and child disappear in the strong current. (AP Photo/Julia Le Duc)

Here’s the DC Circuit Decision:

https://www.cadc.uscourts.gov/internet/opinions.nsf/F6289C9DDB487716852587FB00546E14/$file/21-5200-1937710.pdf

Here’s the decision by Trump scofflaw U.S. District Judge Mark T. Pittman:

https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.txnd.347182/gov.uscourts.txnd.347182.100.0_1.pdf

Here’s a link to “Instant Twitter Analysis” by Aaron Reichlin-Melnick, Policy Counsel at the American Immigration Council:

Aaron Reichlin-Melnick
Aaron Reichlin-Melnick
Policy Counsel
American Immigration Council
Photo: Twitter

https://twitter.com/reichlinmelnick/status/1499891832569876481?s=21

ThreadOpen appSee new TweetsConversationAaron Reichlin-Melnick@ReichlinMelnick🚨Absolute madness. The same day the DC Circuit rules that families can’t be expelled under Title 42 to places they will be persecuted, a federal judge in Texas just overruled the CDC and ordered the Biden administration to expel unaccompanied children. https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.txnd.347182/gov.uscourts.txnd.347182.100.0_1.pdf…

. . . .

*************************

Read the rest of Aaron’s feed at the link.

Although the DC Circuit basically confirmed that the evidence produced by plaintiffs showed illegal returns to death and that there was little, if any, support for the draconian Title 42 exclusion order, the relief granted was unacceptably narrow. The order merely directed the Administration to cease returning individuals to countries where they would be persecuted or tortured.

That order is weak because:

  • It doesn’t specify any particular fair procedure that must be followed by DHS in determining who faces persecution or torture. That appears to leave open the possibility of DHS employing bogus “summary determinations by enforcement agents” rather than using Asylum Officers and having cases referred to Immigration Courts.
  • There are no limits on the Government’s ability to detain individuals and/or return them to other countries.
  • The standard for so-called “withholding of removal” to persecution is “more likely than not” as opposed to the more generous “well-founded fear” or “reasonable possibility” standard for asylum (although individuals should be able to invoke the regulatory “presumption of future persecution” arising out of past persecution).
  • Even if granted, withholding of removal does not provide individuals with “durable legal status” nor does it allow them to access the asylum system, from which they apparently would remain barred under Title 42.

Judge Mark T. Pittman of the Northern District of Texas is a Trump appointee with strong ties to the Federalist Society and a very loose grasp on domestic and international laws and procedures for protecting children.

It’s interesting, if disheartening, to compare the “overt wishy-washiness” of the DC Circuit Judges who were timidly, “sort of” trying to protect at least some minimal legal and human rights with the “in your face,” overtly anti-immigrant, arrogant tone and ridiculous self-assuredness with which activist righty District Judge Mark Pittman advanced his absurdist notion that the White Nationalist agenda of “protecting” America from the “non-threat” of brown-skinned children merited his simultaneous assumption of the roles of President, Secretary of DHS, Attorney General, and for a good measure, Congress.

Obviously, the “judicial restraint,” supposedly a hallmark of modern conservatism, was just a “smoke screen” for the GOP’s activist anti-social, anti-immigrant, racially charged agenda. That’s not news to many of us, although it seems to have gone “over the head” of many in the Biden Administration and many Dems on the Hill.

It shows once again why “Team Garland’s” indolent, often uninformed, and floundering approach to immigrant justice under law is being steamrolled by Trump holdovers and crusading right-wing Federal Judges. And, you wonder why Dems can’t figure out what they stand for and what their “line in the sand” is!

Meanwhile, back at the ranch, Garland and other weak-kneed Biden officials can’t decide how much of the leftover “Miller Lite” anti-asylum, anti-humanitarian, anti-due-process policy they want to retain and defend and how much effort, if any, they want to put into re-establishing human rights and the rule of law.

One observation: After more than one-year in office, the Biden Administration is no closer to having an orderly, functional, due-process-oriented asylum system in place and ready for the border than they were on January 20, 2021! The expert Asylum Officers and qualified Immigration Judges who are necessary to operate such a system are still few and far between, and the program to facilitate legal assistance for those seeking legal protection at the border is all but non-existent.

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

03-05-22

PROFESSOR JENNIFER CHACON’S BRENNAN ESSAY — RULE OF LAW RUSE — The Gratuitous Cruelty, Dehumanization, & Demonization Is The Point! — “Courts have played an essen­tial role in shor­ing up the dehu­man­iz­ing narrat­ives that enable our nation’s harsh enforce­ment prac­tices.”

 

 

Professor Jennifer M. Chacon
Professor Jennifer M. Chacon
UC Berkley Law

 

 

https://lawprofessors.typepad.com/immigration/2022/02/immigration-article-of-the-day-the-dehumanizing-work-of-immigration-law-by-jennifer-m-chac%C3%B3n.html

Professor and ImmigrationProf Blog Principal Kit Johnson reports:

Tuesday, February 22, 2022

Immigration Article of the Day: The Dehumanizing Work of Immigration Law by Jennifer M. Chacón

By Immigration Prof

Share

The Dehumanizing Work of Immigration Law is an analysis piece authored by immprof Jennifer M. Chacón (Berkeley) for the Brennan Center for Justice. It was part of a series of articles examining the “punit­ive excess that has come to define Amer­ica’s crim­inal legal system.”

In her article, Chacón acknowledges that “our immig­ra­tion laws are excep­tion­ally harsh in ways that frequently defy common sense.” She notes that for many migrants “the notion that there is a ‘right way’ to immig­rate is just not true.” Moreover, “our coun­try has not always honored its own legal processes when immig­rants are doing things ‘the right way.’” And, for those “long-time lawful perman­ent resid­ents who have contact with the crim­inal legal system are often denied the chance to do things ‘the right way.’”

“Again and again,” Chacón writes, “notions of the rule of law are invoked to justify the sunder­ing of famil­ies and communit­ies that would, in other circumstances, seem unthink­able.”

-KitJ

February 22, 2022 in Data and Research, Law Review Articles & Essays | Permalink | Comments (0)

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Jennifer elegantly articulates a theme that echoes what “Sir Jeffrey” Chase and I often say on our respective blogs: It’s all about gratuitous cruelty and intentional dehumanization of “the other” — primarily vulnerable individuals of color!

But, it need not be that way! Undoubtedly, the current legislative framework is outdated, unrealistic, and often self-contradictory. Congress’s failure to address it with bipartisan, humane, common sense, practical reforms that would strengthen and expand our legal immigration system is disgraceful.

But, there are plenty of opportunities even under the current flawed framework for much better interpretations of law; more expansive, uniform, and reasonable exercises of discretion; creation and implementation of best practices; advancements in due process and fundamental fairness; drastic improvements in representation; improved expert judging; rational, targeted, “results-focused” enforcement; promoting accountability; and teamwork and cooperation among the judiciary, DHS, and the private/NGO/academic sectors to improve the delivery of justice and make the “rule of law” something more than the cruel parody it is today.

Historically, as Jennifer points out, courts have often aided, abetted, and sometimes even disgracefully and cowardly encouraged lawless behavior and clear violations of both constitutional and human rights. But, it doesn’t have to be that way in the future!

Folks like Trump, Miller, Sessions, Barr, Wolf, “Cooch,” Hamilton, McHenry, et al spent four years laser-focused on banishing every last ounce of humanity, fairness, truth, enlightenment, kindness, compassion, reasonableness, efficiency, rationality, equity, public service, racial justice, consistently positive use of discretion, practicality, and common sense from our immigration and refugee systems.

Biden and Harris promised dynamic change, improvement, and a return to a values-based approach to immigration. Once in office, however, they have basically “gone Miller Lite” —  preferring to blame and criticize the Trump regime without having a ready plan or taking much positive action to bring about dynamic systemic improvements. In fact, as pointed out by Jennifer, Garland and Mayorkas have continued to apply, defend, and to some extent rely on the very vile policies they supposedly disavowed. Talk about disingenuous!

Drastic improvements in the current system are “out there for the taking,” with or without Congressional assistance. But, the will, skill, and guts to make the “rule of law” something other than an intentionally cruel, failed “throw away slogan” appears to be sorely missing from Biden Administration ldeadership!

Maybe, the beginning of Jennifer’s essay “says it all” about the abject failure of Garland and others to “get the job done:”

During his confirm­a­tion hear­ing to be attor­ney general, when asked about the Trump admin­is­tra­tion’s policy of separ­at­ing chil­dren from their parents at the U.S.–Mex­ico border, Merrick Garland repu­di­ated the policy, stat­ing “I can’t imagine anything worse.”

Yet, now that he is confirmed, Attor­ney General Garland presides over an agency that repres­ents the U.S. govern­ment in court arguing every day that parents should be separ­ated from their chil­dren, broth­ers from sisters, grand­chil­dren from grand­par­ents.

Obviously, that’s the problem! Garland actually “can’t imagine” the human impact of government-imposed family separation! Nor can he “imagine” what it’s like to be caught up in his unfair, biased, and broken Immigration “Courts” as a party or a lawyer. The “retail level” of our justice system “passed him by” on his way to his judicial “comfort zone.” 

Star Chamber Justice
“Justice”
Star Chamber
Style — “AG Garland ‘can’t imagine’ what it’s like to be caught up in the dysfunctional, abusive, and unfair ‘court system’ that he runs!”

Unless and until we finally get an Attorney General who has either experienced or has the actual imagination necessary to feel the daily horrors and indignity that our unnecessarily broken immigration justice system inflicts on real human beings, American justice and human values will continue to spiral downward! ☠️🤮

And, there will be no true racial justice in America without justice for immigrants!

🇺🇸 Due Process Forever!

