TAL @ SF CHRON: Dreamer Deal To End Shutdown Seems Unlikely — PLUS BONUS COVERAGE: My Essay “Let’s Govern!”

https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/Why-a-DACA-deal-to-end-the-shutdown-is-unlikely-13517915.php?t=e29fabd761

Tal reports:

WASHINGTON — A perennial trial balloon is once more floating on the horizon: Could protecting young undocumented immigrants from deportation in exchange for border security money get Washington out of a lengthy government shutdown?

The idea is already rapidly falling back to Earth.

President Trump and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-San Francisco, have both brushed aside suggestions that passing protections like the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program could be a way out of the shutdown, which is nearing the end of its third week with no hint of a resolution.

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DACA temporarily protects many undocumented immigrants who arrived in the U.S. under the age of 16 from being deported. Trump, whose attempt to end DACA is tied up in the courts, said Sunday that he would “rather have the Supreme Court rule and then work with the Democrats” on extending protections for program recipients.

“They’re two different subjects,” Pelosi said last month when asked about trading DACA for Trump’s southern border wall — $5.7 billion for which he is demanding before he will sign any government funding bills for the agencies that have been shut down.

Democrats are not universally against the idea. San Mateo Rep. Jackie Speier told MSNBC last week that she “personally would support it” and “there is a willingness to look” at a DACA-for-wall money deal in the caucus. DACA protections for nearly 700,000 immigrants nationwide, 200,000 of whom are in California, are in limbo, and hundreds of thousands more would be eligible for the program.

But numerous other Democrats — including several on the influential Hispanic, Asian Pacific and black caucuses that have leadership’s ear on immigration — said a DACA deal involving wall money is a nonstarter in shutdown negotiations without serious and uncharacteristic overtures from Trump.

Here’s why it’s unlikely:

Trump thinks time, and the Supreme Court, are on his side. The White House believes the court will ultimately invalidate the Obama-era DACA program or side with Trump’s attempt to end it, which has been blocked by lower courts. When that happens, the administration believes, Trump will have more leverage to cut a better deal with Democrats desperate to keep sympathetic young DACA recipients from being deported, and Congress will be forced to deal with a dilemma it has long avoided.

Democrats don’t trust Trump, who has walked away from a number of DACA proposals in the past year. “Donald Trump is not a deal-maker, he’s a deal-breaker,” said Rep. Ruben Gallego, D-Ariz. “We’ve seen this happen numerous times, and we’re not going to come approach him with a deal that he’s only going to take and then reject and then come back and move the goalposts on.”

Pelosi is in touch with her base, and her base isn’t eager to broach that deal. “People don’t want to trade a wall for something that isn’t even real,” said Rep. Pramila Jayapal, D-Wash., co-chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus. “People don’t want a wall, period, and I think there’s no trust that there’s any credible negotiation around something positive on immigration, given (Trump’s) history.”

Trump wants much more on immigration than just physical border security, where there are some areas of potential compromise. A presentation that Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen prepared for congressional leaders last week included calls not just for the wall, but the rollback of a bipartisan bill designed to protect human trafficking victims and a court-ordered settlement intended to safeguard immigrant children. Both of those are nonstarters with Democrats, who say the protections are needed and getting rid of them does not promote border security.

Republicans question whether Democrats are as motivated as they say they are to resolve the DACA issue. They’re skeptical Democrats want to take the political leverage off the table. Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart of Florida, a moderate Republican who has long worked on immigration reform, called the potential to get a deal out of the shutdown fight the “opportunity of a lifetime.”

“It requires the Democratic leadership to actually do something that they have not done in the past,” Diaz-Balart said, “which is match their rhetoric on DACA with actual action.”

Tal Kopan is The San Francisco Chronicle’s Washington correspondent. Email: tal.kopan@sfchronicle.com Twitter: @talkopan

 

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HERE’S YOUR “BONUS COVERAGE” ESSAY FROM “COURTSIDE:”

LET’S GOVERN!

By

Paul Wickham Schmidt

United States Immigration Judge (Retired)

I still think the best deal for America would be some form of “Wall for Dreamers” compromise. To me, the huge downside of “The Wall” would be more than offset by getting 800,000 great American young people — literally the future of our country – out of the shadows and contributing their maximum skills, talents, and creativity to making America really great (not the hollow mockery of “greatness’ peddled by Trump and his base).

But, Tal’s usually got her head “closer to the ground” than I do these days from my retirement perch in Alexandria. So, I’ll assume for the purposes of this piece that Tal is correct and that the “great compromise” isn’t in the cards – at least at this time.

So, where does we go from here? This is crystal clear: Trump can neither govern in America’s best interest nor can he cut any reasonable deal. So, it seems like the only alternative for America is for the Democrats in Congress to get together with the GOP and develop a plan for governing in the absence of a competent Executive. That means passage of “veto-proof” legislation that also places some specific limits and directions on Executive actions.

What could a “veto proof” compromise to reopen Government look like.  Well, of course, to start it must fund the affected Government agencies through the end of the fiscal year.

But, it also could include a robust $5.9 Million “Border Security” package.  Here’s what could be included:

  • Additional Asylum Officers;
  • Additional port of entry inspectors;
  • Additional Immigration Judges and court staff;
  • Additional funding for Office of Refugee Resettlement for health and safety of children;
  • Required e-filing and other management improvements at EOIR (including elimination of counterproductive “quotas” on judges, and providing at least one judicial law clerk for each judge);
  • Additional Assistant Chief Counsel for ICE;
  • Funding for counsel for asylum applicants and resettlement agencies;
  • Additional Anti-Smuggling, Intelligence, and Undercover Agents for DHS;
  • Smart Technology for and between ports of entry at the border and the interior;
  • Required improvements in management planning, hiring, and supervision within DHS;
  • Limitations on wasteful immigration detention (including a prohibition on long-term detention of children except in limited circumstances) and reprogramming of detention funds to alternatives to detention;
  • Funding for additional border fencing or fencing repairs in specific areas with an express prohibition on additional physical barriers without a specific appropriation from Congress.
  • Assistance to Mexico, the UNHCR, and other countries in the hemisphere to improve refugee processing and address problems in the Northern Triangle;

Sure, Trump could, and maybe would, veto it – although he’d be wise not to. And, I suppose, that veto, which would be overridden, could be the “red meat” for his base that he apparently favors over the “art of governing.”

But, in the meantime, Congress would fulfill its important role of governing in a bipartisan manner that will keep America moving forward even in the times of a weak and incompetent Executive. And, unlike the bogus “Wall,” the foregoing measures would actually contribute to our country’s security and welfare without wasting taxpayers’ money or trampling on individual rights and legal obligations. In other words, “smart governance.” That seems like a fair and worthy objective for both parties in Congress.

PWS

01-09-19

 

 

 

IMMIGRATION COURTS: WILL TRUMP’S SHUTDOWN BE THE FINAL NAIL IN THE COFFIN? — Demoralized, Backlogged, Mismanaged, Immigration Courts Experiencing A New Wave Of Politically Caused “Aimless Docket Reshuffling,” As More Cases That Should Have Been Completed Are Mindlessly “Orbited” to 2021 & Beyond Because Of Trump’s Intransigence!

https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/shutdown-worsens-strain-on-us-immigration-system/2019/01/02/97dd0ef6-0ebe-11e9-84fc-d58c33d6c8c7_story.html

Nick Miroff reports in the WashPost:

. . . .

The Executive Office for Immigration Review, the immigration court system run by the Justice Department, did not respond to requests for comment, because its public affairs staff has been furloughed.

But Ashley Tabaddor, president of the National Association of Immigration Judges, the union that represents the country’s approximately 400 judges, said the impact of the disruption has been “immense.”

Immigration judges all received furlough notices on Dec. 26, she said, but many have since been instructed to return to court to adjudicate cases of detainees in immigration custody. The judges are also working without pay.

Some of those judges have their calendars booked three to four years in advance because of the backlog of cases, Tabaddor said, so hearings that have been canceled in recent days cannot be rescheduled until 2021 or beyond.

“The irony is not lost on us,” Tabaddor said, “that the immigration court is shut down over immigration.”

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Read Nick’s complete report at the link.

This confirms what many have been saying all along: Trump neither knows nor cares about effective immigration enforcement. No, he’s all about blowing racist “dog whistles” for the benefit of a White Nationalist “base.”

I remember how previous shutdowns were the beginning of the “Aimless Docket Reshuffling” that has so damaged our Immigration Courts and artificially jacked up the backlog. First, the politicians show their disdain for the Government they are supposed to be running and the civil servants who are actually doing the work of that Government. Then the politicos at DOJ show their disrespect by designating most Immigration Court functions as “nonessential.” Then, when work resumes, EOIR basically says “no heroics, just put all the cancelled cases at the end of the docket.” So much for urgency, priorities, Due Process, and respect.

In fact, an operating, well-staffed, highly professional Immigration Court with expertise in asylum and other complex provisions of immigration law and an unswerving commitment to enforcement of Due Process for all individuals within its jurisdiction is essential for effective immigration enforcement. Indeed, this was “at least one central reason” for the removal of the Immigration Courts from the “Legacy INS” and the establishment of EOIR as a separate quasi-judicial entity within the DOJ during the Reagan Administration.

For a time, EOIR made substantial progress toward professionalism and judicial independence until the advent of Attorney General John Ashcroft and his notorious nativist sidekick Kris Kobach in 2001.  Thereafter, it’s been pretty much straight downhill, starting with Ashcroft’s trashing of the BIA and continuing through Sessions’s gross mismanagement and overt attacks on judicial independence, due process, and substantive asylum law.

Today, the Immigration Court system is in shambles, unable to provide either consistent fairness and Due Process to respondents or timely removal orders for those who might be legitimate enforcement priorities for the DHS. The BIA fails to provide true deliberation, commitment to Due Process, and expertise, particularly in the areas of asylum, CAT, and the provisions for removal of certain criminals. This, in turn, erodes deference and debilitates efficient review from the “real” Article III Courts.

