👎🏽🤮AIMLESS DOCKET RESHUFFLING (“ADR”) @ GARLAND’S EOIR SCREWS 🔩ASYLUM SEEKERS WITH LONG-PENDING “SLAM DUNK” 🏀 CASES: “So if we can actually get to a hearing, it is still possible to win. This is the hope we all need to hold on to, but it would be much easier and much fairer if the system had a modicum of respect for the people it purports to serve.”

Jason Dzubow
Jason Dzubow
The Asylumist

From Jason “The Asylumist” Dzubow:

https://www.asylumist.com/2022/04/27/aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaah/

Let me tell you about some recent events in my office.

We had two cases set for individual hearings this week. Both cases involve noncitizens who have been waiting years for their decisions, both have family members abroad who they hope to bring to the U.S. if their claims are successful, and both have strong cases for asylum.

For the first case, we prepared and submitted evidence earlier in the pandemic, but the case was postponed at the last minute due to Covid. We were hoping that the new date would stick, given that restrictions are easing and the court now has a system to do cases remotely (called Webex). As the date approached, we filed additional evidence and scheduled two practice sessions for the client. We also regularly checked the Immigration Court online portal, which lists our court dates, to be sure the case was still on the docket.

pastedGraphic.png

“Your asylum case is cancelled. Again.”

The second case has also been pending for years. The respondent (the noncitizen in court) is from Afghanistan, and such cases are supposedly receiving priority treatment. So at the Master Calendar Hearing, the Immigration Judge (“IJ”) asked us to be sure to talk to DHS prior to the hearing, presumably in the hope that we would come to an agreement about relief. The IJ also scheduled the hearing for a relatively short time slot in anticipation of a possible uncontested hearing. As with the first case, we filed all the evidence and scheduled the practices.

Both respondents had been in touch with their families overseas and both had talked to their relatives about hopefully reuniting soon.

Then – surprise! – we checked the Immigration Court portal and noticed that both cases had disappeared from the docket. Since the portal pages are sometimes screwy, and since court dates are constantly changing, we decided to wait a bit to see whether the dates reappeared. Informing clients about court delays is always fraught, and can even be traumatic for the clients and their families, who have a lot invested in these dates. So it is better not to inform the client until we are sure a date is canceled.

After some hours, we decided to tell the first client. We had a practice session scheduled for that afternoon, and it would waste time to prepare for a hearing that was not going forward. I called the client and informed him, and as I have often experienced before, he was upset and confused. Why had the case been postponed? Was it something about him or his case? Or was it something about the Court? I could at least inform him that we had two cases canceled on the same date (from two different IJs), and so he should understand that the cancellation was not related to him personally. That is obviously cold comfort, but I guess it is better than nothing. I know it was very upsetting for him to receive this news. It was emotionally exhausting for me as well.

For the next two days, this client kept checking the online court system to see whether anything changed. Then – surprise again! – the case re-appeared on the docket for the same old day and time!

I called the court to confirm, and the clerk told me that the case had been removed by accident, and that it was back on! How lucky! The client told me how upset he had been. He hadn’t been able to sleep or eat. He did not even inform his family back home, as he feared they would not understand or would not believe him. We rescheduled the two practice sessions and mentally re-prepared to go forward.

The next day – surprise again again! – I received a message from the court. The case was definitely off. The clerk apologized for the confusion, and told me that the matter would be set for a date in the future. It would be inappropriate for me to publish here the words that came from my mouth after receiving this message, but let’s just say that I was somewhat agitated. I called the clerk and left a message informing the court how harmful this whole process had been to the respondent, how upset he was, and how he had not seen his family members for years. I also mentioned how upsetting the experience had been for me.

I should say that I do not blame the clerk. He is actually very nice and very responsive (he actually called back and said he will try to get us a new date as soon as possible). The problem is “the system” and complaining to the system is about as effective as punching the ocean. No one is ever responsible, and so there is no one who can be held accountable.