PWS

02-23-22            

🚂🛤GARLAND’S DEPORTATION RAILROAD KEEPS ROLLIN’ — WITH A LITTLE HELP FROM TWO GOP JUDGES IN 4TH — Mejia-Velasquez v. Garland — After 6 Years, 3 Flawed Tribunals, A Woman Claiming Politically-Motivated Gang Abuse In Honduras Sent Packing Back To Danger & Corruption Without A Merits Hearing!

 

Train
Train
Dennis Adams, Federal Highway Administration; levels adjustment applied by Hohum
Public domain. — Garland’s Deportation Railway retains most of his predecessors’ engineers, conductors, and crew.  It’s often slow, unreliable, erratic, and subject to arbitrary unannounced schedule changes. It continues to bypass “Due Processville” and “Fundamental Fairness City.”

 

https://www.ca4.uscourts.gov/opinions/201192.P.pdf

Mejia-Velasquez v. Garland, 4th Cir., 02-16-22, published

PANEL: NIEMEYER, MOTZ, and RICHARDSON, Circuit Judges.

OPINION BY: Judge Niemeyer

DISSENT: Judge Motz

KEY QUOTE FROM DISSENT:

Under the current immigration statutes, DHS has good reason to require applicants for relief from removal to submit fingerprints and other biometrics. But before DHS does so, it must first comply with specified notice obligations. Where, as here, DHS fails to do so, I would not fault the applicant. As the Supreme Court explained in Niz-Chavez, “[i]f men must turn square corners when they deal with the government, it cannot be too much to expect the government to turn square corners when it deals with them.” 141 S. Ct. at 1486.

I respectfully dissent.

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The IJ and the BIA relied on a wrong BIA precedent. The 4th Circuit majority judges recognized its incorrectness, but took OIL’s invitation to fashion another rationale for denying this asylum applicant a hearing on the merits of her life or death claim. While the respondent was represented by counsel, the disputed “warnings” and dialogue relating to the missing biometrics were not translated into Spanish, the only language she understood.

While this case was pending, USCIS finally delivered the long and inexplicably delayed biometrics appointment letter to the respondent. But, that made no difference to a group of judges anxious to railroad her back to Honduras (one of the most dangerous and thoroughly corrupt countries in the hemisphere) without a meaningful chance to be heard.

With a dose of macabre ☠️ irony, the 4th Circuit’s tone-deaf decision came just as the US was requesting extradition of former Honduran President, and Obama and Trump Administrations’ buddy, Juan Orlando Hernández on drug trafficking charges! https://lawprofessors.typepad.com/immigration/2022/02/violence-in-honduras-tied-to-ex-president-now-arrested.html

Of all the Federal Judges who looked at this case over the years, only Judge Motz was interested in providing the respondent a due process hearing on her life-determining claim. The rest evidently were more fixated on creating reasons for NOT hearing her case. With the same amount of judicial and litigation effort, likely less, the respondent probably could have received a due process hearing on the merits of her claim. Additionally, there would have been consequences for the BIA’s defective “good enough for government work” precedent.

Of course, like Garland, none of the exalted judges involved in this disgraceful dereliction of duty have actually represented an asylum applicant in Immigration Court and had to deal with the confusing, convoluted, backlogged, and often notoriously screwed up DHS/EOIR biometrics process. See, e.g., “USCIS Biometrics Appointment Backlog,” https://www.stilt.com/blog/2021/02/biometrics-appointment-backlog/.

I suspect that folks contesting a parking ticket get more consideration in our system than this asylum applicant got from Garland’s unfair and dysfunctional Immigration Courts and the OIL lawyers who defend these mis-handled cases. And, in the world of “refugee roulette,” where human lives are treated like lottery tickets, a different Circuit panel of judges might have joined Judge Motz in getting it right.

The problem starts with EOIR — tribunals that receive deference without earning it through expertise, quality scholarship, and prioritizing due process, fundamental fairness, and best practices. It’s aggravated and multiplied by Garland — an Attorney General indifferent to injustice and the trail of broken lives and dashed hopes left in its wake. And, it’s aided, abetted, and enabled by judges like the panel majority here, who can’t be troubled with the hard work of understanding the consequences of their dilatory approach and demanding fair, competent, and reasonable expert judging from EOIR.

As several of my colleagues have said about the broken, dysfunctional, unfair Immigration Court system, the haphazard review by some Circuit Courts, and the disturbing systemic lack of judicial courage when it comes to fairly applying the Due Process Clause of our Constitution to migrants of color: “The cruelty is the point.”

It’s also worthy of note that the failure of all the Federal Judges, save Judge  Motz, to make any meaningful inquiry into the respondent’s clearly expressed fear of return to Honduras appears to violate mandatory requirements for withholding of removal under the INA and international conventions. Perhaps that’s not surprising as Federal Judges have allowed Garland, Mayorkas, and their predecessors to use the transparent pretext of “Title 42” to systemically violate the legal and human rights of refugees at our borders — every day!

It’s also worth putting into context the Biden Administration’s continuing pontification about the human rights of Ughyurs, Afghans, women, and other persecuted minorities, as well as their professed commitment to racial justice in the U.S., which has not been matched by actions. Indeed, the Biden Administration’s actual approach to human rights looks much more like “Miller Lite Time” than it does a courageous, competent, and fair reinstitution of the rule of law!

According to recent reports, many of the Ughyurs and Afghans who were fortunate enough to reach the U.S. and avoid arbitrary “turn backs” at our borders, are now mired in the endless, mindless Mayorkas/Garland bureaucracy that masquerades as an “asylum system” — subject to long waits, missing work authorizations, and sometimes arbitrary and secretive “denials” blasted by human rights advocates. In a functional system these would be the “low hanging fruit” that could rapidly be removed from limbo and given the ability to fully function in our society. But, not in the “Amateur Night at the Bijou” atmosphere fostered by Mayorkas and Garland.

The “strict enforcement” of regulatory requirements on the respondent in this case stands in remarkable contrast with the lackadaisical “good enough for government work” approach of Garland’s BIA and DOJ to the Government’s intentional non-compliance with the statutory requirements for a Notice to Appear (“NTA”).  See, e.g., https://immigrationcourtside.com/2022/02/01/%f0%9f%97%bd%e2%9a%96%ef%b8%8fhon-jeffrey-chase-garland-bias-double-standard-strict-compliance-for-respondents-good-enough-for-govern/ Talk about “double standards” at Garland’s DOJ!

🇺🇸 Due Process Forever!

PWS

02-16-22

🔮PROPHETS: MORE THAN SEVEN MONTHS AGO, “SIR JEFFREY”🛡 & I SAID IT WOULD TAKE MORE THAN HOLLOW PROMISES IN AN E.O. TO BRING JUSTICE  FOR VICTIMS OF GENDER VIOLENCE! — Sadly, We Were “Right On” As This Timely Lament From CGRS Shows!

Karen Musalo
Professor Karen Musalo
Director, Center for Gender & Refugee Studies, Hastings Law
Blaine Bookey
Blaine Bookey
Legal Director
Center for Gender & Refugee Studies @ Hastings Law
Photo: CGRS website

The problem is very obvious: The “practical scholars” and widely respected international experts in asylum law who should be drafting gender-based regs and issuing precedents as appellate judges @ EOIR remain “frozen out” by Garland and the Biden Administration. Meanwhile, those who helped carry out the Miller/Sessions misogynistic policies of eradicating asylum protection for women of color not only remain on the bench but still empowered by Garland to issue controlling interpretations of asylum law. 

https://cgrs.uchastings.edu/sites/default/files/Deadly%20Inertia%20-%20PSG%20Regs%20Guide_Feb.%202022.pdf

Deadly Inertia: Needless Delay of “Particular Social Group” Regulations Puts Asylum Seekers at Risk

February 10, 2022

On February 2, 2021, President Biden issued an executive order (“EO”) which directed executive branch agencies to review and then take action on numerous aspects of our shattered asylum system.1 Of particular interest to the Center for Gender & Refugee Studies (CGRS), and many asylum seekers, legal experts, and allies, was a provision ordering the Departments of Justice and Homeland Security to conduct a comprehensive examination of whether U.S. treatment of asylum claims based on domestic or gang violence is consistent with international standards, and to propose a joint rule on the meaning of “particular social group,” as that term is derived from international law (emphasis added).2

The deadlines set by the President – August 1, 2021 for the examination of current law on domestic violence and gang claims, and October 30, 2021 for the proposed regulations on particular social group – have come and gone. We are concerned that the administration has offered no indication of its progress on what should be a simple task, given that international law and authoritative international standards on particular social group are clear.3

This reference guide explains why regulations on particular social group are important, why this legal issue has become so contentious, and why there is no good reason for the delay in proposing regulations. We point out that there is a clear path forward for the United States to realign its treatment of asylum claims with established international standards, which is precisely what the EO mandates.

Why are regulations on particular social group important?

While “particular social group” may sound like an arcane topic in the notoriously complex area of asylum law, there is a reason it merited the President’s attention in an EO signed just two weeks after he took office.4 Persecution on the basis of membership in a particular social group is one of only five grounds for refugee status in U.S. and international law and has become the most hotly contested asylum law issue in the United States.

Why has particular social group jurisprudence become so contentious in the United States?

First, the phrase “particular social group” is less intuitively clear than the other grounds for asylum of race, religion, nationality, and political opinion. This ground is understood to reflect a desire on the part of the treaty drafters – and U.S. legislators who incorporated the international refugee definition into our own immigration law – to protect those who don’t fit neatly into the other four categories, and to allow asylum protection to evolve in line with our understanding of human rights. Such refugees might include, for example, women fleeing domestic violence, or LGBTQ+ people persecuted because they do not conform to social norms regarding sexual orientation or gender identity. They might be people fleeing violent retaliation by criminal gangs because they

200 McAllister Street | San Francisco, CA 94102 | http://cgrs.uchastings.edu

reported a crime or testified against a gang member. Or they might simply be related to someone who has defied a gang, and that alone makes them a target.