The Trump Administration has made a complete hash out of the immigration laws. However, at some point, reasonable, responsible leadership will return to the political scene. When it does, an independent Article I U.S. Immigration Court must be at or near the top of the legislative agenda.

Until then, the dysfunction will increase unless and until the Article IIIs figure out and impose a temporary fix. Otherwise, they are likely to have little if any judicial time to devote to anything other than the chaos thrust upon them by the rapidly failing Immigration Court system.

PWS

01-05-19

 

BOGUS BACKLOG BUILDS! — DOJ Politicos Use Trump Shutdown As Excuse To Shutter Most US Immigration Courts, Creating More Backlogs & “Aimless Docket Reshuffling!”

Immigration Court Operating Status During Lapse in Appropriations
During the current lapse in appropriations, the following operating status is in place for EOIR:
Detained docket cases will proceed as scheduled.
Non-detained docket cases will be reset for a later date after funding resumes. Immigration courts will issue an updated notice of hearing to respondents or, if applicable, respondents’ representatives of record for each reset hearing.

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The above “official notice” from EOIR is a striking reminder that we have idiots running our Government, starting at the very top. These are folks who can invent a “national emergency” over a few thousand desperate migrants waiting for routine legal processing at our border. But, the same folks can’t come up with a rationale for keeping the vast bulk of the nation’s already collapsing Immigration Courts operating. Since the system isn’t automated either, the result will be more backlog and more of the “Aimless Docket Reshuffling” for which DOJ and EOIR are infamous.

Notably, most of DHS appears to be “up and running” even without appropriations.

In my thirteen years a the Arlington Immigration Court, I was usually “nonessential,” but occasionally “essential” during various shutdowns, depending on the whims of the politicos at DOJ and the EOIR front office. So, the problem pre-existed this Administration. Indeed, mindless shutdowns over the years helped contribute mightily to both backlog and morale problems at the U.S. Immigration Courts. There’s no better way to “demotivate” people than to tell them that their work is “non-essential.”

During the 2013 “shutdown,” then D.C. Mayor Vincent Gray, never known as the most creative politician to hold office, simply declared every D.C. employee “essential”  — and he got away with it.

The next time that this or any other Administration, or Congress, tries to blame their bogus, self-created Immigration Court “backlog” on migrants, their lawyers, Immigration Judges, or EOIR line court employees, just “call B.S.” Know and remember who’s causing the real problems in this beleaguered, politicized, and totally mismanaged mess of a “court” system (a/k/a “Clown Court”)!

PWS

12-26-18

 

 

EOIR CLIMBS ON TRUMP’S WHITE NATIONALIST DEPORTATION EXPRESS BY UNFAIRLY TARGETING REFUGEE FAMILIES — Read The Latest Analysis From Hon. Jeffrey S. Chase!

https://www.jeffreyschase.com/blog/2018/12/13/eoirs-creates-more-obstacles-for-families

EOIR’s Creates More Obstacles for Families

In a November 16 memo to immigration judges, EOIR’s Director, James McHenry, announced that after a nearly two-year reprieve,  “Family Unit” cases are again being prioritized, under conditions designed to speed them through the immigration court system, ready or not, with or without representation, due process be damned.

“Family Unit” is a term created by the Department of Homeland Security as an “apprehension classification” which consists of an adult noncitizen parent or legal guardian, accompanied by his or her own juvenile noncitizen child.  Of course, many of the highly-publicized cases of children separated from their parents at the border fall within this category.

Under the new procedures, all Family Unit (or in EOIR parlance, “FAMU”) cases must be completed within 365 days of the commencement of removal proceedings.  Just as a point of comparison, many immigration judges in New York are presently setting non FAMU cases for hearings in late 2021. So EOIR wants FAMU cases to be completed in a third of the time of other cases.

In order to accomplish this, such cases (at least in the New York court) are to be scheduled for their first Master Calendar hearing before an immigration judge within 30 days of the court’s receipt of the charging document that commences proceedings.  The parent and child are then to be given only one continuance of 40 to 45 days in order to try to obtain counsel. After that, the cases are to be set for a final merits hearing another five to six months out. That only adds up to about 8 months, I imagine to allow another four month “safety zone” just in case.  Immigration judges are further directed to make sure they complete the cases in 365 days, and to get them done as soon as possible.

To further increase the odds of success, the FAMU cases are being assigned to brand new immigration judges, for the following reasons.  First, the new judges are mostly former ICE prosecutors. Secondly, the new judges are on probation for two years, making them more likely to obey rules in a desire to keep their jobs.  The new judges have also just been through training at which they were instructed by the Attorney General that sympathy has no place in their work, that those fleeing domestic violence and gang violence are undeserving of asylum, and that it is more important for them to be efficient than fair.

Judges are expected to bump non-FAMU cases if necessary to meet the completion goals.  In other words, those who have patiently waited three years or longer for their day in court, and who have their evidence and witnesses lined up in the hopes of finally obtaining legal status in this country, now run the risk of having their hearings bumped for who knows how much longer in order to speed through the case of a parent and child who likely need more time to obtain counsel and prepare their claims.

I have checked with legal service providers in New York City, and have been told that the 40 to 45 days being provided by EOIR is generally not a sufficient amount of time for the respondents in such cases to retain counsel.  Outside of large cities like New York, this time frame is even less realistic, due to the fewer number of NGOs receiving funding to do this type of work.

The new policy therefore lessens the likelihood that families will be able to be represented in their removal proceedings.  Unfortunately, recent changes in the law achieved through the certification of cases by the Attorney General (which has continued even under interim AG Whitaker) has made the need for legal representation far more important.  It is a daunting task for an unrepresented victim of domestic violence to clearly state a detailed particular social group, defined by an immutable characteristic (but not by the feared harm), and establishing the group’s particularity and social distinction in society; to then establish that the persecutor was motivated by her membership in such group; and then demonstrate both that the government was unwilling or unable to protect her and that she could not reasonably relocate within her country

As I noted in an earlier blog post, https://www.jeffreyschase.com/blog/2018/1/26/0sg8ru1tl0gz4becqimcrtt4ns8yjz  the UNHCR Handbook on Procedures and Criteria for Determining Refugee Status states at paragraph 28 that “a person is a refugee within the meaning of the 1951 Convention as soon as he fulfills the criteria contained in the definition…Recognition of his refugee status does not therefore make him a refugee but declares him to be one.  He does not become a refugee because of recognition, but is recognized because he is a refugee.” So the above requirements for particular social group claims are essentially an obstacle course that someone who is already a refugee must negotiate in order to have our government grant them the legal status to which they are entitled. The recent AG decisions have increased the difficulty of the course, and the new FAMU directive will mean that these most vulnerable refugees will have to negotiate the course at breakneck speed, and likely without the assistance of counsel.  It bears noting that whatever particular social group definition the asylum-seeker offers the judge is crucial; if it contains one word too many or too few, pursuant to a recent BIA precedent decision, it cannot be corrected on appeal, even if by that stage the applicant has managed to procure representation.

Through these methods, the present administration is playing a game which will result in fewer grants of asylum.  The lower grant rate will then allow the administration to claim that those seeking refuge at our southern border are not really refugees, which in turn will allow them to create even greater obstacles, which will in turn lead to even fewer asylum grants.

Tragically, the stakes in this game are high.  A recent Washington Post article https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2018/local/asylum-deported-ms-13-honduras/?fbclid=IwAR1vLkNYocAUDPMpfHYgCGKq9jgudMgoTZE5_akRomir-Xk-u4US3crFX88&utm_term=.b7a523fb913e reported on an asylum-applicant who, after being deported to Honduras, was killed by MS-13, just as he had predicted during his hearing in immigration court.  The same article stated that Columbia University’s Global Migration Project has tracked more than 60 deportees who were harmed or killed upon return to their countries.  As the process is sped up, the number of mistakes leading to wrongful deportations will only increase.

As a former immigration judge, I can say with authority that it takes time and effort to reach the correct result in these cases; furthermore, the accuracy of asylum decisions greatly increases with the involvement of those with knowledge of the legal requirements.  In its speed over accuracy approach, and its gaming of the system to deny more asylum claims for its own political motives, the present administration is telling refugee families that only the first and last letters of “FAMU” apply to them.

Copyright 2018 Jeffrey S. Chase.  All rights reserved.

 

Interpreting Pereira: A Hint of Things to Come?

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Jeffrey S. Chase is an immigration lawyer in New York City.  Jeffrey is a former Immigration Judge, senior legal advisor at the Board of Immigration Appeals, and volunteer staff attorney at Human Rights First.  He is a past recipient of AILA’s annual Pro Bono Award, and previously chaired AILA’s Asylum Reform Task Force.

Blog     Archive     Contact

Republished By Permission

 

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My prior commentary on this bureaucratic assault on Due Process is here: https://wp.me/p8eeJm-3hS

It’s yet more “backlog jacking Aimless Docket Reshuffling” — but this time with an evil motive.

EOIR no longer even pretends to function like a fair and impartial court system. Time for Article I!

PWS

12-13-18

 

UPI ANALYSIS OF LATEST EOIR ASYLUM STATS ACTUALLY SHOWS THAT MANY FROM NORTHERN TRIANGLE (PARTICULARLY EL SALVADOR) HAVE VALID CLAIMS FOR PROTECTION, BUT SESSIONS’S POLITICAL ACTIONS AND CONTROL OVER U.S. IMMIGRATION JUDGES ARTIFICIALLY FORCED THE GRANT RATE DOWN! – It’s Time For An Independent “Article I” U.S. Immigration Court & A Level, Apolitical Playing Field For Asylum Applicants!

https://apple.news/AHg-L3Cy-SEG6Gi9SR1rk_w

Patrick Timmons reports for UPI:

Asylum denials jump; immigration judges’ discretion attacked

MEXICO CITY, Dec. 10 (UPI) — New data about the number of asylum applications granted by the United States this year show how the Trump administration has dramatically narrowed asylum granted to people fleeing persecution in their home countries — though significantly more Central Americans have been admitted over the past decade.