As for client number two, at least he did not suffer the on-again, off-again fate of our first client. But he and his family members were also very upset, and given the IJ’s intention of scheduling the hearing quickly because the respondent is Afghan, it is particularly frustrating that a likely approval should be pushed off until who-knows-when.

What now? For both cases, we will wait a bit to see if new dates appear. Maybe they will. If not, we will file motions to advance, and we will try to get earlier dates. All this is more expense and wasted time for the clients, more work for us, and more work for the court, which will have to review our filings. Last year, I wrote about the harm caused by cancelled hearings, and–despite the easing pandemic and the wide-spread availability of Webex–the problem persists. I’ve mentioned just two cases here, but we see this again and again and again. Not in every case, but it’s common enough that we can never be confident that any particular case will go forward, which makes it much more difficult for respondents and attorneys to prepare for court.

While the situation is bleak, I should mention that the news is not all bad. We are still having some successes. For example, over my Spring Break, I litigated a Syrian case (remotely, with very questionable internet, and in what I believe is the first Immigration Court case in the history of Shickshinny, Pennsylvania). Although it was a close case and DHS generally opposed relief, the IJ explained his reasons for granting and DHS agreed not to appeal. And just yesterday, my client from Pakistan received asylum after a contested hearing. DHS did not appeal.

So if we can actually get to a hearing, it is still possible to win. This is the hope we all need to hold on to, but it would be much easier and much fairer if the system had a modicum of respect for the people it purports to serve.

*******************

Thanks, Jason, for your clear and compelling description of the toxic human and systemic effects of Garland’s continuing “ADR” at EOIR!

Contrary to the “nativist false narrative” promoted under Administrations of both parties, those suffering in the inexcusable EOIR backlog are NOT “evading deportation.” Many, probably the majority, are individuals who are eligible to, and should be granted, the ability to remain in the U.S.

This is particularly true of asylum applicants. Even with a system improperly skewed against them, asylum applicants were winning the majority of their EOIR court cases as recently as FY 2012.

Despite worsening conditions since then in almost all “sending countries,” that rate cratered by about 50% during the Trump regime. It’s fairly obvious that the increased denial rates resulted from perversions of the law, ADR, and an intentional “dumbing down” of both the administrative law and EOIR personnel at all levels.

Garland has taken, at best, “baby steps” to improve the Immigration Courts. He’s merely “nibbling at the edges” where radical house cleaning 🧹and progressive reforms ⚖️ were absolutely necessary, recommended by experts, and achievable — at least had Garland “hit the ground running!”

EOIR should long ago have been replaced with an independent Article I Immigration Court based on the principles of fairness, scholarship, timeliness, respect, teamwork, and most of all, an overriding unswerving commitment to due process and best practices. Judges and administrators should be selected competitively, with private bar input, and exclusively on a merit basis from among those who have demonstrated expertise in immigration and human rights.

As long as EOIR inappropriately continues to reside in the U.S. Department of Justice, there should never, NEVER, again be another Attorney General who does not possess significant experience representing individuals in Immigration Court — the fundamental “retail level” of our entire justice system. Garland ‘s failure to “get the job done for due process and equal justice” — not even close — is “Exhibit A” in what happens when the wrong person is appointed to oversee the Immigration Courts!

At a time when America needed enlightened, inspirational, informed, and courageous legal and ethical leadership for the Immigration Courts, Garland has been “MIA!” American justice, at all levels, is paying the heavy price!☹️

Alfred E. Neumann
Merrick Garland: “What, me worry? I’ve spent my entire law career in the ‘ivory tower.’ What’s ‘aimless docket reshuffling?’ Who cares about asylum seekers?”
PHOTO: Wikipedia Commons

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

05-04-22

SOUTHERN BORDER: BIDEN ADMINISTRATION FINALLY REVEALS PLAN FOR LIFTING TITLE 42 — Long On Enforcement, Deterrence, Punishment, Notably Short On Humanitarian Reforms, Positive Legal Guidance, Cooperation With NGOs, States, & Localities Who Welcome Refugees & Asylum Seekers !