These people are clearly facing enormous harm, and equally clearly belong to a particular social group under a correct interpretation of the law. 5 But merely belonging to a particular social group does not result in being granted asylum. Only if a person meets all the other elements of the refugee definition, including the heavy burden of showing their group membership is a central reason they will be targeted, will they obtain protection in the United States.

Second, some policymakers and adjudicators fear that if particular social group claims qualify for protection, the “floodgates” will open. The Department of Justice’s Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA) established the legal test for particular social group in 1985 in Matter of Acosta (see below).6 But beginning in 2006, the BIA altered the Acosta test by imposing additional requirements that are nearly impossible to meet.7 The result is that with only one exception, no new particular social groups from any country, no matter how defined, have been accepted in a published BIA decision since that time.

But there is no evidence to support the “floodgates” concern. Decades ago, when women who fled female genital cutting/mutilation were first recognized as a particular social group, some people argued that the United States would be inundated with such claims.8 Those fears never materialized. History shows, and the governments of both the United States and Canada acknowledged at the time, that acceptance of social group claims does not lead to a skyrocketing number of applicants.9

Third, asylum law, including the legal interpretation of particular social group, has been politicized. As part of an overtly anti-immigrant agenda, some politicians have seized upon the floodgates myth to promote increasingly restrictive policies and legal interpretations that depart from international standards. Politically oriented interference with asylum law reached new lows under the previous administration, most notably in 2018 when former Attorney General Sessions overruled his own BIA to issue his unconscionable decision in Matter of A-B-.10

Matter of A-B- was so widely reviled and justly condemned that all major Democratic candidates seeking their party’s presidential nomination in the last election promised to reverse the decision. Doing so was part of candidate Biden’s campaign platform.11 As President he made good on this promise by including the legal questions of domestic violence, gang brutality, and particular social group in the February 2021 EO.

Furthermore, and very much to his credit, Attorney General Garland granted CGRS’s request as counsel to vacate Matter of A-B- in June 2021.12 The law now stands as it did before Sessions’ unlawful interference, with the key precedent case Matter of A-R-C-G-13 recognizing a certain defined particular social group that may provide the basis for asylum for some domestic violence survivors.

However, as explained above, the problem goes beyond Sessions’ decision in Matter of A-B- and stretches back at least as far as 2006, when the BIA began to encumber particular social group claims with additional legal hurdles. As correctly noted in the EO, it is necessary to assess whether U.S. law concerning not only domestic and gang violence claims, but all claims based on particular

2

social group, is consistent with international law. Fortunately there is ample international guidance, which is itself largely based on Acosta, on this exact question.

So why the delay in proposing new regulations?

We can think of no good reason for the agencies’ delay in proposing new regulations on particular social group. From the perspective of both binding international law and authoritative international standards, each of which are named as the framework for particular social group regulations in the EO, the legal analysis is not at all complicated.

To begin with, this is not a new area of the law. The Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, the source of the refugee definition in which the phrase appears, was drafted in 1951. Our domestic law followed suit in the 1980 Refugee Act. As noted above, the key BIA precedent case interpreting particular social group, Matter of Acosta, was decided in 1985.14 The UN Refugee Agency’s (UNHCR) guidelines on particular social group, which adopt Matter of Acosta, were issued 20 years ago, in 2002.15

Making the job of proposing regulations even simpler, international guidance is clear. It is critical to note that as an inter-governmental organization, UNHCR routinely takes the concerns of governments, including the United States, into account in crafting its legal advice. UNHCR’s guidelines on particular social group were drafted only after a thorough review of State practice, including U.S. law, and an extensive process of external expert consultations with government officials and judges in their personal capacities, academics, and practitioners.16 The consultations process began with a discussion paper on particular social group drafted by a leading U.S. scholar who had previously served as Immigration and Naturalization Service General Counsel.17

How should the United States interpret particular social group to be consistent with international law?

The United States should adopt the “immutability” standard that the BIA set forth in Matter of Acosta, with an alternative – not additional – test of “social perception” which was initially developed by courts in Australia.18 The Acosta test rests on the existence of immutable or fundamental characteristics such as gender to determine whether there is a particular social group. What must be discarded are the BIA’s extraneous requirements of “particularity” and “social distinction.” They have no basis in international law, are not consistent with international standards, are not compelled by the text of the statute, and are not coherent or internally logical. They have themselves spawned an enormous number of confused and confusing cases, including at the federal courts of appeals level, as judges attempt to apply them to real world cases.19

Key Democratic members of Congress with deep knowledge on refugee issues have taken this position, which is consistent with UNHCR’s views. The Refugee Protection Act of 2019, for example, reflects international guidance in its clarification of particular social group.20 Then-Senator Kamala Harris was one of the bill’s original cosponsors.

Additionally, in response to the EO, U.S. and international legal experts have explained that Matter of Acosta provided a workable test, that the BIA’s additional requirements distorted U.S. law in violation

3

of international standards, and that a return to Acosta would be consistent with international standards and offer an interpretation most faithful to the statutory text.21

Why does it matter?

Lives hang in the balance. Women who have survived domestic violence, and all other asylum applicants who must rely on the particular social group ground, are stuck on a deeply unfair playing field. Existing law, even with the vacatur of Matter of A-B-, gives far too much leeway for judges to say no to valid claims. For people wrongly denied protection, deportation can be a death sentence.22

We are concerned that the delay in proposing particular social group regulations reflects an unwillingness on the part of some key actors within the administration to accept that the United States is bound by international law and should realign itself with international standards. The EO explicitly expresses a mandate to analyze existing law on domestic and gang violence, and to draft new particular social group regulations, in a manner consistent with international standards. Yet it is possible that the administration, out of a flawed political calculus, will backtrack on this commitment as it has on others, notably the promise to restore asylum processing at the border.

To be clear, if this is the case, it is not because there is a principled legal argument against the relevance of international law. It is because a certain political outcome is desired, and the law will be bent to achieve that result. Administration officials should know that advocates will fight relentlessly if the proposed regulations do not in fact follow the EO’s directive to align U.S. law with authoritative international standards.

1 Executive Order on Creating a Comprehensive Regional Framework to Address the Causes of Migration, to Manage Migration Throughout North and Central America, and to Provide Safe and Orderly Processing of Asylum Seekers at the United States Border, Feb. 2, 2021, 86 Fed. Reg. 8267 (Feb. 5, 2021).

3 Instead, on the one-year anniversary of the EO, USCIS Director Ur Jaddou held a virtual briefing on USCIS’s progress on this and three other immigration-related EOs, but provided no substantive details.

4 The EO otherwise encompasses the enormous operational, logistical, foreign policy, development, and other challenges required to create a comprehensive regional framework to address root causes, manage migration throughout North and Central America, and provide safe and orderly processing of asylum seekers at the U.S. border.

5 For example, when Harold Koh, a senior State Department advisor, resigned in October 2021 in protest over the expulsion of Haitian and other asylum seekers, he wrote: “Persons targeted by Haitian gangs could easily have asylum claims as persons with well-founded fears of persecution because of their membership in a ‘particular social group’ for purposes of the Refugee Convention and its implementing statute. Indeed, this is precisely the issue that faces the interagency group on joint DOJ/DHS rulemaking pursuant to President Biden’s February 2, 2021 Executive Order, which directed examination of whether

 2 EO, Sec. 4(c) Asylum Eligibility. The Attorney General and the Secretary of Homeland Security shall:

(i) within 180 days of the date of this order, conduct a comprehensive examination of current rules, regulations, precedential decisions, and internal guidelines governing the adjudication of asylum claims and determinations of refugee status to evaluate whether the United States provides protection for those fleeing domestic or gang violence in a manner consistent with international standards; and

(ii) within 270 days of the date of this order, promulgate joint regulations, consistent with applicable law, addressing the circumstances in which a person should be considered a member of a “particular social group,” as that term is used in

8 U.S.C. 1101(a)(42)(A), as derived from the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol.

 4

 the United States is providing appropriate asylum protection for those fleeing domestic or gang violence in a manner consistent with international standards.’” See https://www.politico.com/f/?id=0000017c-4c4a-dddc-a77e-4ddbf3ae0000.

6 19 I&N Dec. 211 (BIA 1985).

7 Stephen Legomsky and Karen Musalo, Asylum and the Three Little Words that Can Spell Life or Death, Just Security, May 28,

2021, available at: https://www.justsecurity.org/76671/asylum-and-the-three-little-words-that-can-spell-life-or-death/. 8 Matter of Kasinga, 21 I&N Dec. 357 (BIA 1996).

9 Karen Musalo, Protecting Victims of Gendered Persecution: Fear of Floodgates or Call to (Principled) Action?, 14 Va. J. Soc. Pol’y & L. 119, 132-133 (2007), available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1560&context=faculty_scholarship.

10 27 I&N Dec. 316 (A.G. 2018). The applicant was a domestic violence survivor whose asylum claim based on particular social group had been granted by the BIA.

11 “The Trump Administration has … drastically restrict[ed] access to asylum in the U.S., including … attempting to prevent victims of gang and domestic violence from receiving asylum [.] Biden will end these policies [.]” See https://joebiden.com/immigration/.

12 28 I&N Dec. 307 (A.G. 2021). He also vacated other problematic decisions that touched on particular social group and gender claims. See Matter of L-E-A-, 28 I&N Dec. 304 (A.G. 2021); Matter of A-C-A-A-, 28 I&N Dec. 351 (A.G. 2021).

13 26 I&N Dec. 388 (BIA 2014). 14 19 I&N Dec. 211 (BIA 1985).