“Asylum acceptance rates are at a 20-year low, and the recent TRAC data confirms that,” said Sarah Pierce, policy analyst for the non-partisan and independent Migration Policy Institute, referring to data from the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse.

For fiscal 2018, TRAC’s statistics show immigration judges denied 65 percent of asylum claims — up from 42 percent in 2017. There were 42,224 asylum cases decided in 2018, an 89 percent increase over the total number of cases decided in 2016.

Due to a backlog in the immigration system, some asylum seekers have been able to live in the United States for three years to five years while their claims are adjudicated, a situation the administration has tried to address by changing some rules and practices.

“This administration is trying to address people who are trying to take advantage of the system. But unfortunately this administration’s approach tends to punish asylum seekers rather than just specifically looking at those individuals who are taking advantage of the system,” Pierce said.

The administration’s broad approach to all asylum seekers has had the effect of narrowing asylum by increasing immigration judges’ workloads by setting quotas, ending discretionary decision making and rewriting immigration rules to deny relief to asylum seekers fleeing domestic and gang violence.

Immigration experts told UPI the administration’s changes to how immigration judges work has spiked a general increase in asylum denials.

Northern Triangle

There has been an increased flow of asylum seekers from Central American countries, particularly those from the Northern Triangle countries of Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala.

And the fact that more of them are getting approved shows they are “sincere humanitarian migrants,” Pierce said.

A new TRAC tool shows Central Americans now fare better than in previous years. Salvadorans receive asylum in rates higher than Guatemalans or Hondurans. In 2004, Salvadorans’ asylum approval rate was 6 percent. In 2018, it rose to 23 percent. Guatemala’s grant rate in 2018 was 18 percent, the lowest of three countries, with Honduras at 20 percent.

Pierce said that changes in immigration law under the Obama administration help account for significant changes in asylum approval rates for people fleeing the Northern Triangle. Immigration judges over the past decade were more accepting of domestic and gang violence as grounds for asylum, with successes helping to develop case law.

The rise in asylum for Salvadorans has to do with direct violent threats, rather than domestic violence, which is a common claim among Guatemalan asylum seekers, or gang violence, common among Hondurans.

“The circumstantial evidence suggests El Salvador tends to have the most direct violent threats,” said Everard Meade said, director of the Trans-Border Institute at the University of San Diego.

Data comparing the Northern Triangle countries’ asylum seekers’ claims is hard to come by. However, Meade said in 2014 the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees issued its report, “Children on the Run,” about unaccompanied Central American minors highlighting direct violence in El Salvador as a reason for flight. UNHCR interviewed almost 400 children with 66 percent of El Salvadorans reporting flight for threat of direct violence Guatemalans reported 20 percent, Hondurans at 44 percent.

But Central Americans’ asylum approvals might be a blip. Former Attorney General Jeff Sessions this year removed domestic violence and gang violence as grounds for asylum in immigration court proceedings.

“These private acts of violence claims are typically the ones we are seeing from the Northern Triangle,” Pierce said, “including El Salvador.”

Discretionary decision-making

The general picture, however, is that more people are failing to win asylum than ever before because the Trump administration has changed how judges work.

“The asylum decisions and denial data for fiscal year 2018 is really about discretionary relief that used to be available under [President Barack] Obama but is not available under [President Donald] Trump anymore,” Meade said.

Prior to Trump-Sessions, immigration judges used to employ a form of discretionary relief called administrative closure. This was a form of temporary protection against deportation that did not grant any permanent immigration status, unlike asylum, which is a pathway to citizenship.

“Immigration judges had people coming before them who had really compelling stories but those stories did not necessarily cleave close enough to the asylum standard to grant them asylum. But the judges really felt they did not want to return them to dangerous situations, either. They also felt they were people who were credible, who had told the truth, and so they were administratively closing their cases,” Meade said.

The practice of administrative closure ended this year with a Sessions memorandum.

“Administrative closure was a widespread practice and that is exactly what explains how the denial rate can go up so dramatically without the grant rate going down. Actually, the grant rate has gone up. In defense of the institutions, the modest increase in the grant rates suggest people have some really good asylum claims,” Meade said.

The situation in El Paso

Carlos Spector, a veteran El Paso immigration lawyer, said that although the asylum rate has increased nationwide, there is little evidence of successful asylum claims in El Paso’s immigration court.

“This year, I have lost some asylum cases that had really compelling claims,” Spector said, adding that 98 percent of his clients are Mexican.

Mexicans generally do not fare well in immigration court. In 2018, 14.5 percent of Mexican asylum seekers received asylum. Part of the reason is that immigration judges were administratively closing cases, protecting from deportation but stopping short of permanent relief.

For 2018, the latest TRAC data reveal El Paso’s immigration judges reviewed 297 cases, granting asylum 47 times. In 2017, they reviewed 148 cases and granted asylum 12 times. These low asylum rates, some of the lowest in the nation, mean El Paso’s immigration judges have a reputation for enforcing law and order, Spector said.

“I’ve been tracking asylum cases of Mexican nationals for the past few years and it is more or less the same rate along the border from San Diego to Brownsville,” Spector said.

“Because we are on the border and these judges are political appointees and these judges do understand the government’s mandate of holding or guarding the border and they take that law enforcement approach,” Spector said, “the denials are much, much higher on the U.S.-Mexico border, and they always have been.”

TRAC compiled asylum approval and denial statistics for fiscal year 2018, the first full year of Trump’s presidency, based on Freedom Of Information Act requests to the Justice Department’s Executive Office of Immigration Review, the agency charged with adjudicating defensive asylum claims in immigration court.

Photoby Ariana Drehsler/UPI : Jose Hernández, 17, styles his hair at El Barretal shelter in Tijuana, Mexico, on Dec. 9, 2018.

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Just as I have been saying all along!  The Trump Administration’s claim that low asylum approval rates indicate the system is being “gamed” by applicants is a bogus cover up. Even taken at “face value,” a 20-25% chance of being granted asylum hardly shows a system being “gamed.” At most, it shows that Immigration Judges are applying a much more restrictive standard than Asylum Officers considering “credible fear” claims at the border. Far from being “gaming,” that would be consistent with (although not necessarily required by) an intentionally much more generous standard for getting a fair adjudication in a removal hearing (“passing credible fear”) than for actually achieving relief (“a favorable order from an Immigration Judge after a full merits hearing”).

But, what really appears to be going on here are artificially restrictive, politically inspired “tweaks” to asylum law and procedures specifically intended to disadvantage those in danger from the Northern Triangle. Additionally, inappropriate detention policies are intended to force many more applicants to proceed without lawyers or to abandon appeals — making it like “shooting fish in a barrel” for those Immigration Judges with a predilection to deny relief who are under great pressure to “produce” more final orders of removal. It also appears that a disturbing number of Immigration Judges along the Southern Border view themselves as agents of DHS and Administration enforcement policies, rather than as fair and impartial decision makers committed to giving asylum seekers the “benefit of the doubt” under the law.

This all adds up to what appears to me to be a significant “cover up” of politicized wrong-doing and a mass denial of Due Process orchestrated by the Administration through the Department of Justice.

Why are the Administration, DHS, and DOJ so afraid of giving asylum applicants fair access to lawyers, time to prepare and document their cases, and timely fair hearings before impartial quasi-judicial adjudicators whose  sole focus is getting the right substantive result, rather than achieving some type of assembly line enforcement-related “production quotas?”

Why waste time on “gimmicks” — most of which eventually prove to be illegal, ineffective, or both — rather than  concentrating on getting to the merits of these cases in a timely manner and “letting the chips fall where they may.”

Surely, among a largely artificially created 1.1 million case “backlog” there are hundreds of thousands of cases that could be “administratively closed” as an exercise of prosecutorial discretion to allow more recently arrived cases to be timely heard without increasing backlogs or creating further wasteful “Aimless Docket Reshuffling.”

Eventually, the “mask will be ripped off” what’s really happening in  our U.S. Immigration Court system. When that happens, the results could be ugly and damaging to the reputations of those orchestrating and enabling what certainly appears to be a disgraceful and intentional miscarriage of justice!

PWS

12011-18

WE EX-DOJ FOLKS AREN’T THE ONLY ONES CHALLENGING WHITAKER’S QUALIFICATIONS: WASHINGTON POST EDITORIAL SAYS “Mr. Whitaker should not have been acting attorney general for a day.”

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/the-still-unanswered-questions-surrounding-matthew-whitaker/2018/12/05/88f3f32e-f8c4-11e8-863c-9e2f864d47e7_story.html?utm_term=.6cb55b7e9ff5

December 5 at 6:54 PM

DID ACTING attorney general Matthew G. Whitaker examine the memo that special counsel Robert S. Mueller III released Tuesday? Has he seen the material that Mr. Mueller redacted from the document? Has he sought the advice of Justice Department ethics experts on how much he should be involved in the Russia investigation? If so, what did those experts say?

A month into Mr. Whitaker’s reign as the nation’s chief law enforcement officer, these and other questions remain unanswered. A Justice Department spokeswoman declined to answer when we put them to her on Wednesday. Also mysterious is when President Trump intends to nominate a permanent attorney general. The White House did not respond when we asked. And then there’s the still-contested question of whether Mr. Whitaker’s appointment violated the Constitution.