Here it is:

https://www.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/2022-04/22_0426_dhs-plan-southwest-border-security-preparedness.pdf

Unfortunately, you have to get “down to the fine print” (page 13 of 20) find the paragraph that should be the “centerpiece of restoring the rule of law” — a functional legal  asylum processing at ports of entry that would encourage refugees to present themselves there for fair and humane processing rather than seeking irregular entry with the help of smugglers.

Port of Entry Processing

The imposition of the Title 42 public health Order severely restricted the ability of undocumented noncitizens to present at POEs for inspection and processing under Title 8. The closure of this immigration pathway for much of the time Title 42 has been in effect has driven people between POEs at the hands of the cartels. Returning to robust POE processing is an essential part of DHS border security efforts. Beginning in the summer of 2021, DHS restarted processing vulnerable individuals through POEs under Title 8, on a case-by-case basis for humanitarian reasons, pursuant to the exception criteria laid out in CDC’s Title 42 Order. These efforts, which we have recently expanded, offer individuals in vulnerable situations a safe and orderly method to submit their information in advance and present at POEs for inspection and subsequent immigration processing under Title 8. We also have enhanced Title 8 POE processing through the development of the CBP One mobile application, which powers advanced information submission and appointment scheduling prior to an individual presenting at a POE. We will make this tool publicly available and continue to expand its use to facilitate orderly immigration processing at POEs.

13 of 20

**************************************

The failure of Garland to appoint a new, expert BIA committed to due process and providing fair, practical positive guidance on the generous application of asylum law foreshadowed by INS v. Cardoza Fonseca a quarter of a century ago, but never realized in practice, is likely to become a millstone around the Administration’s neck. There is no substitute for due process and fundamental fairness. The current dysfunctional, mismanaged, and inappropriately staffed EOIR is not capable of providing the necessary leadership, consistency, and accountability.

Also, in light of U.S. District Judge Robert Summerhays’s  “off the wall” decision in Arizona v. CDC, it’s not clear that Title 42 will ever be lifted. 

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

04-29-22

⚖️RICHARD HERMAN @ IMMIGRATIONPROF BLOG:  PD IS KEY! 🗝 But, It Also Requires A More Active Role By EOIR To Get The “Debilitating Deadwood” Off The Dockets!

https://lawprofessors.typepad.com/immigration/2022/04/guest-post-richard-herman-ice-issues-new-guidance-on-prosecutorial-discretion.html

. . . . .

The Bottom Line

The latest guidelines of ICE are welcomed by the American Immigration Lawyers Association (AILA). The memo will allow prosecutors to resolve cases immediately. It will help in reducing the backlog in immigration court proceedings. Thousands of people are waiting in line for years to get asylum or a green card. The Doyle Memorandum offers clear guidelines for prosecutors.

In the past, ICE Prosecutors have not always closely adhered to PD memos issued by OPLA.  In addition, federal courts have, at times, intervened and enjoined prosecutorial discretion policies by ICE.

But one thing is clear.  With nearly 1.7 million cases currently pending in immigration courts and the Board of Immigration Appeals, let’s hope that ICE Prosecutors will “do justice,” conserve scarce administrative resources best used against high priority cases, and remove low priority cases from the deportation process.  This will not only make the U.S. a more safe and equitable nation, but will help keep peaceful and hardworking families together.

On May 12, 2022, ICE Principal Legal Advisor Kerry Doyle and ICE Detroit Chief Counsel Tara Harris will hold a community meeting with interested legal services providers, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and community stakeholders who work with immigrant communities in Michigan and Ohio.

This meeting presents a unique opportunity to hear directly from PLA Doyle on her recently issued guidance to ICE attorneys on enforcing the civil immigration laws and prosecutorial discretion.  It is anticipated that specific guidance on process will be provided.

For more information on how to submit a request for PD, please see the ICE Website.