15 UNHCR, Guidelines on International Protection No. 2: “Membership of a Particular Social Group” Within the Context of Article 1A(2) of the 1951 Convention and/or its 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, 7 May 2002, HCR/GIP/02/02, available at: https://www.refworld.org/docid/3d36f23f4.html.

16 UNHCR, Global Consultations on International Protection, Update Oct. 2001, available at: https://www.unhcr.org/3b83c8e74.pdf.

17 T. Alexander Aleinikoff, “Protected Characteristics and Social Perceptions: An Analysis of the Meaning of ‘Membership of a Particular Social Group’”, in Refugee Protection in International Law: UNHCR’s Global Consultations on International

Protection (Feller, Türk and Nicholson, eds., 2003), available at: https://www.refworld.org/docid/470a33b30.html.

18 This is the approach recommended by UNHCR, n.15 above.

19 Legomsky and Musalo, Asylum and the Three Little Words that Can Spell Life or Death, n. 7 above, available at: https://www.justsecurity.org/76671/asylum-and-the-three-little-words-that-can-spell-life-or-death/. See also, Sabrineh Ardalan and Deborah Anker, Re-Setting Gender-Based Asylum Law, Harvard Law Review Blog, Dec. 30, 2021, available at: https://blog.harvardlawreview.org/re-setting-gender-based-asylum-law/.

21 Scholars letter to Attorney General Garland and DHS Secretary Mayorkas, June 16, 2021, available at: https://cgrs.uchastings.edu/sites/default/files/2021.06.16_PSG%20Scholars%20Letter.pdf. See also, letter to Attorney General Garland and DHS Secretary Mayorkas, May 27, 2021, signed by 100 legal scholars discussing the “state protection” element of the proposed regulations, available at: https://cgrs.uchastings.edu/sites/default/files/Law%20Scholars%20State%20Protection%20Letter%205.27.21%20%28FINAL%2 9.pdf.

22 When Deportation Is a Death Sentence, Sarah Stillman, The New Yorker, January 8, 2018, available at: https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2018/01/15/when-deportation-is-a-death-sentence.

             20 The Refugee Protection Act of 2019, Sec. 101(a)(C)(iii) reads: “the term ‘particular social group’ means, without any additional requirement not listed below, any group whose members—

(I) share—

(aa) a characteristic that is immutable or fundamental to identity, conscience, or the exercise of human rights; or (bb) a past experience or voluntary association that, due to its historical nature, cannot be changed; or

(II) are perceived as a group by society.”

See https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/senate-bill/2936/text?r=4&s=1#toc- idA272A477BC814410AB2FF0E6C99E522F.

      5

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“Sir Jeffrey and Me
“Sir Jeffrey & Me
Nijmegen, The Netherlands 1997
PHOTO: Susan Chase

You can check out what “Sir Jeffrey” and I had to say back in June 2021 here:

https://immigrationcourtside.com/2021/06/22/sir-jeffrey-chase-garlands-first-steps-to-eradicate-misogyny-anti-asylum-bias-eoir-are-totally-insufficient-without-progressive-personnel-changes/

Unfortunately, my commentary then remains largely true today:

Without progressive intervention, this is still headed for failure @ EOIR! A few things to keep in mind.

    • Former Attorney General, the late Janet Reno, ordered the same regulations on gender-based asylum to be promulgated more than two decades ago — never happened!

    • The proposed regulations that did finally emerge along the way (long after Reno’s departure) were horrible — basically an ignorant mishmash of various OIL litigation positions that would have actually made it easier for IJs to arbitrarily deny asylum (as if they needed any invitation) and easier for OIL to defend such bogus denials.

    • There is nobody currently at “Main Justice” or EOIR HQ qualified to draft these regulations! Without long overdue progressive personnel changes the project is almost “guaranteed to fail” – again!

    • Any regulations entrusted to the current “Miller Lite Denial Club” @ the BIA ☠️ will almost certainly be twisted out of proportion to deny asylum and punish women refugees, as well as deny due process and mock fundamental fairness. It’s going to take more than regulations to change the “culture of denial” and the “institutionalized anti-due-process corner cutting” @ the BIA and in many Immigration Courts.

    • Garland currently is mindlessly operating the “worst of all courts” — a so-called “specialized (not) court” where the expertise, independence, and decisional courage is almost all “on the outside” and sum total of the subject matter expertise and relevant experience of those advocating before his bogus “courts” far exceeds that of the “courts” themselves and of Garland’s own senior team! That’s why the deadly, embarrassing, sophomoric mistakes keep flowing into the Courts of Appeals on a regular basis. 

    • No regulation can bring decisional integrity and expertise to a body that lacks both!

As the CGRS cogently says at the end of the above posting:

The EO explicitly expresses a mandate to analyze existing law on domestic and gang violence, and to draft new particular social group regulations, in a manner consistent with international standards. Yet it is possible that the administration, out of a flawed political calculus, will backtrack on this commitment as it has on others, notably the promise to restore asylum processing at the border.

To be clear, if this is the case, it is not because there is a principled legal argument against the relevance of international law. It is because a certain political outcome is desired, and the law will be bent to achieve that result. Administration officials should know that advocates will fight relentlessly if the proposed regulations do not in fact follow the EO’s directive to align U.S. law with authoritative international standards.

If you follow some of the abysmal anti-asylum, poorly reasoned, sloppy results still coming out of Garland’s BIA and how they are being mindlessly defended by his OIL, you know that a “principled application” of asylum law to protect rather than arbitrarily reject isn’t in the cards! Also, as I have pointed out, even if there were a well written reg on gender based asylum, you can bet that the “Miller Lite Holdover BIA” would come up with intentionally restrictive interpretations that many of the “Trump-era” IJs still packed into EOIR would happily apply to “get to no.” 

You don’t turn a “built and staffed to deny in support of a White Nationalist agenda agency” into a legitimate court system that will insure due process and fair treatment for asylum seekers without replacing judges and bringing in strong courageous progressive leaders.

That’s particularly true at the BIA, where harsh misapplications of asylum law to deny worthy cases has been “baked into the system” for years. And, without positive precedents from expert appellate judges committed to international principles and fair treatment of asylum seekers in the U.S., even a well-drafted reg won’t end “refugee roulette.” 

By this point, it should be clear that the Biden Administration’s intertwined commitments to racial justice and immigrant justice were campaign slogans, and not much more. So, it will be up to advocates in the NDPA to continue the “relentless fight” to force an unwilling Administration and a “contentedly dysfunctional” DOJ that sees equal justice and due process as “below the radar screen” to live up to the fundamental promises of American democracy that they actively betray every day!

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

02-13-22

U.S. HISTORY: BEATEN FOR BEING BILINGUAL 🤮 — The Repression ☹️ & Resilience 👍🏾 Of Hispanic Americans — Molly Hennessy-Fiske @ LA Times

Molly Hennessy-Fiske
Molly Hennessy-Fiske
Houston Bureau Chief
LA Times

https://www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/2022-02-03/speak-spanish-get-paddled-texas-school-segregation-mexican-americans

MARFA, Texas —

Hiding in plain sight on a dusty corner of this remote west Texas town, the Blackwell School stands as a lasting reminder of what Mexican American students endured during decades of segregation.

“I learned about racism here in Marfa,” said Jessi Silva, 73, who attended the school as a child in the 1950s and 1960s.

Sitting in the schoolhouse last month, Silva gestured to a wooden paddle she said teachers used to spank classmates for speaking Spanish.

Opened in 1909 as a three-room “Mexican school,” Blackwell expanded to half a dozen buildings, educating more than 4,000 children before it closed in 1965.

“Students were told to speak only English on campus,” reads a state historic marker outside the stucco and adobe school, which is now a museum. “Spanish words written on slips of paper were buried on the grounds in a mock funeral ceremony.”

“One of the other teachers came into our classroom and wrote the word ‘Spanish’ on the blackboard, gave each one of us a small piece of paper and told us to write the letters that we saw on the blackboard,” Silva recalled.

Afterward, the teacher collected the slips of paper “and then they marched us all out to the flagpole.”

“They already had a hole dug, and they had this box,” Silva recalled. “They put all the students’ papers in that box and said that we can all vote to do away with the Spanish language. Therefore, we were burying ‘Mr. Spanish.’ And we were no longer allowed to speak Spanish in school.”

. . . .

*****************

Read Molly’s full article at the link.

Kids used to come to a “first master” before me speaking a few words of English. By their second master they were speaking English and helping their family members understand. I’d tell them that they had now surpassed me in language achievement. Bilingualism is a fantastic life skill!

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

02-06-22

🇺🇸🗽IN MEMORIAM: BELOVED “PRACTICAL SCHOLAR” DR. DEMETRIOS G. PAPADEMETRIOU, DIES @ 75 — Renowned Migration Expert Co-Founded Migration Policy Institute, Among Many Other Life Achievements!

 

As reported on ImmigrationProf Blog:

https://lawprofessors.typepad.com/immigration/2022/01/mpi-honors-the-life-of-dr-demetrios-papademetriou.html

Friday, January 28, 2022

MPI Honors the Life of Dr. Demetrios Papademetriou

By Immigration Prof

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Dr. Demetrios G. Papademetriou, president emeritus and co-founder of Migration Policy Institute, and founding president of MPI Europe,  died Wednesday, January 26, at the age of 75. He was one of the world’s pre-eminent scholars and lecturers on international migration, with a rich body of scholarship shared in more than 275 books, research reports, articles and other publications. He also advised numerous governments, international organizations, civil society groups and grant-making organizations around the world on immigration and immigrant integration issues.

Papademetriou began his career as Executive Editor of the International Migration Review. After stints at Population Associates International and the U.S. Labor Department, he served as Chair of the Migration Group of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. He then joined the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace’s International Migration Policy Program, which in 2001 was spun off to create the freestanding Migration Policy Institute.