All of these questions matter, because Mr. Mueller’s investigation continues, and Mr. Whitaker had previously attacked the probe. His past statements alone would raise questions about his judgment and the reasoning behind Mr. Trump’s desire for him to lead the Justice Department. Though Deputy Attorney General Rod J. Rosenstein remains in charge of the Mueller investigation, it is unclear whether the acting attorney general has butted in or intends to. Senators have pushed to pass a bill that would protect Mr. Mueller from improper firing, the approval of which would send a message to Mr. Trump and Mr. Whitaker to keep their hands off. But Senate Republicans have blocked it, and Mr. Whitaker might find subtle ways of undermining the probe.

Mr. Whitaker does not belong at the top of the Justice Department, regardless of his stance on Mr. Mueller. His résumé would be thin even for an inferior post at the department. His past involvement with a company the Federal Trade Commission accused of being a scam raises further red flags. He holds crackpot views on judicial power. His primary qualification seems to be that he gets along with Mr. Trump and other White House staff, while Mr. Rosenstein, whom the Senate has vetted and who should be running the department right now, does not. There is a reason the Constitution bars the president from appointing anyone he wants at any time to top executive-branch positions: to prevent the Mr. Whitakers of the world from suddenly controlling one of the most powerful governmental organizations on the planet.

Yet, if the Trump administration’s view of the law holds, Mr. Whitaker could wield the powers of the attorney general’s office for most of the rest of Mr. Trump’s term. Senate Democrats are upset at the lack of vetting, sending a letter to the department on Tuesday noting that ethics officials only just got through certifying Mr. Whitaker’s financial disclosures, and that “the Department has not produced prior versions of Mr. Whitaker’s financial disclosures, any ethics agreements he entered into with the Department, or any other ethics-related counseling he has received.” Senate Republicans, on the other hand, have mostly insisted that the president will appoint a permanent replacement soon.

It has already been a month. Mr. Whitaker should not have been acting attorney general for a day. It is time the Senate demands a reasonable replacement.

**********************************************

Here’s my post yesterday about the letter by members of “Our Gang” of retired Immigration Judges and other DOJ employees: https://wp.me/p8eeJm-3mr

Like this editorial, I think Whitaker’s qualifications and resume wouldn’t have gotten him into the “Attorney General’s Honors Program” nor would it have gotten him to the “Interview Round” for selection as a U.S. Immigration Judge. It’s worth remembering that among the many other “trivializations of justice at Justice” during his tenure, Sessions made this supremely unqualified and unethical guy his “Chief of Staff.” It’s the “Ethically and Professionally Challenged” advising the “Morally and Legally Challenged.”

It does seem to me that former AG Bill Barr would be capable of bringing ethics and professionalism back to the DOJ. My only questions are 1) why would he want the job; and 2) why would Trump want a “real” Attorney General who knows that he works for “We the People,” not Donald Trump, the Trump family,  or their corrupt cronies and who, while staunchly conservative, is not known as a racist, misogynist, or xenophobe? Unlike Sessions, Barr also has a reputation as a capable and experienced manager who can see that justice is dispensed in a fair and unbiased manner, both of which are an anathema to guys like Sessions and Trump.

One thing I remember learning abut Bill Barr “after the fact” was that following the 1992 election (when I was in private practice), he reportedly specifically refused pressure to make some key high level career “midnight appointments” at EOIR, saying that it properly should be left for his successor in the Clinton Administration. That turned out to be Attorney General Janet Reno (who eventually appointed me to the position of BIA Chair, although that was not one of the then-existing vacancies involved).

PWS

12-06-18

INSIDE EOIR: LA TIMES: Former EOIR Attorney Reveals Truth Of Sessions’s Ugly, Corrupt, Mean-Spirited, Attack On Judicial Independence & The Totally Demoralizing Effect On Judges & Other Dedicated Civil Servants – No Wonder This “Captive Court System” Is A Dysfunctional Mess Being Crushed Under An Artificially Created “Sessions Legacy Backlog” of 1.1 Million+ Cases With Neither Sane Management Nor Any End In Sight!

https://apple.news/AnkcqK5ITQ76IwHCZq2FnBw

I resigned from the Department of Justice because of Trump’s campaign against immigration judges

Gianfranco De Girolamo November 26, 2018, 3:05 AM

One of the proudest days of my life was Dec. 16, 2015, when I became a naturalized citizen of the United States.

I shed tears of joy as I swore allegiance to the United States at the Los Angeles Convention Center, along with more than 3,000 other new Americans. I was celebrating a country that had welcomed me with open arms, treated me as one of its own and opened doors I hadn’t known existed. Just a few years before, in the remote village in southern Italy where I grew up, this would have been unimaginable.

Another of my proudest moments came just a year later, when I was awarded a coveted position in the U.S. Department of Justice. This happened in late November 2016, a few weeks after President Trump was elected.

Like many, I harbored reservations about Trump. But I did not waver in my enthusiasm for the job. In law school, l had learned about the role of civil servants as nonpolitical government employees who work across administrations — faithfully, loyally and diligently serving the United States under both Republicans and Democrats.

I was designated an attorney-advisor and assigned to the Los Angeles immigration court. There, I assisted immigration judges with legal research, weighed in on the strengths and weaknesses of parties’ arguments and often wrote the first drafts of judges’ opinions.

Soon enough, however, the work changed. In March 2018, James McHenry, the Justice Department official who oversees the immigration courts as head of the Executive Office for Immigration Review, announced a mandate imposing individual quotas on all the judges. Each judge would be required to decide 700 cases per year, he said.

With these new quotas, which went into effect on Oct. 1, immigration judges must now decide between three and four cases a day — while also reviewing dozens of motions daily and keeping up with all their administrative duties — or their jobs will be at risk.

The announcement of the quotas in March was the first in a series of demoralizing attacks on immigration judges this year. In May, Atty. Gen. Jeff Sessions, since fired by Trump, personally issued a decision that placed limits on the ability of immigration judges to use a practice known as administrative closure, which allows judges to put cases on indefinite hold, and which, in immigration cases, can be a tool for delaying deportation orders.

The Justice Department enforced the decision in July by stripping an immigration judge in Philadelphia of his authority in scores of cases for continuing to use administrative closure.

All this was in addition to a barrage of disparaging comments made directly by the president. In June, Trump tweeted that there is no reason to provide judges to immigrants. He also rejected calls to hire more immigration judges, saying that “we have to have a real border, not judges” and asking rhetorically, “Who are these people?”

The demoralizing effect on immigration judges was palpable. Morale was at an all-time low. I was new to civil service, but these judges, some of whom have served continuously since the Reagan administration, made clear that this was an unprecedented attack on the justice system.

Enter the Fray: First takes on the news of the minute from L.A. Times Opinion »

I’ve long admired the independence and legitimacy that the judiciary enjoys in the United States, so I found the attacks on judges deeply disturbing and troubling. They reminded me of Trump’s Italian alter-ego, Silvio Berlusconi, who spent most of his tenure as Italy’s prime minister fighting off lawsuits by delegitimizing and attacking the judiciary, calling it “a cancer of democracy” and accusing judges of being communist.

I voiced my concerns to my supervisors and directly to Director McHenry in a letter. Seeing no opportunity to make a positive difference and unwilling to continue to lend credence to this compromised system, I submitted my resignation in July, explaining my reasons in a letter.

This was not how I wanted to end my career in government. I had hoped to serve this country for the long haul. But I couldn’t stand by, or be complicit in, a mean-spirited and unscrupulous campaign to undermine the everyday work of the Justice Department and the judges who serve in our immigration courts — a campaign that hurts many of my fellow immigrants in the process.

Gianfranco De Girolamo was an attorney at the Department of Justice from 2017 to 2018.

Follow the Opinion section on Twitter @latimesopinion or Facebook

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Thanks for speaking out Gianfranco! I published an earlier, at that time “anonymous,” letter from Gianfranco at the time of his resignation. I’m sure there are many others at EOIR who feel the same way.  But, they are “gagged” by the DOJ — threatened with job loss if they “tell the truth” about the ongoing legal farce and parody of justice within our Immigration Courts.

It’s a “closed system” at war with the public it serves, the dedicated attorneys who represent migrants, the essential NGOs who are propping up what’s left of justice in this system, and the very civil servants who are supposed to be carrying out the courts’ mission. What a horrible way to “(not) run the railroad.”

Someday, historians will dig out the whole truth about the “Sessions Era” at the DOJ and his perversion of justice in the U.S. Immigration Courts. I’m sure it will be even worse than we can imagine. But, for now, thanks to Gianfranco for shedding at least some light on one of the darkest and most dysfunctional corners of our Government!

PWS

11-16-18

WITH SESSIONS GONE, EOIR DIRECTOR McHENRY TAKES POINT IN ALL OUT ATTACK ON DUE PROCESS, ASYLUM SEEKERS, IMMIGRATION JUDGES, AND REALITY!

https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.justice.gov_eoir_page_file_1112581_download&d=DwMFAw&c=euGZstcaTDllvimEN8b7jXrwqOf-v5A_CdpgnVfiiMM&r=Wq374DTv_PXfIom65XBqoA&m=vBNdG88wJjdA06Fq_GLujzYMJw5il7nmwzf2YZX_oFg&s=S0-8lFsHprZ1S04dwj_YVFuz8G6q_w-dZPmwquinIzI&e=

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Read the memo at the above link.