Richard Herman is a nationally renowned immigration lawyer, author, and activist.  He has dedicated his life to advocating for immigrants and helping change the conversation on immigration.  He is the founder of the Herman Legal Group, an immigration law firm launched in 1995 and recognized in U.S. World News & Report’s “Best Law Firms in America.”  He is the co-author of the acclaimed book, Immigrant, Inc. Why Immigrant Entrepreneurs Are Driving the New Economy (John Wiley & Sons, 2009).  Richard’s poignant commentary has been sought out by many national media outlets, including The New York Times, USA Today, BusinessWeek, Forbes, FOX News (The O’Reilly Factor), National Public Radio, Inc., National Lawyers Weekly, PC World, Computerworld, CIO, TechCrunch, Washington Times, San Francisco Chronicle and InformationWeek. He serves as counsel to the Consulate of Mexico, Michigan/Northern Ohio.

*********************

Read the rest of Richard’s outstanding and very informative analysis at the link.

It’s critical that Immigration Judges and the BIA take an active role in “encouraging and motivating” parties to maximize the use of PD. One possible tool is proactively closing certain types of cases without waiting for motions.

For example, the modest step of granting TPS to Cameroonians in the U.S. (https://immigrationcourtside.com/2022/04/16/%f0%9f%97%bdbiden-administration-grants-tps-to-cameroonians-a-modest-step-forward-it-also-illustrates-the-horrible-illegality-immorality-of-the-biden-administrations-co) and the just announced TPS for Ukrainians (https://www.lexisnexis.com/LegalNewsRoom/immigration/b/insidenews/posts/tps-for-ukraine-advance-copy) offers EOIR an opportunity to simply close these non-detained cases (except ones with pending criminal charges) without waiting for the parties.  

Either party that wants the case back on the docket can, of course, make a motion to redocket. Based on my experience with several past similar programs at the BIA, I anticipate that such motions would be relatively rare. Moreover, I would be reluctant to “redocket” a case without a joint agreement from the parties that it will be resolved in a “short hearing,” or a compelling reason to proceed in Immigration Court (e.g., the respondent failed to apply, committed a crime, or was denied TPS).

It’s going to take teamwork, cooperation, and creative thinking among the parties and the courts to get dockets back in shape so that Immigration Judges can do their jobs in something “approaching real time.” 

PD could be the key to success; or, it could become just another in the long line of things that looked good on paper but never achieved full potential. Time, and the efforts of all parties concerned to solve the problem in the most constructive and practical ways possible, will tell.

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!!

PWS

04-18-22

😎🗽⚖️ NDPA SUPERRSTAR 🌟 STACY TOLCHIN WINS EQUITABLE TOLLING CASE IN 5TH CIR! — BOCH-SABAN V. GARLAND (Published) — What if . . . . 

Stacy Tolchin
Stacy Tolchin ESQ
Law Office of Stacy Tolchin
Pasadena, CA
PHOTO: Website

https://www.ca5.uscourts.gov/opinions/pub/20/20-60540-CV0.pdf

Key Quote:

Whatever the merits of Liadov were at the time it was issued, the Supreme Court has since made quite clear that only statutes that are set forth to be construed as jurisdictional are, in fact, jurisdictional. See, e.g., Hamer v. Neighborhood Hous. Servs. of Chi., 138 S. Ct. 13, 21 (2017) (“‘[M]andatory and jurisdictional’ is erroneous and confounding terminology where, as here, the relevant time prescription is absent from the U.S. Code.”). Among others, the Second and Ninth Circuits have held, subsequent to Liadov, that the thirty-day BIA appeal filing rule is non-jurisdictional and subject to equitable tolling. See Attipoe v. Barr, 945 F.3d 76, 78–80 (2d Cir. 2019) (“Liadov is at odds with precedent in this Circuit and in others, as well with the Supreme Court’s repeated admonition not to treat claim-processing rules—such as the filing deadline in 8 C.F.R. § 1003.38—as jurisdictional.”); Irigoyen-Briones v. Holder, 644 F.3d 943, 946–48 (9th Cir. 2011). We agree with, and adopt, these courts’ reasoning. The BIA has the jurisdiction to hear the case if Boch-Saban establishes equitable tolling, an issue that the BIA should address in the first instance. For these reasons, we remand this case to the BIA to determine whether Boch-Saban proved entitlement to equitable tolling.