He co-founded Metropolis: An International Forum for Research and Policy on Migration and Cities, which he led as International Chair for the initiative’s first five years and then served as International Chair Emeritus. He was Chair of the World Economic Forum’s Global Agenda Council on Migration (2009-11) and founding Chair of the Advisory Board of the Open Society Foundations’ International Migration Initiative (2010-15).

Papademetriou, who traveled the world lecturing and speaking at public conferences and private roundtables, also taught at the University of Maryland, Duke University, American University and the New School for Social Research.

MHC

*************************

Demetrios was one of those amazing, charismatic, “larger than life” intellects who could “electrify” a room just by walking through the door. His ability to “connect” with audiences far beyond the world of scholarly research — and to appreciate the “human lives and heroic stories beyond the number-crunching” was unparalleled.  

He led in “putting immigration scholarship on the map” — as an academic discipline, a ground-breaker in clinical legal education, and a basis for progressive migration and human rights policies in government and NGOs. Through his work at MPI, Carnegie, and other institutions, he used scholarship to spur and encourage practical “grass roots” reforms in our immigration system and, indeed, in the international migration system. Many leaders of today’s “New Due Process Army” can trace their “practical scholarly roots” to Demetrios’s inspiration and example!

Perhaps ironically, another recent posting on ImmigrationProf Blog points out how the Biden Administration has disturbingly and inexcusably failed to “cash in” on the full potential of the extraordinary growth in “applied migration scholarship” fueled by Demetrios, his long time friend and colleague former Immigration Commissioner Doris Meissner, MPI Executive Director Donald Kerwin, Jr., and other giants in the field. 

Rather, the Biden Administration has veered far off-track on immigration, human rights, and social justice issues by placing politicos without immigration expertise and lacking both moral courage and belief in fundamental human values in charge of its flailing and failing immigration mess. In particular, these tone-deaf politicos have failed to “connect the dots” between immigrant justice and racial justice in America. 

Not surprisingly, that has resulted in across the board failures, unfulfilled promises, and angry, disgruntled potential allies on meaningful reforms in both areas. This, in turn, has demoralized and turned off the younger, dynamic, diverse, progressive, expert immigration, human rights, and social justice leaders who are key to the future of the Democratic Party and the preservation of American democracy.

https://lawprofessors.typepad.com/immigration/2022/01/mpi-honors-the-life-of-dr-demetrios-papademetriou.html

Talk about a lose-lose-lose approach! And, I guarantee that it hasn’t garnered one vote of support from “hard-liners” and “naysayers” who continue to mindlessly and dishonestly babble about “open borders!”

I’m not exaggerating here. Yesterday, I was on (Zoom) panels in Houston and DC. Both audiences and fellow panelists were stunned and outraged by the betrayal of due process, good government, expertise, common sense, and human values demonstrated by Biden’s “Miller Lite” approach to asylum at the Southern Border, the intentional mistreatment of migrants of color, and Garland’s beyond dysfunctional and chronically unjust Immigration Courts! 

Particular disgust was reserved for the Administration’s intentional, continued, cowardly abuse of Haitian migrants. That, actually says more about their attitude toward true racial justice than the promise to appoint a Black Woman to the Supremes.

Welcome and long overdue as the latter is, it isn’t going to change the result on any major issue before this version of the Supremes. By contrast, the Biden Administration’s anti-Haitian policies are actually harming, dehumanizing, endangering, and even potentially killing Black migrants every day! No wonder they want to “sweep truth under the rug.”   

It’s exactly the type of “applied stupidity,” willful blindness, intentional cruelty, and disdain for common sense, humanity, facts, and relevant experience that Demetrios would have resisted!

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

01-29-22

🤮🏴‍☠️☠️⚰️ GARLAND’S “SHAMEFUL RECORD” GETS EVEN WORSE AS HE DEFENDS STEPHEN MILLER’S DEGRADATION OF HUMANITY AT OUR BORDERS!

Stephen Miller Monster
Biden’s “Shadow Attorney General” speaks through the likeness of Merrick Garland! Attribution: Stephen Miller Monster by Peter Kuper, PoliticalCartoons.com
Priscilla Alvarez
CNN Digital Expansion 2019, Priscilla Alvarez
Politics Reporter, CNN

Priscilla Alvarez reports for CNN:

https://www.cnn.com/2022/01/19/politics/title-42-biden/index.html

. . . .

“Today we heard the same unconvincing arguments from the Biden administration that we’ve been hearing for the last year about this xenophobic and baseless policy, arguments that have already been rejected in federal court. Title 42 unjustly and unnecessarily inflicts harm on families seeking asylum at our border, and we will continue to work tirelessly to ensure that this policy ends once and for all,” said Diana Kearney, senior legal adviser with Oxfam America, in a statement.

In a recently released report, Human Rights First found nearly 9,000 reports of kidnappings and other violent attacks against people who had been expelled to Mexico or blocked from seeking protection in the US.

*******************

Read Priscilla’s full story on the bottomless depths to which Garland has taken American “justice” and the Department of “Justice” at the link.

I can always count on Garland to illustrate and punctuate my points about his unfitness for the job of achieving racial equality, re-establishing the rule of law, and promoting human rights in America, not to mention his total unsuitability and inability to run a fair, impartial, due-process-oriented court system! He probably would have been right at home with the “GOP Six” on the Supremes.

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

01-20-22

CATHERINE RAMPELL @ WASHPOST: “Biden has delivered the worst of all worlds: inhumane, immoral, potentially illegal policy — and bad-faith political blowback about “open borders” all the same.”☠️🏴‍☠️🤮🤯👎🏽⚰️🆘

 

Catherine Rampell
Catherine Rampell
Opinion Columnist
Washington Post

Catherine writes:

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/01/17/year-into-his-presidency-biden-has-kept-some-trumps-worst-immigration-policies-place-why/

. . . .

But these are, mostly, obscure policy changes or unrealized proposals. When Miller et al. condemn Biden’s “immigration record,” they zero in on his decisions at the Southern border.

Which is, frankly, odd. You’d never know it from the right-wing hysteria about Biden’s supposedly “open borders,” or Biden’s own campaign promise to “end Trump’s detrimental asylum policies.” But Biden has continued Trump’s most restrictionist, inhumane and possibly illegal border policies.

In some cases Biden has even expanded them.

As evidence of Biden’s supposedly lax border policies, Republicans sometimes cite his attempt, on Day One of his presidency, to end the program informally known as “Remain in Mexico.” This Trump-created program forced asylum seekers to wait in dangerous camps in Mexico while their U.S. cases were processed; there, vulnerable immigrants have been frequent targets for rape, kidnappings, torture and murder.

If Biden had terminated the program, that would have been a good thing, from a human rights perspective (not a Republican priority, apparently). But Biden did not succeed. After a legal challenge, a federal judge ordered the program to be resurrected — and the Biden administration not only obeyed but also expanded the program’s scope to cover even more categories of immigrants.

[Catherine Rampell: Joe Biden is president. Why is he maintaining Trump’s immigration agenda?]

Worse, Biden has maintained Trump’s Title 42 order. This likely illegal order involves automatically expelling hundreds of thousands of people encountered at the border without ever allowing them to apply for asylum, in contravention of rights guaranteed under both U.S. and international law. Both Trump and Biden have cited a little-used public health provision as pretext for this policy, even though legions of public health experts have argued that it doesn’t protect public health.

Perversely, continuing this Trump policy has also given ammunition to the hard-right nativists, because it has the unintended consequence of inflating the count of U.S. border crossings. Many of those expelled immediately turn around and attempt another crossing; in fiscal 2021, 27 percent of individuals were apprehended multiple times by Border Patrol, nearly quadruple the share in 2019.

The disconnect between GOP claims about “open borders” and Biden’s actually-quite-Trumpy border policies, is enormous. Two of Biden’s own political appointees who resigned last fall lambasted his actions as “inhumane” on their way out the door; six other high-level immigration officials have recently announced they were leaving the administration, without much public explanation.

It’s unclear why Biden has maintained his predecessor’s policies. One possibility is politics — that these choices were intended to stave off right-wing attacks about lax enforcement. If that was the motivation, though, it failed. Instead, Biden has delivered the worst of all worlds: inhumane, immoral, potentially illegal policy — and bad-faith political blowback about “open borders” all the same.

***********************

Yup! It’s what “Courtside” has been saying all along!  Read her complete article at the link!

Catherine sees much more clearly than any member of the Biden Administration the ridiculous failings of their so-called “immigration policies” (actually a series of disjointed, often self-contradictory, knee-jerk responses that sometimes undermine each other and reflect a total lack of thoughtful, morally courageous, informed leadership).

And, Catherine doesn’t even highlight the single biggest failure — one that cuts across every failure she mentions and also goes to the heart of our legal system!

That’s, of course, the abject failure of Biden AG Merrick Garland to bring due process reforms and better judges to his totally dysfunctional, grotesquely unfair, wholly-owned U.S. Immigration Courts. These “courts” — that function more like 21st Century Star Chambers than anyone’s concept of a “real court” — were “weaponized” by Garland’s Trumpy predecessors, Sessions and Barr.

They filled the courts at all levels with less than well qualified judges, many with no immigration experience or prosecutorial experience only, who were intended to help carry out the White Nationalist, anti-asylum, anti-immigrant policies developed by Gauleiter Stephen Miller. Garland has not replaced these unqualified judges with better talent, selected in a open, transparent, merit-based process with “outside input.”  He has failed to make the substantive and procedural reforms necessary to bring order and some semblance of efficiency to his hopelessly backlogged “courts.”

He has declined to remove poor leaders appointed by his predecessors; nor has he tapped the large supply of progressive, expert human rights/immigration talent who could begin the process of restoring due process. He has continued to promote enforcement “gimmicks” — like “Dedicated Dockets” and the illegal use of Title 42 — that accelerate “Aimless Docket Reshuffling” and have led to even higher backlogs. 