  • In his last out of touch missive, McHenry said that one year was a “reasonable period” for adjudicating an asylum application in accordance with Due Process. Now it’s six months or less!
  • The “statutory limit” in section 208 never had any basis in fact.  It was a number pulled out of thin air by Congress and has never been achievable.
  • In any event, Congress’s and EOIR’s attempt to place and enforce statutory limits on adjudication can never contravene Due Process.
  • Heck, when I was in Arlington, most “affirmative” asylum cases were more than six months from filing before they even got on my docket at Master Calendar.
  • For “defensive” filings (those asylum applications filed initially with the Immigration Court), there is no way that with 1.1 million cases already on the docket and scheduled, new cases could be fairly completed within six months without massive, massive “Aimless Docket Reshuffling” that will jack up the backlog even further.
  • Given the “docket overload” in  the Immigration Courts, there simply aren’t enough qualified attorneys (particularly pro bono attorneys) available to represent asylum applicants with six months or less to prepare. Many pro bono organizations can’t even schedule “intake interviews” within six months!
  • In the Sessions mold, McHenry, who has never to my knowledge adjudicated an asylum application in his life, is attempting to “duress” judges into choosing between upholding Due Process and their oaths of office and following unreasonable agency directives aimed exclusively at screwing asylum seekers and promoting more denials.
  • The cases are more complex than ever. If anything, the DOJ should be promulgating a “blanket exemption” from the six month period given the current overall circumstances.
  • The obtuse “two standard” interpretation is completely new; although the statute has been in effect for approximately two decades, nobody has ever interpreted that way before!
  • This is an obvious, heavy handed attempt by non-judicial officials at EOIR and DOJ to interfere with and direct the independent decision making responsibilities of the Immigration Judges.
  • This system is heading down the tubes! It’s a farce! If the Article IIIs don’t put an end to it, it will go down as one of the most disgraceful mockeries of our Constitution and the rule of law since the days of Jim Crow! Not to mention a total and intentional perversion of international protection standards.

PWS

11-19-18

EYORE FIDDLES WITH DOCKET AS ROME BURNS – Latest Bureaucratic Gobbledygook From Falls Church Shows Why EOIR Must Be Abolished & Replaced By An Independent Court, Run By Sitting Judges, With Professional, Apolitical Administration!

https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1112036/download

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So, let’s see what’s really going on here, beneath all of the “Tower bureaucratese.”
  • Bureaucrats at Falls Church “Headquarters,” who are beholden to DOJ politicos, are setting the local Immigration Court docket priorities to the exclusion of sitting Immigration Judges, Respondents’ Counsel, NGOs and the members of the public who actually use the system;
  • But one party, the DHS, is effectively being given unilateral authority to establish the Immigration Courts’ “docket priorities;”
  • DHS also unilaterally decides which cases will be designated as “family units” and therefore “prioritized;”
  • EOIR notes that the prioritization of certain “aliens with children” cases between 2014 and 2017, also at the behest of DHS, was a MASSIVE failure that actually decreased productivity and significantly accelerated the backlog (what I refer to as “Aimless Docket Reshuffling”);
  • Nevertheless, EOIR inexplicably decides to “double down” on a known failure just because their “partners” (Sessions’s term) at DHS essentially have ordered them to do so;
  • Why “Baltimore, but not Arlington;” “San Francisco, but not San Diego,” “Denver, but not Dallas,” etc.?
  • “EOIR remains committed to the timely completion of all cases consistent with due process” — Really?
    • Lead by enforcement guru Jeff Sessions and DHS, the Trump Administration has intentionally “artificially jacked” the “backlog” to over 1.1 million cases;
    • If the approximately 350 currently authorized Immigration  Judges were all on board and each met their 700 case “quota,” the Immigration Court could complete only about 250,000 cases per year;
    • If no additional cases were filed, and none of the judges left, the pending cases wouldn’t be completed until the latter half of 2023;
    • But of course, under the Trump Administration’s mismanaged and totally undisciplined enforcement program, new cases will be piled into the system without regard to its capacity and judges will continue to burn out and leave;
    • So, effectively, there is no cogent program for getting the backlog under control — ever;
  • What’s missing from this bureaucratic never-never land is any sense of fairness, competence, or meaningful participation by those most affected by the backlogs and “Aimless Docket Reshuffling” and who possess the most expertise at arranging dockets for fairness and efficiency: sitting Immigration Judges, Respondent’s Counsel, NGOs, and respondents themselves (along, of course, with the ICE Chief Counsel unencumbered by the “DHS Enforcement Wackos“);
  • Also glaringly absent: any requirement that the DHS justify their requests to prioritize the dockets or exercise any responsible “prosecutorial discretion” to take “lower priority ” cases off the dockets;
  • A “no-brainer” in a functioning independent court system would be requiring DHS to remove one (or more) “low priority” cases for each case they wish the court to “prioritize” or otherwise move ahead of other, older pending cases.

The rapidly failing and unfair system needs aggressive oversight and monitoring — from Congress (read the House) and the Article III Courts!

Ultimately, it will continue its “death spiral” until both the EOIR bureaucracy and the Administration politicos who abuse it are permanently removed from the equation  and an independent court, run by sitting judges with assistance from other court management professionals with meaningful public input is established. A strong, independent, efficient, unbiased U.S. Immigration Court will also help ICE carry out its law enforcement mission in a professional, legal, non-discriminatory, de-politicized, and humane manner, perhaps bringing enough rationality to the system to save that beleaguered agency from its critics.

PWS

11-18-18

 

“OUR GANG” OF RETIRED US IMMIGRATION JUDGES CONDEMNS SESSIONS’S DESTRUCTION OF DUE PROCESS IN US IMMIGRATION COURTS – Calls On US Chief Immigration Judge Marybeth Keller & Her Colleagues To Stand Up To Sessions & Enforce Due Process Over Mindless “Haste Makes Waste” Quotas!

https://www.lexisnexis.com/LegalNewsRoom/immigration/b/outsidenews/posts/statement-of-former-immigration-judges-and-bia-members-opposing-ij-quotas-oct-1-2018

SUPREME’S “SLEEPER CASE” PEREIRA V. SESSIONS ROILING THE WATERS IN IMMIGRATION COURTS – DHS’S & EOIR’S Questionable Approach In Thumbing Their Noses At Court’s Analysis Might Result In Hundreds Of Thousands Of Additional Unnecessary “Redos” In The Future!

https://www.npr.org/2018/09/17/648832694/supreme-court-ruling-means-thousands-of-deportation-cases-may-be-tossed-out

Joel Rose reports for NPR:

The Trump administration’s push to deport more immigrants in the country illegally has hit a legal speed bump.

For years, immigration authorities have been skipping one simple step in the process: When they served notices to appear in court, they routinely left the court date blank. Now, because of that omission and a recent Supreme Court decision, tens of thousands of deportation cases could be delayed, or tossed out altogether.

“I’m not sure if the Supreme Court knew what they were doing,” said Marshall Whitehead, an immigration lawyer in Phoenix. “But the end result of this is a major impact.”

The Supreme Court’s decision in the case known as Pereira v. Sessions didn’t get much attention when it was announced in June, partly because it seemed so technical. The court ruled 8 to 1 that immigration authorities did not follow the law when they filled out the paperwork in that case. They served an immigrant with a notice to appear in court but didn’t say when and where the hearing would be held.

“Basically the Supreme Court decision said look, you’re not following the statute,” Whitehead said. “So this notice to appear was ruled as being invalid.”

That seemingly minor technicality has big implications.

Consider the case of Whitehead’s client, Jose Silva Reyes, an undocumented immigrant from Mexico. He was living in Arizona, under law enforcement’s radar, for years — until 2010, when he ran a red light and got into a car accident.

Since then, Silva Reyes has been fighting in immigration court to stay in the country with his wife, a green card holder, and two kids who are citizens. He was due in court for his final deportation hearing last month, when the case against him was suddenly thrown out.

“When they told me that my case was terminated, I felt good,” Silva Reyes said, speaking through an interpreter.

Like many undocumented immigrants caught up in President Trump’s recent crackdown, Silva Reyes has been in the U.S. for more than 10 years. If you’ve lived in the U.S. for a decade without getting into trouble, and without ever getting a notice to appear in immigration court, you could be eligible to stay. Now, thanks to the Supreme Court, these immigrants can argue they never got a valid notice to appear in that 10-year time frame.

But the Supreme Court ruling could have an even wider impact.

Immigration lawyers are arguing that if any immigrant received a defective notice to appear, the whole deportation case is invalid. Silva Reyes’ lawyer, Marshall Whitehead, says he has already gotten dozens of cases tossed out using this line of reasoning.

“I’m only one attorney, and I’ve got 200 cases I’m looking at,” Whitehead said. “So you can see the massive numbers that we’re talking about across the United States.”

But the federal government is fighting back. Government lawyers are appealing, arguing that immigration authorities did eventually notify immigrants about the time and place of their hearings, just not right away. And, in August, they won an important case before the Board of Immigration Appeals, which oversees the nation’s immigration judges, that could limit the impact of the Pereira ruling.

Still, all of this is straining an already overburdened court system.

“The Supreme Court throws a monkey wrench into what was already a not very smoothly functioning system, and things just get worse,” says former immigration judge Andrew Arthur, who is now a fellow at the Center for Immigration Studies, which favors lower levels of immigration.

The backlog in immigration courts has reached a record of nearly 750,000 cases, according to TRAC, an immigration research project at Syracuse University. And it’s still climbing — thanks in part to this technicality.

The Department of Justice declined to comment on the Supreme Court ruling and its impact. Attorney General Jeff Sessions hasn’t addressed it publicly. But he has criticized immigration lawyers for scouring the nation’s immigration laws, looking for loopholes.

“Good lawyers, using all of their talents and skill, work every day — like water seeping through an earthen dam — to get around the plain words of the [Immigration and Nationality Act] to advance their clients’ interests,” Sessions said earlier this month.

In this case, though, the Supreme Court found that it’s immigration authorities who have been ignoring the “plain language” of the law. Does immigration lawyer Marshall Whitehead feel bad about winning on a technicality?

“Well, technicalities is how we win and lose cases,” Whitehead said. “I’ve lost a lot of cases on technicalities.”

If it allows his clients to stay in the U.S. with their families, Whitehead says, you can call it whatever you want.

*************************************

The “smart approach” would have been for DHS Counsel not to oppose termination, but to be prepared to exercise their right to immediately reserve the respondent with a proper NTA showing the actual time, date and place for a hearing. Not much to lose, since in most cases the respondent would stipulate to the use of any testimony or evidence taken in the prior hearing.