His refusal to bring common sense, achievable reforms, and better judges to the Immigration Courts has demoralized lawyers and made pro bono representation even more difficult. 

He has ignored the pressing need for better judicial training implemented by qualified outside experts. He hasn’t bothered to engage with those like the VIISTA Villanova program turning out exceptionally well-trained potential “accredited representatives” who could help reduce the staggering representation gap in his courts. Worse yet, he has allowed EOIR bureaucrats to create entirely new backlogs in the agency process for recognizing pro bono organizations and accrediting their representatives. 

Garland’s horrible failure to energize and attract the progressive leadership and judicial talent who know how to begin solving these problems (rather than aggravating them) might eventually go down as one of the biggest “blown opportunities” for due process reforms in modern American legal history! This is the “low hanging fruit” that Garland and the Biden Administration has allowed to “rot on the tree.” What a (needless and deadly) tragedy!

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

01-18-22

⚖️🤯🤮GARLAND’S OHIO JUDICIAL MELTDOWN — “High-Asylum-Denying” Immigration Judges Appointed By Barr & Sessions Remain On Garland’s Bench In Cleveland Despite Referring To Migrants As “Illegals” & “Pretty Virgins!” — EOIR Disciplinary System Remains As Opaque As Ever Under Garland!🏴‍☠️ Yulin Cheng Reports @ Columbus Dispatch!

Yilun Cheng
Yilun Cheng
Immigration Reporter, Columbus Dispatch
PHOTO: Twitter
Woman Tortured
Attorneys who complain about misbehaving judges in Merrick Garland’s dysfunctional Immigration “Courts” might well find themselves in uncomfortable positions!
Amazing StoriesArtist Unknown, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

https://www.dispatch.com/story/news/2022/01/15/discipline-system-immigration-judges-lacks-transparency/9157927002/

In the fall of 2020, “Juan” had trouble falling asleep whenever he thought about his upcoming court appearance in Cleveland, where the only immigration court in Ohio is located.

The 43-year-old father of three from Mexico, who asked to remain anonymous for fear of retaliation, had already gone through three hours-long hearings for his application to obtain permanent residency. He said he was nervous and exhausted when he stepped into the court on Oct. 16, 2020, for his fourth hearing.

Juan expected from experience that he would once again face a series of aggressive questions from Judge Teresa Riley, whose intimidating style almost made him give up on his case altogether, he said.

But it still astounded him when Riley called Mexican immigrants “illegals” while cross-examining his wife about the subcontractors that Juan employed at his construction business.

Juan is not alone in his grievances. In May 2021, the Ohio chapter of the American Immigration Lawyers Association submitted a group complaint against Riley to the Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR), an agency within the Department of Justice that oversees immigration courts.

Citing the experience of six anonymous immigrants, including Juan, the complaint accuses Riley of biases against Latino immigrants, bullying and hostile questioning, a lack of professional competence and other alleged misconducts. 

But complainants like complainants like Juan and their attorneys said they have been disappointed that their efforts did not lead to any lasting changes or that there was little transparency in the investigation process.

Riley stopped hearing cases for a few weeks in July and August, but returned shortly after, according to hearing schedules shared with the Dispatch. It is unclear why the judge was absent.

. . . .

Because these complaints rarely generate substantial disciplinary actions and there is a fear of retaliation from the judges, immigration attorneys and their clients often hesitate to report misconducts, said Austin Kocher, a research associate professor at the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse, a research institute at Syracuse University.

“Immigration attorneys don’t file these complaints often enough because they still have to practice in front of these judges,” said Kocher, whose research focuses on immigration policies. “You can’t file a complaint one day against a judge and the next day come in with your client and expect the judge to treat them well. There’s just a real lack of systematic accountability.”

. . . .

Emmanuel Olawale, a Westerville-based immigration attorney, said he has faced this dilemma firsthand. In October 2020, when he received a notice from the Cleveland Immigration Court that the asylum case of one of his clients was denied, he was disturbed by the language that Judge Jonathan Owens used in the decision.

In the asylum application, Olawale’s client, a 22-year-old asylum seeker from Cameroon, said armed officers from that country sexually assaulted her when she was a minor while they were searching for English-speaking dissidents like her family.

In an attempt to establish that the abuse did not happen due to the client’s identity, Owen stated that it is likely that officers raped the teenage girl not because she was a member of the English-speaking minority but because “they wanted to do so and thought that the respondent was a pretty virgin,” according to court documents shared with The Dispatch.

“If someone’s a ‘pretty virgin,’ is that a good reason for them to rape her in any context?” Olawale said. “That statement is misogynistic and very shocking to me.”

Instead of submitting a complaint against Owen, however, the immigration attorney opted to voice his concerns in an appeal, which is currently pending.

“Filing a complaint against the judge is something on the table,” Olawale said. “But it won’t really change anything in my client’s case. There’s also an imbalance of power in the courtroom and the fear of retaliation. I’ll have to weigh my options and consider how bad it is before I stick my neck out there.”

. . . .

Judges are not always made aware of the existence of a complaint in a timely fashion, and there is no transparency or consistency when it comes to sanctions imposed in a particular case, according to Dana Marks, president emerita at the National Association of Immigration Judges who spent 35 years on the bench in San Francisco, California, before retiring in December.

“It’s not consistent because a complaint usually starts out with the person’s immediate supervisor being told,” Marks said. “Some of the supervisors discuss the complaint with the judge immediately and others don’t. There’s a wide spectrum of when judges are notified, how much information they are provided, and whether they are allowed to give their side of the story before decisions are made.”

There is a fine line between judges’ taking a harsh stance on immigration and their exhibiting unprofessional behaviors, said Paul Schmidt, a former immigration judge based in Arlington, Virginia, who retired in 2016. While judges should not be punished for making a good-faith legal decision, using terms like “illegals” seems to be a clear violation of professionalism, he said.

“There are complaints that were made because someone is not happy that they lost a case, and those claims need to be taken with a grain of salt,” Schmidt said. “But at the point where judges are using racially charged terms or demeaning people, then that seems to me that it goes beyond what they should be allowed to do.”

. . . .

The Cleveland Immigration Court, much like the rest of the country, saw dramatic personnel changes during Donald Trump’s presidency.

The court used to have only three judges, all of whom have since left their posts. The Trump administration filled the openings and expanded the size of the bench, appointing 10 judges who currently make up the court. Most of them are former government attorneys, and five used to prosecute immigration cases on behalf of the Department of Homeland Security.

The lack of a transparent complaint process is especially concerning given an influx of new judges, who tend to come from enforcement backgrounds and lack experience on the bench, [Attorney Julie] Nemecek said.

“I think about the hundreds of thousands of immigrants across the country who have been wronged by the misconducts of Trump-appointed judges,” she said. “There are still good judges out there. But we have to address these bad judges.”

. . . .

Yilun Cheng is a Report for America corps member and covers immigration issues for the Dispatch. Your donation to match our RFA grant helps keep her writing stories like this one. Please consider making a tax-deductible donation at https://bit.ly/3fNsGaZ.

ycheng@dispatch.com

@ChengYilun

******************

Read Yulin’s full article at the link.

First, congrats to Yulin Cheng! Last time I published her work, she was an aspiring student journalist. 

https://immigrationcourtside.com/2021/01/18/⚖%EF%B8%8F🗽🇺🇸slavin-benitez-kowalski-schmidt-speak-out-on-broken-courts-yilun-cheng-reports-for-borderless-magazine/

Now, she’s a Report for America member carrying out her dream and commitment to report truth and hold immigration officials, regardless of party affiliation, accountable for their mockery of the rule of law and shunning of best practices!

So, why might a private practitioner hesitate to file a complaint against an Immigration Judge in Garland’s system still “packed” with a majority of judges hand-selected by White Nationalist nativists Sessions and Barr?

The complaint would go not to an independent, objective panel containing public representation. No, it would be treated as a “supervisory matter” in an agency (not a real “court”) where the ranks of supervisors are still stacked with Barr & Sessions appointees that Garland hasn’t replaced.

Stunningly, the “top judge” in this bizarre, abusive, and dysfunctional system is Chief Immigration Judge Tracy Short — a hard line DHS prosecutor with no prior judicial experience elevated by Barr because of his commitment to the Stephen Miller White Nationalist, anti-asylum, anti-attorney agenda! Remarkably, Garland hasn’t replaced Short with a competent, expert, due-process-oriented “real judge,” notwithstanding unanimous urging from immigration experts that he do so!

Pursue as an alternative a legal appeal to Garland’s BIA? Well, amazingly, that body also remains “packed” with 23 of 24 appellate judges who are holdovers from the Trump Administration. Several of these judges were themselves members of the “90% asylum deniers club” and some were renowned for their disrespect for immigrants (particularly asylum seekers) and their lawyers while on the trial bench.

Look for some binding BIA precedents on improper IJ conduct? Won’t find those either, save for a mild, pre-Trump rebuke of an Atlanta IJ (without identifying the judge) for abusing a juvenile in court.

Then, there’s Garland himself. For heaven’s sake, even Bush crony former AG Alberto Gonzales (“Gonzo I”) finally got so embarrassed by the misbehavior of his IJs that he had to publicly “call off the dogs.” But, from Garland, not a peep or decisive action demanding that his “wholly-owned judges” put due process and fundamental fairness first and treat the individuals coming before them and their lawyers with professionalism, dignity, and respect!

Judge Riley, appointed by Barr in May 2019, without any significant immigration or human rights background, has a TRAC asylum denial rate of 87.7%.

Judge Owens, appointed by Sessions in August 2018, also without any significant immigration or human rights background, has a TRAC asylum denial rate of 94.5%. That’s 58th highest out of 558 Immigration Judges!

The TRAC “national average” for asylum denials by IJs during this period was 67.6%.

So, even in the virulent, officially-sanctioned “anti-asylum era” @ EOIR during the late Obama Administration and the entire Trump Administration, these two judges are “outliers.” 

As someone familiar with the Ohio Immigration Bar, there are dozens of much better qualified judicial candidates out there in the private sector. Some of them even applied in the past and were rejected in favor of these judges who, whatever else you might think, no expert would find to be among “best and brightest minds in immigration and human rights,” deserving of elevation to the bench.

All Immigration Judges are “DOJ attorneys,” serving “at the pleasure of the Attorney General” and therefore subject to replacement and/or reassignment at his discretion. Judge Riley was “in probation” until May 20121, so Garland could have terminated her, essentially for any reason, or at least “re-competed” her position under a fair process that would have been open, welcoming to immigration experts in the private sector, and involved private sector input. 

Owens and the other Trump-era appointees should also have been required to re-compete for their positions under revised procedures. It’s unlikely either Owens or Riley would have been selected in such a merit-based process. 

Of course, Garland has not actively recruited from among better-qualified diverse expert immigration practitioners, established transparent merit-based procedures, or re-competed the disgracefully inadequate selections of his White Nationalist, anti-immigrant predecessors!

Additionally, Garland has failed to address, in any manner whatsoever, the quality control, bad attitude, lack of professionalism, and anti-immigrant bias problems in his dysfunctional Immigration Courts. Poor precedents continue to be issued by his BIA, and sloppy work by his judges at all levels continues to be “outed” by the Article IIIs notwithstanding the substantial (undue) deference given to EOIR decisions by the Article IIIs. Backlog building “Aimless Docket Reshuffling” and “mindless gimmicks” continue to proliferate under Garland’s disconnected leadership.  

The disciplinary system remains opaque and highly ineffective. Illegal retaliation by IJs against those filing complaints remains a realistic possibility that actually deters and improperly discourages reporting of misconduct. An ineffective, “rubber-stamp” appellate review process of removal orders by the BIA almost never holds IJs accountable, even for the most egregious legal errors and the grossest misconduct on the bench. 

While Circuit Courts point out the deficient performance of EOIR judges on a remarkably frequent basis, one will search in vain for any recent BIA precedent “calling out” inappropriate and biased treatment of respondents and their lawyers in Immigration Court. Likewise, while Jeff Sessions was outspoken in encouraging anti-asylum and anti-lawyer bias among “his judges,” I’m not aware that Garland, in word or deed, has ever insisted that Immigration Judges at all levels give primacy to due process, fundamental fairness, and treat all coming before them with dignity and respect. In other words, Garland has failed to use his “bully pulpit” to demand an end to bullying of the most vulnerable among us in his Immigration Courts.

He also has failed to repudiate the “DHS Enforcement is our partner” statements by Sessions. (Perhaps not surprisingly, since, as noted earlier, Garland employs a DHS prosecutor, Tracy Short, as his “top judge” notwithstanding Short’s glaring unsuitability for the position. And, Garland continues to defend many “Miller Lite” policies in Federal Court.)  

Pro-DHS biases, mistreatment of migrants and their attorneys, lack of basic scholarship, and failure of impartial judging continue to run rampant in Garland’s broken system!

Indeed, a full year the SF Chron’s Tal Kopan exposed the misconduct by Immigration Judges throughout the nation, the DOJ has taken no known actions despite Deputy AG Lisa Monaco’s “promise to investigate.” 

From top to bottom, this broken, unfair, and out of control system needs reform, redirection, integrity, a focus on due process, and decisional excellence. It certainly isn’t coming from Garland and his senior political team at DOJ. So where IS it going to come from?

Chair Lofgren and her Subcommittee need to find out why Garland has failed to address the ongoing disaster in his courts, and what needs to be done to bring due process, fundamental fairness, equal justice, and respect for humanity to the forefront at EOIR, the DOJ, and the rest of our legal system!  And, if anyone in the Administration stubbornly claims that the “primary answer” is to randomly throw more judges into this toxic mess, Lofgren should laugh in their face(s)! We need to replace bad judges and reform the existing system into something fair and functional before seeking to expand it, even assuming that expansion is warranted somewhere “down the line.”

As being run by Garland right now, EOIR is an affront to American democracy! That needs to stop!

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

01-15-22

UPDATE:

The news isn’t all bad from Cleveland. Dan Kowalski over at LexisNexis reports that Cleveland Judge Jennifer Riedthaler-Williams (also a “high asylum denier — 94%) terminated without prejudice a removal case based on a defective Notice to Appear. https://www.lexisnexis.com/legalnewsroom/immigration/b/insidenews/posts/cleveland-ij-terminates-proceedings-defective-nta

Sadly, a couple of correct decisions, no matter how welcome, aren’t going to solve the systemic due process deficiencies in Ohio or elsewhere in Garland’s dysfunctional nationwide “Clown Courts.” 🤡

There are some pressing problems in America that Dems and the Biden Administration can’t solve on their own. Garland’s dysfunctional Immigration Courts are NOT one of those!

The Immigration Courts are the biggest most consequential national problem that is totally within the Administration’s power to fix. That Garland has failed to do so should be of existential concern and a cause for unrelenting outrage from all who believe in the future of American democracy!

🤮🤯🏴‍☠️👎🏽GARLAND’S DOJ GOES “FULL MILLER LITE” ON TRAUMATIZED REFUGEE FAMILIES! — Some Dem “Strategists” Like New Policy: Dis Progressives, Abandon Campaign Promises, Trash Vulnerable Migrant Families Of Color In Hopes Of Appeasing White Nationalist GOP Nativists!

Maria Sacchetti
Maria Sacchetti
Immigration Reporter, Washington Post

Maria Sacchetti & Sean Sullivan report for WashPost:

https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/biden-separated-families-court-migrants/2022/01/12/5c592f74-725a-11ec-8b0a-bcfab800c430_story.html

Two months after President Biden said migrant families separated at the border under the Trump administration deserve compensation, his administration’s lawyers are arguing in federal court that they are not in fact entitled to financial damages and their cases should be dismissed.

The Justice Department outlined its position in the government’s first court filings since settlement negotiations that could have awarded the families hundreds of thousands of dollars broke down in mid-December.

Government lawyers emphasized in the court documents that they do not condone the Trump administration’s policy of separating the children of undocumented migrants from their parents. But they said the U.S. government has a good deal of leeway when it comes to managing immigration and is immune from such legal challenges.

“At issue in this case is whether adults who entered the country without authorization can challenge the federal government’s enforcement of federal immigration laws” under federal tort claims laws, the Justice Department said in a Jan. 7 brief in a lawsuit in Pennsylvania. “They cannot.”

The legal strategy reflects the Biden administration’s awkward position as it shifts from championing the migrant families politically to fighting them in court. Migrant families have filed approximately 20 lawsuits and hundreds of administrative claims seeking compensation for the emotional and sometimes physical abuse they allege they suffered during the separations.

. . . .

But while immigrant advocates and liberals are likely to be furious at the administration’s position in court, some Democrats say privately that it has a political upside. The image of the administration fighting against the large payments, they say, could blunt GOP arguments that the administration is too soft on immigration.

. . . .

*****************

Read the full article at the link.

“Awkward” seems like a “sanitized term” for “duplicitous and immoral!”

So, I assume that the Dems who are unwilling to stand up for progressive values and the human rights of migrants will look to their GOP nativist, White Nationalist buddies for contributions and votes come election time. Contrary to DOJ’s misrepresentation to the courts, individuals regardless of status had a statutory and treaty right to seek protection in the U.S. regardless of manner of entry. The unconstitutional Sessions/Miller scofflaw conduct was intended to punish and deter individuals from asserting and vindicating their legal rights.

Additionally, so-called “illegal entries” are to a large extent fueled by illegal policies by both the Biden and Trump Administrations of not having an operating, fair, timely asylum system at legal ports of entry. This has been compounded by failure of both Administrations to establish robust, fair refugee processing systems for Latin America in the regions where the refugee situations are generated.

I have a different perspective: A party afraid to stand up for the values of its core constituency stands for nothing at all! And we already have a major “party of no values.” So, the “competition” for the “no values voters” might already be over.

Disgusting as the anti-democracy, White Nationalist GOP is, I must say that they know who their supporters are and aren’t afraid to act accordingly. Just who are the Dems representing in this disgraceful and cowardly race to the bottom being led by Garland and Mayorkas (with an assist from Vice President “Die in Place” Harris)?

The Biden Administration’s “policy” of abandoning asylum seekers and allowing the Immigration Courts to operate dysfunctionally with mostly “holdover judges” and ever-mushrooming backlogs hasn’t proved to be a “political winner” to date. So, why do the tone-deaf Dems pushing it believe it will help them in November?

Hopefully, at least some Federal Courts will see through Garland’s disingenuous smokescreen and stick the DOJ & DHS with judgements much larger than the ones they were afraid to agree to in settlement.

The Garland DOJ continues to squander time, resources, and goodwill by filling the Article IIIs with ill-advised “Stephen Miller Lite” litigation positions. And, these are the folks progressives are depending on to vindicate voting rights and hold the leaders of the insurrection accountable? Good luck with that! Garland appears to be too busy defending Stephen Miller’s policies to effectively push progressive, due-process-oriented positions in the Article IIIs or reform his wholly owned, totally dysfunctional Immigration “Courts.”

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

01-13-22

🤮👎🏽WASHPOST SLAMS BIDEN ADMINISTRATION FOR ABANDONING NEGOTIATIONS WITH FAMILIES WHO SUFFERED CHILD ABUSE BY SESSIONS & MILLER! — “Having condemned a policy that traumatized children and their parents, Mr. Biden now leads an administration fighting in court to deny recompense to those same families.”