But, by contesting the terminations, and because the BIA wrongfully “blew off” the Supreme’s “plain language” reasoning in Matter of Bermudez-Cota, 27 I&N Dec. 441 (BIA 2018) (both Judge Jeffrey Chase and I have blogged about this recently), the DHS and EOIR have intentionally created an appealable issue in every case where the motion to terminate is denied and the respondent eventually loses.

If some or all Circuits disagree with the BIA’s interpretation (as is likely) and the Supremes stick with their prior “plain language” determination, DHS and EOIR could face the prospect of having to re-calendar hundreds of thousands of already completed cases. And for what? Nothing that I can see except the arrogance of not wanting to concede the inevitable.

And, let’s not forget that, as noted by the Supremes, the entire “Pereira mess” was self-created anyway. DHS & EOIR actually had the technology — called “interactive scheduling” — to issue valid Notices to Appear. Instead, in yet another “haste makes waste” move they cut corners rather than solving the problem.

Think we don’t need some “new competent management” over at DHS/ICE and EOIR? Guess again!

PWS

09-18-18

MORE BOGUS STUDIES FROM EOIR? – EOIR MOUNTS NEW ATTACK ON DUE PROCESS BY DISSING ITS OWN “LEGAL ORIENTATION PROGRAM” – UNDER PRESSURE FROM SESSIONS & RESTRICTIONISTS, AGENCY DECIDES IT’S CHEAPER AND FASTER TO DEPORT FOLKS IF THEY HAVE NO IDEA WHAT’S HAPPENING!

https://yubanet.com/usa/new-government-study-attempts-to-undermine-legal-orientation-program-for-detained-immigrants/

New Government Study Attempts to Undermine Legal Orientation Program for Detained Immigrants

Sept. 7, 2018 –

The Department of Justice (DOJ) released “Phase I” of its review of the federally-funded Legal Orientation Program (LOP) this week. The review came after Attorney General Jeff Sessions attempted to end the program in April but was forced to reverse that decision after receiving significant bipartisan pushback from Congress.

The LOP, which is managed by the Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR) within the Justice Department, offers legal education as well as referrals for free and low-cost legal counsel to noncitizens in immigration detention. The LOP was started in 2003 under President George W. Bush after a pilot study found that the LOP “helped DOJ ensure that all respondents had a clear understanding of their procedural rights, led to cases being completed more quickly, and increased availability of representation [to detainees] with potential meritorious claims to relief.”

While it is not a substitute for legal counsel, the LOP does provide important information to individuals in detention about their rights and the removal process. There have been multiple studies conducted on the LOP by the federal government, nonprofit organizations, and outside third parties that reaffirm its usefulness. Every study has shown the LOP decreases the average length of time a person is in immigration detention, saving the government up to millions of dollars annually.

However, this new study released by DOJ attempts to undermine all previous evaluations of the program.

The study is the first phase of a three-phase review to be completed by the end of October 2018. Among other findings, it alleges that LOP participants spend more time in detention, costing the government more money; that LOP participants are less likely to get attorneys; and that their cases take longer to resolve.

The report presents these findings and overall numbers to show its methodology but unfortunately does not make their underlying data available for analysis.

The Vera Institute of Justice (Vera), the nonprofit organization who contracts with EOIR to run the LOP program, says this new study has “insurmountable methodological flaws in EOIR’s analysis.”

At DOJ’s request, Vera has completed and will submit its own study next week. Vera reports that it has “starkly different findings that prove the efficiencies” of the program—which would be in line with all studies of the LOP conducted over the last 16 years.

Given the Attorney General’s earlier attempts to unilaterally end the LOP, one could assume that the ultimate goal of these government studies is to justify ending the program. When evaluating the program, it will be important for Congress to take a critical look at these new DOJ studies and review them alongside the totality of evidence in support of the program. Without government-provided counsel, LOP is a critical resource for detained immigrants to receive due process in a complex immigration court system.

ImmigrationImpact.com is a project of the American Immigration Council.

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America’s Immigration Courts (run by EOIR in the Department of Justice) are failing: disappearing Due Process, horrible morale, incredible backlogs, little automation, and constant legal errors highlighted by the Article III Federal Courts. The highly acclaimed Legal Orientation Program (“LOP”), which helps detained migrants understand their rights and obtain self-help materials, is one of the few bright spots among the carnage. The LOP actually has strong bipartisan support.

So, why would a failing agency “mess with success?” In April 2018, the Center for Immigration Studies (“CIS”) a radical right-wing restrictionist group with strong ties to Attorney General Jeff Sessions, raised questions about the value of the LOP. In the process, CIS made the absurd suggestion that overwhelmed and stressed out Immigration Judges could better perform the LOP’s functions. I certainly found this untrue.

Not surprisingly, shortly after the CIS article appeared, Sessions pressured EOIR into “suspending” the LOP pending a cost-benefit analysis. Only the bipartisan outrage in Congress forced Sessions to back  down and “temporarily reinstate” the program. Obviously, the pre-ordained decision by Sessions to can the program because it helped migrants and supported Due Process needed some more work.

Now, the EOIR apparatchiks have obliged Sessions by presenting a skewed analysis that conflicts with every other analysis of the LOP. The study also equates shorter hearings and faster deportations of detained individuals, therefore supposedly saving the Government millions of detention dollars, with better results. But, Due Process is supposed to be about fair process, not just results the Government favors.

To give the obvious analogy, I’m sure that the vast majority of criminal defendants are ultimately convicted of something. But, that doesn’t mean that investing in the process of conducting fair trials, rather than racing everyone through the system without a fair chance to put in a defense, is constitutionally permitted.

PWS

09-09-18

 

 

 

INSIDE EOIR: FOIA REVEALS THAT DURING “JUDICIAL TRAINING,” BIA APPELLATE IMMIGRATION JUDGE ROGER PAULEY INSTRUCTED FELLOW JUDGES ON HOW TO FIND INDIVIDUALS REMOVABLE BY AVOIDING THE LAW!

https://www.hoppocklawfirm.com/foia-results-immigration-judges-conference-materials-for-2018/

)

 

Here’s what Attorney Matthew Hoppock, whose firm made the FOIA request, had to say about Judge Pauley’s presentation:

Developments in Criminal Immigration and Bond Law:

Slides – Developments in Criminal Immigration and Bond Law

This presentation is really striking, because Board Member Roger Pauley appears to be instructing the IJs not to apply the “categorical approach” when it doesn’t lead to a “sensible result.” The “categorical approach” is mandatory, and the Supreme Court has repeatedly had to reverse the BIA and instruct them to properly apply it.  So, it’s definitely disheartening to see this is the instruction the IJs received at their conference this summer on how to apply the categorical approach:

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Can’t say this is unprecedented. I can remember being astounded and outraged by some past presentations that essentially focused on “how to find the respondent not credible and have it stand up in court,” “how to deny claims establishing past or future persecution by invoking ‘no-nexus’ grounds,” and “how to find proposed ‘particular social groups non-cognizable’ under the BIA’s three-part test.”

I also remember a BIA Judge essentially telling us to ignore a previous “outside expert” panel that provided evidence that governments in the Northern Triangle were stunningly corrupt, politically beholden to gangs, and totally incapable of protecting the population against targeted gang violence.

Another colleague gave a stunningly tone-deaf presentation in which they referred to OIL and ICE as “us” and the respondents as “them.”

But, presentations like Judge Pauley’s are particularly troubling in the context of a so-called “training conference” where the “keynote speech” by the judges’ titular “boss” Jeff Sessions touted his decision removing asylum protections from battered women, warned judges to follow his precedents, emphasized increasing “volume” as the highest priority, and otherwise notably avoided mentioning the due process rights of respondents, the need to insure protection for asylum seekers, or the obligation to follow decisions of the Article III Courts (the latter has been, and remains, a chronic problem for EOIR).

Many of the Immigration Judges were recently hired, attending their first national conference. What message do you think they got about how to be successful in the “Age of Trump & Sessions?” What message did they get when a vocal minority of their colleagues improperly “cheered” the removal of protections for vulnerable refugee women? How would YOU like to be a foreign national fighting for your life in a system run by Jeff Sessions?

Right on cue, EOIR provides another powerful example of why Professor Maureen Sweeney was right in her recently posted article: the Article III Courts should NOT be giving the BIA or Sessions “Chevron deference.”

PWS

08-23-18

 

 

 

 

PROFESSOR MAUREEN SWEENEY ON WHY THE BIA DOESN’T DESERVE “CHEVRON” DEFERENCE – JEFF SESSIONS’S ALL OUT ATTACK ON THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE IMMIGRATION JUDICIARY IS EXHIBIT 1!

http://lawprofessors.typepad.com/immigration/2018/08/immigration-article-of-the-day-enforcingprotection-the-danger-of-chevron-in-refugee-act-cases-by-mau.html

Go on over to ImmigrationProf Blog at the  above link for all of the links necessary to get the abstract as well as the full article. Among the many current and former Immigration Judges quoted or cited in the article are Jeffrey Chase, Ashley Tabaddor, Dana Marks, Lory Rosenberg, Robert Vinikoor, and me. (I’m sure I’m missing some of our other colleagues; it’s a very long article, but well worth the read.)

In an article full of memorable passages, here is one of my favorites:

Full enforcement of the law requires full enforcement of provisions that grant protection as well as provisions that restrict border entry. This is the part of “enforcement” that the Department of Justice is not equipped to fully understand. The agency’s fundamental commitment to controlling unauthorized immigration does not allow it a neutral, open position on asylum questions. The foundational separation and balance of powers concerns at the heart of Chevron require courts to recognize that inherent conflict of interest as a reason Congress is unlikely to have delegated unchecked power on refugee protection to the prosecuting agency. In our constitutional structure, the courts stand as an essential check on the executive power to deport and must provide robust review to fully enforce the congressional mandate to protect refugees. If the courts abdicate this vital function, they will be abdicating their distinctive role in ensuring the full enforcement of all of our immigration law—including those provisions that seek to ensure compliance with our international obligations to protect individuals facing the danger of persecution.

This is a point that my friend and colleague Judge Lory Rosenberg made often during our tenure together on the BIA. All too often, her pleas fell on deaf ears.

The now abandoned pre-2001 “vision statement” of EOIR was “to be the world’s best administrative tribunals, guaranteeing fairness and due process for all.” Nothing in there about “partnering” with DHS to remove more individuals, fulfilling quotas, “sending messages to stay home,” securing the border, jacking up volume, deterring migration, or advancing other politically motivated enforcement goals. Indeed, the proper role of EOIR is to insure fair and impartial adjudication and Due Process for individuals even in the face of constant pressures to “just go along to get along” with a particular Administration’s desires to favor the expedient over the just.

Under all Administrations, the duty to insure Due Process, fairness, full protections, and the granting to benefits to migrants under the law is somewhat shortchanged at EOIR in relation to the pressure to promote Executive enforcement objectives. But, the situation under the xenophobic, disingenuous, self-proclaimed “Immigration Enforcement Czar” Jeff Sessions is a true national disgrace and a blot on our entire legal system. If Congress won’t do its job by removing the Immigration Courts from the DOJ forthwith, the Article III courts must step in, as Maureen suggests.

PWS

08-23-18

EOIR ANNOUNCES 23 NEW IMMIGRATION JUDGE APPOINTMENTS – TREND OF APPOINTING LARGELY FROM GOVERNMENT BACKGROUNDS CONTINUES!

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NOTICE

U.S. Department of Justice

Executive Office for Immigration Review

Office of Policy
5107 Leesburg Pike
Falls Church, Virginia 22041

Contact: Communications and Legislative Affairs Division

Phone: 703-305-0289 Fax: 703-605-0365PAO.EOIR@usdoj.gov @DOJ_EOIR

www.justice.gov/eoir

Aug. 15, 2018

Executive Office for Immigration Review Swears in 23 Immigration Judges

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Stuart D. Alcorn, Immigration Judge, Pearsall Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Stuart D. Alcorn to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Alcorn earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1994 from the University of Southern Mississippi and a Juris Doctor in 2004 from the Thurgood Marshall School of Law at Texas Southern University. From 2008 to 2018, he served as assistant chief counsel for Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Department of Homeland Security in San Antonio, Texas. From 2008 to 2017, he also served as a military defense attorney in the Judge Advocate General’s (JAG) Corps, U.S. Army Reserve. From 2005 to 2008, he was a military prosecutor and command judge advocate in the JAG Corps at Fort Benning, Ga. In addition to military duties, during 2005 to 2008, he was special assistant U.S. attorney in the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Columbus, Ga. In 2004, he was a law clerk for Ron Woods’ legal practice in Houston. From 2002 to 2004, he was a student clerk in the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Houston. Judge Alcorn is a member of the State Bar of Texas.

Robert A. Fellrath, Immigration Judge, Los Angeles Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Robert A. Fellrath to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Fellrath earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1996 and a Juris Doctor in 1999, both from the University of Notre Dame. From 2008 to 2018, he was assistant U.S. attorney for the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Tucson, Ariz. From 2007 to 2008, he was assistant federal public defender for the Office of the Federal Public Defender in Burlington, Vt. From 2000 to 2018, he served in different roles, locations, and increasing levels of seniority with the Judge Advocate General’s Corps, U.S. Army, in both active and reserve duty. These assignments were in San Antonio, Texas; Kaiserslautern, Germany; Fort Hood, Texas; and Fort Huachuca, Ariz. Judge Fellrath is a member of the State Bar of Michigan.

Kathleen French, Immigration Judge, Otero Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Kathleen French to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge French earned a Bachelor of Science degree in 1982 from the U.S. Coast Guard Academy and a Juris Doctor in 1997 from George Mason University. From 2000 to 2018, she

Communications and Legislative Affairs Division

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was assistant chief counsel and deputy chief counsel with the Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Department of Homeland Security in several locations: Denver; Lumpkin, Ga.; and Miami, Orlando, and Tampa, Fla. From 1999 to 2000, she was a judicial law clerk (JLC) with the Executive Office for Immigration Review, Department of Justice in Miami. From 1997 to 1999, she was a JLC with the Third District Court of Appeal, also in Miami. From 1998 to 2013, she served in several reserve-duty roles with the Judge Advocate General’s Corps, U.S. Army. From 1994 to 1982, she served on active duty in the U.S. Coast Guard as a shipboard law enforcement officer. Judge French is a member of The Florida Bar.

Daniel B. Gilbert, Immigration Judge, Harlingen Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Daniel B. Gilbert to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Gilbert earned a Bachelor of Talmudic Law degree in 2004 from the New Israel Rabbinical College and a Juris Doctor in 2008 from the Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law. He was assistant chief counsel with the Office of the Principal Legal Advisor, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Department of Homeland Security from 2012 to 2016 in Harlingen, Texas, and from 2016 to 2018 in Baltimore. From 2009 to 2011, he was a staff attorney with the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit in New York. In 2007, he was a student clerk with the U.S. District Court in Newark, N.J., as well as a judicial intern with the New York State Supreme Court of Kings County in Brooklyn, N.Y. Judge Gilbert is a member of the New York and New Jersey State Bars.

Lena Golovnin, Immigration Judge, New York City Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Lena Golovnin to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Golovnin earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 2002 from Hunter College and a Juris Doctor in 2008 from the Thomas M. Cooley Law School. From 2010 to 2018, she was assistant chief counsel for the Office of the Chief Counsel, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Department of Homeland Security in New York, N.Y. From 2009 to 2010, she was attorney advisor for the Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR), Department of Justice (DOJ), also in New York, N.Y. From 2008 to 2009, she was a judicial law clerk and later attorney advisor for EOIR, DOJ in San Antonio, Texas. Judge Golovnin is a member of the New York State Bar and the State Bar of Michigan.

Cynthia Gordon, Immigration Judge, New York City Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Cynthia Gordon to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Gordon earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1990 from Hamilton College and a Juris Doctor in 1993 from Cornell Law School. From 2007 to 2018, she was assistant chief counsel in the Office of the Principal Legal Advisor, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Department of Homeland Security in New York, N.Y. From 2001 to 2007, she was special assistant attorney general in the New York State Attorney General’s Office in New York City. From 1994 to 2001, she was assistant district attorney in the New York Country District Attorney’s Office, also in New York, N.Y. From 1993 to 1994, she was a judicial clerk in the Superior Court of New

Communications and Legislative Affairs Division

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Jersey in Cape May, N.J. Judge Gordon is a member of the New York and New Jersey State Bars.

Nathan L. Herbert, Immigration Judge, El Paso Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Nathan L. Herbert to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Herbert earned a Bachelor of Science degree in 2003 from Western Michigan University and a Juris Doctor in 2008 from the Michigan State University College of Law. From 2015 to 2018, he was deputy chief counsel for the Office of Chief Counsel, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), Department of Homeland Security (DHS), in San Antonio, Texas. From 2009 to 2015, he was an assistant chief counsel, Office of Chief Counsel, ICE, DHS, in Denver. From 2008 to 2009, he was attorney advisor for the Executive Office for Immigration Review, Department of Justice, also in Denver. Judge Herbert is a member of the Colorado Bar.

Howard C. Hom, Immigration Judge, New York City Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Howard C. Hom to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Hom received a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1973 from the University of California, Los Angeles, and a Juris Doctor in 1976from Loyola Law School. In 2018, he served as an administrative law judge (ALJ) for the California Unemployment Insurance Appeals Board. From 2016 to 2018, he was a self-employed attorney specializing in immigration and nationality law. From 2009 to 2016, he was ALJ for the State of California. From 1981 to 2009, he was an attorney in private practice, in Los Angeles. From 1995 to 2008, he was an adjunct professor in immigration law at the Whittier Law School, Los Angeles. From 1976 to 1981, he was a general and trial attorney with the former Immigration and Naturalization Service, Department of Justice in Los Angeles. Judge Hom is a member of the State Bar of California.

Natalie B. Huddleston, Immigration Judge, Los Angeles Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Natalie B. Huddleston to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Huddleston earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 2001 and a Juris Doctor in 2004, both from the University of Notre Dame. From 2014 to 2018, she was assistant U.S. attorney in Phoenix. From 2013 to 2014, she was deputy county attorney with the Pinal County Attorney’s Office in Florence, Ariz. From 2008 to 2013, she was assistant attorney general with the Office of the Arizona Attorney General in Phoenix. From 2004 to 2008, she was deputy county attorney with the Maricopa County Attorney’s Office, also in Phoenix. Judge Huddleston is a member of the State Bar of Arizona.

David C. Koelsch, Immigration Judge, Baltimore Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed David C. Koelsch to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Koelsch earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1988 from Michigan State University and a Juris Doctor in 1994from Catholic University. From 2017 to 2018, he was a supervisory asylum officer with U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), Department of Homeland Security (DHS), in Arlington, Va. From 2015 to 2017, he was an appeals officer with

Communications and Legislative Affairs Division

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the Administrative Appeals Office, USCIS, DHS. From 2002 to 2015, he was a professor and director of the Immigration Law Clinic at the University of Detroit Mercy School of Law. From 2000 to 2005, he was legal director of Freedom House. From 1998 to 2000, he was associate attorney with Dykema PLLC. From 1996 to 1998, he was associate attorney with Hopkins & Sutter. From 1995 to 1996, he was a law clerk for the Alaska Superior Court. He is a member of the Michigan State Bar.