“Floaters”
So, what’s the “dollar value” of brown-skinned human lives to Biden, Harris, &  Garland?  We’re about to find out!
EDS NOTE: GRAPHIC CONTENT – The bodies of Salvadoran migrant Oscar Alberto Mart??nez Ram??rez and his nearly 2-year-old daughter Valeria lie on the bank of the Rio Grande in Matamoros, Mexico, Monday, June 24, 2019, after they drowned trying to cross the river to Brownsville, Texas. Martinez’ wife, Tania told Mexican authorities she watched her husband and child disappear in the strong current. (AP Photo/Julia Le Duc)

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/01/05/president-biden-broke-his-promise-separated-migrant-families/

Opinion by the Editorial Board

January 5 at 2:18 PM ET

When the Trump administration wrenched migrant babies, toddlers and tweens from their parents as a means of frightening away prospective asylum seekers, it was guilty of emotionally torturing innocent children. Americans of every political leaning expressed revulsion toward the policy implemented in 2018, especially when it became clear that the government had kept no clear records linking parents with their children — in other words, no ready means to reunite the families.

President Biden, as a candidate and also once in office, made clear his own disgust at the so-called zero-tolerance policy, calling it “criminal.” He said, correctly, that it “violates every notion of who we are as a nation.”

Now the president, having explicitly endorsed government compensation that would address the suffering of separated migrant family members, has apparently had a change of heart — or political calculation. In mid-December, the Justice Department abruptly broke off negotiations aimed at a financial settlement with hundreds of affected families. Having condemned a policy that traumatized children and their parents, Mr. Biden now leads an administration fighting in court to deny recompense to those same families.

The government has no means of alleviating the trauma inflicted by the previous president’s egregious treatment of those families. That is particularly true as regards the children, whose torment has been described and documented by medical professionals, advocates and journalists. The babies and toddlers who didn’t recognize their own mothers when they were finally reunited; the depression; the fear of further separations, even brief ones — the human aftershocks of Donald Trump’s heartlessness will linger for years, and for lifetimes in some cases.

The administration compounds the hurt by breaking off negotiations on compensating victims. The government must be held accountable; compensation is the most potent and credible vehicle for achieving that.

Granted, there may be a political price to pay. Republicans had a field day blasting the White House after media reports this fall suggested the government might pay $450,000 to separated family members — a settlement that could amount to $1 billion if applied to the several thousand affected migrants. Mr. Biden, apparently unaware of the status of negotiations at that time, said the reports, first published in the Wall Street Journal, were “garbage.” He later backed away from that remark, saying he did not know how much money would be suitable but that some amount was certainly due.

Now, it seems, all bets are off. In the absence of a negotiated settlement, the government would enter into what would likely be years of costly litigation, in which Mr. Biden’s Justice Department would be in the awkward position of defending a policy that Mr. Biden himself — and most Americans — have condemned as evil. There is no predicting how individual judges or juries might react to documented accounts of harm done to children. No one should be surprised if some were to award enormous damages — conceivably in amounts that exceed the $450,000 contemplated in the now-stalled negotiations.

By walking away from the bargaining table, Mr. Biden has broken an explicit, repeated promise. Whatever the political calculus behind that decision, it is morally indefensible.

**********************

Garland fails to stand up for the rights of families of color — again. At the same time, he ties up resources on a frivolous DOJ defense of the indefensible!

“Replacement theory,” White Nationalism, and racism always have been and remain at the core of the GOP’s anti-democracy insurrection. It’s no coincidence that Trump’s plans to de-stabilize American democracy began with cowardly attacks on vulnerable migrants (enabled by a failed Supremes) and culminated in open insurrection.

The dots aren’t that hard to connect. But, Garland doesn’t seem to be able to do it!

If Garland can’t handle the “low hanging fruit” — like settling these cases and creating a progressive judiciary at EOIR who will stand up  for the rights of all persons while using expertise and “practical scholarship” to replace dysfunction with efficiency, his pledge to hold the January insurrectionists and their leaders accountable rings hollow!

I’m not the only one to note and question Garland’s uninspiring performance as Attorney General at a time of existential crisis. https://www.sfchronicle.com/opinion/editorials/article/Editorial-Merrick-Garland-isn-t-going-to-save-16752522.php?utm_source=newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_content=headlines&utm_campaign=sfc_opinioncentral&sid=5bfc15614843ea55da6b8709

For those who read the LA Times, there was a “spot on” letter to the editors today accurately characterizing Garland as the “Attorney General for different era.”

As I’ve noted before, this is NOT Ed Levi’s, Griffin Bell’s, or Ben Civiletti’s DOJ. It isn’t even Janet Reno’s DOJ. (I ought to  know, as I worked under each of the foregoing.)

It’s an organization that has become increasingly politicized over the last two decades (as it was during Watergate), and that allowed itself to be weaponized by Trump’s White Nationalist regime. EOIR, Executive Orders, and immigration litigation were perhaps the most obvious, but by no means the only, examples.

🇺🇸 Due Process Forever!

PWS

01-07-22

🏴‍☠️NO ACCOUNTABILITY: ONE YEAR AFTER PUBLICLY INSTIGATING A FAILED COUP, TRUMP CONTINUES TO OPENLY PLOT TO OVERTHROW DEMOCRACY, AS NEO-FASCIST GOP & ITS TOADY POLITICOS LINE UP BEHIND THE “BIG LIE!” — THE GOP, & THOSE WHO SUPPORT & ENABLE IT, HAS ACTUALLY BECOME THE BIGGEST THREAT TO THE FUTURE OF OUR REPUBLIC!🤮👎🏽🏴‍☠️

S.V. Date
S.V. Date
Senior White House Correspondent
HuffPost
PHOTO: HuffPost

https://www.huffpost.com/entry/trump-coup-attempt_n_61c2733fe4b04b42ab6602a2

SV Date on HuffPost:

WASHINGTON — What if you attempted a coup but people were unwilling to wrap their heads around what you had done?

A year after Jan. 6, 2021, that is the peculiar situation in which Donald Trump finds himself. Instead of being carted off in handcuffs for inciting an insurrection against the United States, or even just being banished from federal office for life by the Senate, the former president instead remains the leader of one of the two major political parties and is openly considering another run for the White House in 2024.

. . . .

*******************

Cas Mudde
Cas Mudde
US Columnist
The Guardian

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2022/jan/05/capitol-attack-january-6-democracy-america-trump?CMP=Share_iOSApp_Other

Cas Mudde on The Guardian:

The government is finally taking the threat of far-right militia groups seriously. But the larger threat are the Republican legislators who continue to recklessly undermine democracy

One year ago, he was frantically barricading the doors to the House gallery to keep out the violent mob. Today, he calls the insurrection a “bold-faced lie” and likens the event to “a normal tourist visit”. The story of Andrew Clyde, who represents part of my – heavily gerrymandered – liberal college town in the House of Representatives, is the story of the Republican party in 2021. It shows a party that had the opportunity to break with the anti-democratic course under Donald Trump, but was too weak in ideology and leadership to do so, thereby presenting a fundamental threat to US democracy in 2022 and beyond.

The risk of a coup in the next US election is greater now than it ever was under Trump | Laurence H Tribe

Clyde is illustrative of another ongoing development, the slow but steady takeover of the Republican party by new, and often relatively young, Trump supporters. In 2015, when his massive gun store on the outskirts of town was still flying the old flag of Georgia, which includes the Confederate flag, he was a lone, open supporter of then-presidential candidate Trump, with several large pro-Trump and anti-“fake news” signs adorning his gun store. Five years later, Clyde was elected to the House of Representatives as part of a wave of Trump-supporting novices, mostly replacing Republicans who had supported President Trump more strategically than ideologically.

With his 180-degree turn about the 6 January insurrection, Clyde is back in line with the majority of the Republican base, as a recent UMass poll shows. After initial shock, and broad condemnation, Republicans have embraced the people who stormed the Capitol last year, primarily referring to the event as a “protest” (80%) and to the insurrectionists as “protesters” (62%), while blaming the Democratic party (30%), the Capitol police (23%), and the inevitable antifa (20%) for what happened. Unsurprisingly, the vast majority of Republicans (75%) believe the country should “move on” from 6 January, rather than learn from it. And although most don’t care either way, one-third of Republicans say they are more likely to vote for a candidate who refuses to denounce the insurrection.

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The increased anti-democratic threat of the Republican party can also be seen in the tidal wave of voting restrictions proposed and passed in 2021. The Brennan Center for Justice counted a stunning 440 bills “with provisions that restrict voting access” introduced across all but one of the 50 US states, the highest number since the Center started tracking them 10 years ago. A total of 34 such laws were passed in 19 different states last year, and 88 bills in nine states are being carried over to the 2022 legislative term. Worryingly, Trump-backed Republicans who claim the 2020 election was stolen are running for secretary of state in various places where Trump unsuccessfully challenged the results.

. . . .

At the same time, the Republican party has become increasingly united and naked in its extremism, which denies both the anti-democratic character of the 6 January attack and the legitimacy of Biden’s presidency, and is passing an unprecedented number of voter restriction bills in preparation for the 2022 midterms and 2024 presidential elections. As long as the White House mainly focuses on fighting “domestic violent extremism”, and largely ignores or minimizes the much more lethal threat to US democracy posed by non-violent extremists, the US will continue to move closer and closer to an authoritarian future.

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You can read both articles in full at the above links.

If you are counting on AG Merrick Garland to “lead the charge” on establishing accountability, your optimism might be tempered by his own failure to “clean house” at DOJ and in particular by his failure to reform his wholly-owned Immigration Court system that was front and center in assisting and carrying out the Trump/Miller White Nationalist assault on the rule of law, primarily targeting individuals of color and the “world’s most vulnerable” seeking justice in our system.

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

01-06-22