W. Scott Laragy, Immigration Judge, Oakdale Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed W. Scott Laragy to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Laragy earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1991 and a Juris Doctor in 1994, both from Loyola University New Orleans. He has served in the Judge Advocate General’s (JAG) Corps for the U.S. Navy since 1995, first on active duty until 2007, and is currently serving in the reserves. From 2017 to 2018, he was counsel to the director in the Executive Office for United States Attorneys (EOUSA), Department of Justice (DOJ), in Washington, D.C. From 2012 to 2017, he was legislative counsel for the EOUSA, DOJ. From 2007 to 2012, he was assistant U.S. attorney for the U.S. Attorney’s Office in New Orleans. Judge Laragy is a member of the Louisiana State and the District of Columbia Bars.

Zakia Mahasa, Immigration Judge, Baltimore Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Zakia Mahasa to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Mahasa earned a Bachelor of Business Administration degree in 1981from the University of Maryland and a Juris Doctor in 1986 from the University of Maryland, Carey School of Law. From 1997 to 2018, she was magistrate in the Circuit Court for Baltimore. From 1992 to 1994, she was a staff attorney and, from 1994 to1997, she was a supervising attorney, both for the House of Ruth domestic violence legal clinic, also in Baltimore. From 1987 to 1992, she was an attorney with the Legal Aid Bureau of Maryland. Judge Mahasa is a member of the Maryland State Bar.

Michael G. McFarland, Immigration Judge, New York City Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Michael G. McFarland to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge McFarland earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 2004from New York University and a Juris Doctor in 2007from New York University School of Law. From 2011 to 2018, he was assistant chief counsel and then deputy chief counsel for Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Department of Homeland Security, in New York, N.Y. From 2007 to 2011, he was a staff attorney with the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, also in New York, N.Y. Judge McFarland is a member of the New York State Bar.

Patrick M. McKenna, Immigration Judge, Chicago Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Patrick M. McKenna to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge McKenna earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1998 from DePauw University and a Juris Doctor in 2001 from University of Notre Dame Law School. From 2006 to 2018, he was

Communications and Legislative Affairs Division

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assistant chief counsel and associate legal advisor for Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Department of Homeland Security, in Chicago and Washington, D.C. From 2002 to 2006, he was assistant state’s attorney for the Will County State’s Attorney in Joliet, Ill. From 2001 to 2002, he was an associate with Eichorn and Eichorn in Hammond, Ind. Judge McKenna is a member of the Illinois and Indiana State Bars.

Nancy E. Miller, Immigration Judge, Los Angeles Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Nancy E. Miller to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Miller earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1974 from the University of California, Los Angeles, and a Juris Doctor in 1984 from Southwestern University School of Law. From 1998 to 2018, she was attorney and managing partner of Reeves Miller Zhang & Diza in Pasadena, Calif. From 1988 to 1998, she was a solo practitioner in private practice. From 1986 to 1988, she was associate attorney with the Law Office of James LeTourneau. From 1985 to 1986, she was law clerk and associate attorney with the Law Office of Kehrela Hodkinson. Judge Miller is a member of the State Bar of California.

Angela Munson, Immigration Judge, LaSalle Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Angela Munson to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Munson earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1990 from Georgia State University and a Juris Doctor in 1994from Tulane Law School. From 2005 to 2018, she was assistant U.S. attorney with the Office of the U.S. Attorney, Northern District of Georgia. From 2011 to 2012, she was detailed as resident legal advisor to the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad, Iraq. From 1998 to 2005, she was assistant U.S. attorney with the Organized Crime and Drug Enforcement Task Force, Office of the U.S. Attorney, Northern District of Georgia. From 1994 to 1998, she was assistant district attorney with the Office of the Fulton County District Attorney. Judge Munson is a member of the State Bar of Georgia.

Jonathan W. Owens, Immigration Judge, Cleveland Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Jonathan W. Owens to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Owens earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1997 from the University of Michigan and a Juris Doctor in 2005from Michigan State University, Detroit College of Law. From 2014 to 2018, he was an administrative law judge (ALJ) manager, and from 2007 to 2014, he was an ALJ both for the State of Michigan Licensing and Regulatory Affairs in Detroit. From 2003 to 2007, he was departmental analyst for the Office of Child Support, Michigan Department of Health and Human Services. Judge Owens is a member of the State Bar of Michigan.

Kaarina Salovaara, Immigration Judge, Chicago Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Kaarina Salovaara to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Salovaara earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1976 from Smith College and a Juris Doctor in 1980from the University of Virginia Law School. From 1991 to 2018, she was an assistant U.S. attorney in the U.S. Attorney’s Office, Criminal Division, Northern District of

Communications and Legislative Affairs Division

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Illinois in Chicago. From 1981 to 1991, she was an associate and later a partner with Jenner & Block, also in Chicago. From 1980 to 1981, she was a clerk for Judge Barbara B. Crabb in the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Wisconsin. She is a member of the Illinois State Bar.

Eric J. Tijerina, Immigration Judge, San Antonio Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Eric J. Tijerina to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Tijerina earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1991 from the University of Texas at Austin, a Master of Business Administration in 1996 from Texas Christian University, and a Juris Doctor in 2006 from St. Mary’s University School of Law. From 2015 to 2018, he was a policy analyst with the Office of Policy and Strategy, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, Department of Homeland Security in Washington, D.C. From 2014 to 2015, he was associate director, Immigrant Children’s Legal Program, U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants in Arlington, Va. From 2010 to 2014, he was director of legal programs, Refugee and Immigrant Center for Education and Legal Services in San Antonio, Texas. From 2008 to 2010, he was teaching clinical fellow and supervising attorney for the St. Mary’s University School of Law Immigration Clinic in San Antonio, Texas. From 2006 to 2008, he was lead attorney, Legal Orientation Program, Political Asylum Project of Austin, Texas. Judge Tijerina is a member of the State Bar of Texas.

Nelson A. Vargas-Padilla, Immigration Judge, Ulster Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Nelson A. Vargas-Padilla to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Vargas-Padilla earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1990 from the State University of New York at Albany and a Juris Doctor in 1994from the University at Buffalo School of Law. From 2016 to 2018, he was litigation and national security counsel for the Litigation and National Security Coordination Law Division, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), Department of Homeland Security (DHS), in Washington, D.C. From 2015 to 2016, he was transformation counsel and immigration officer for the Refugee Affairs Division, USCIS, DHS, in Kenya and Malaysia. From 2013 to 2016, he was transformation counsel for the Transformation Law Division, USCIS, DHS, also in Washington, D.C. From 2001 to 2007, he was assistant chief counsel; from 2007 to 2009, he was senior attorney; and from 2009 to 2013, he was deputy chief counsel for the Office of Chief Counsel, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, DHS, in Baltimore, Md. From 1996 to 2001, he was attorney advisor for the Board of Immigration Appeals, Executive Office for Immigration Review, Department of Justice in Falls Church, Va. Judge Vargas-Padilla is a member of the New Jersey State Bar.

Michael G. Walleisa, Immigration Judge, Miami Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Michael G. Walleisa to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Walleisa earned a Bachelor of Science degree in 1981from Philadelphia College of Textiles and Science and a Juris Doctor in 1985 from Temple University School of Law. From 1989 to 2018, he worked in several roles in the U.S. Attorney’s Office, Southern District of

Florida in Miami. From 2002 to 2018, he was assistant U.S. attorney with the National Security — more —

Communications and Legislative Affairs Division

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Section. From 1996 to 2002, he was assistant U.S. attorney with the Civil Division. From 1993 to 1996, he was chief of the Narcotics and Violent Crimes Section. From 1992 to 1993, he was chief of the Trial Section. From 1991 to 1992, he was deputy chief of the Major Crimes Section. From 1990 to 1991, he was assistant U.S. attorney with the Organized Crime Section. From 1989 to 1990, he was assistant U.S. attorney with the Appeals/Major Crimes Sections. From 1985 to 1989, he was an attorney with the State Attorney’s Office in Dade County, Fla. Judge Walleisa is a member of the Florida Bar.

George J. Ward Jr., Immigration Judge, Falls Church Immigration Adjudication Center

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed George J. Ward Jr. to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Ward earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1988 from Bucknell University and a Juris Doctor in 1993 from St. John’s University School of Law. From 1999 to 2018, he served in several positions with the Office of the Principal Legal Advisor, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), Department of Homeland Security (DHS) in both Arlington, Va., and Washington, D.C. From 2012 to 2018, he was deputy chief in the Office of Chief Counsel, ICE, DHS. From 2011 to 2012, he was deputy chief and then chief with the District Court Litigation Division. From 2010 to 2011, he was chief with the District Court Litigation Section. From 2007 to 2010, he was legislative counsel. From 2003 to 2007, he was an associate legal advisor. From 1999 to 2003, he was an assistant district counsel with the former Immigration and Naturalization Service, Department of Justice in New York, N.Y. From 1993 to 1999, he was an assistant district attorney with the Nassau County District Attorney’s Office in Mineola, N.Y. Judge Ward is a member of the New York and New Jersey State Bars.

Jason R. Waterloo, Immigration Judge, Los Angeles Immigration Court

Attorney General Jeff Sessions appointed Jason R. Waterloo to begin hearing cases in August 2018. Judge Waterloo earned dual Bachelor of Science degrees in 2004 from the Pennsylvania State University and a Juris Doctor in 2007 from the West Virginia University College of Law. From 2014 to 2018, he was an assistant chief counsel for the Office of Chief Counsel, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Department of Homeland Security in Los Angeles. From 2008 to 2014, he was an assistant district attorney with the Berks County District Attorney’s Office in Reading, Pa. From 2007 to 2008, he was a judicial law clerk with the Northampton County Court of Common Pleas in Easton, Pa. Judge Waterloo is a member of the Pennsylvania Bar.

— EOIR —

Communications and Legislative Affairs Division

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Congrats and good luck to all!
Remember, no matter what Jeff Sessions says, the job of being a good Immigration Judge is about impartiality, fairness, scholarship, respect, timeliness, teamwork, and Due Process for the individuals coming before the Immigration Court. Nothing else!
PWS
08-16-18