**************************

Case started 17 years ago. R has been married to USC for 9 years. 5 years ago, the DHS agreed that the case should be terminated to allow the respondent to pursue an IV.

What if IJs routinely granted joint motions like this?

What if they were encouraged to do so?

What if the “best practice” in Immigration Court were to encourage maximum use of joint agreements by the parties?

What if the BIA actually encouraged and enforced “best practices?”

What if long residence and being eligible for legal immigration were consistently treated as  “compelling equities.”

Wouldn’t those be “painless methods” for reducing the 1.7 million case backlog without gimmicks or stomping on anyone’s rights?

What if “practical scholar-litigators” like Stacy (a “complex litigation specialist”), who understand and have experienced the “dynamics” of Immigration Courts, were selected to become Immigration Judges and Appellate Immigration Judges?

🇺🇸 Due Process Forever!

PWS

04-10-22

🗽“RAPID PROCESSING” BY DHS WORKING FOR WHITE REFUGEES @ SOUTHERN BORDER! — WHY NOT ALSO FOR REFUGEES OF COLOR WHO HAVE WAITED MONTHS OR YEARS FOR JUSTICE?⚖️

 

https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/news/border-baja-california/story/2022-04-06/cbp-ukrainians-pedwest

Roughly 2,300 Ukrainians fleeing the Russian invasion are currently waiting in Tijuana, according to the mayor’s office

BY KATE MORRISSEYALEXANDRA MENDOZA

Kate Morrissey
Kate Morrissey
Immigration & Human Rights Reporter
San Diego Union Tribune

APRIL 6, 2022 1:33 PM PT

Customs and Border Protection officials are now processing Ukrainians fleeing Russia’s invasion of their country at the San Diego-Tijuana border through a pedestrian crossing that remains closed to the general public.

The move, according to volunteers helping the Ukrainians and the Tijuana mayor’s office, is to speed up how many Ukrainians border officials can process in a day. PedWest, the pedestrian crossing at the western end of the San Ysidro Port of Entry, has been closed to general traffic for the past two years.

At around 6 a.m. Wednesday morning, a busload of Ukrainians arrived at El Chaparral plaza on the south side of the crossing. That is where a camp of hundreds of mostly Central American and Mexican asylum seekers were camped for months, waiting for the Biden administration to open processing for refugee screenings. Mexican authorities bulldozed the camp in February, and the Biden administration has said that asylum processing won’t resume until May 23, with the exception of the Ukrainians.

. . . .

************************

The rest of the story is at the link.

I’ve been advocating (obviously unsuccessfully) for this type of preferred processing of asylum applicants to be applied to ALL NATIONALITIES, regardless of race or ethnicity, in advance of the May 23 date for the end of the Title 42 charade. https://immigrationcourtside.com/2022/04/02/%f0%9f%97%bd%e2%9a%96%ef%b8%8f-cdc-announces-end-of-covid-bar-but-only-7-weeks-from-now-compare-what-dhs-should-have-said-with-what-they-did-say-with-51/

DHS, with the assistance of NGOs, UNHCR, and other volunteers from the human rights community can screen those waiting over the next six weeks to insure that applicants with the strongest claims are moved to the front of the line in advance or even admitted under an “exception” (DHS seems to be able to invent these at their whim) before May 23.

That’s the way to establish an orderly, fair, and humane transition back to the rule of law at all border ports of entry!  

Additionally, because Garland has basically abdicated his duty to restructure and restaff the Immigration Courts to provide fair, positive interpretations of what asylum cases should be granted and to establish practical evidentiary and proof standards, the Asylum Office can work with the UNHCR and asylum experts to fill the gap. 

While the BIA might be intentionally short on positive asylum guidance, there are plenty of decent Circuit decisions and some unpublished IJ decisions out there that point the way toward a fair, generous, functional legal asylum system that will actually fulfill the humanitarian promise of older precedents. Cases such as the Supreme’s decision in Cardoza Fonseca; the BIA’s complimentary positive guidance in cases like Matter of Mogharrabi, Matter of Kasinga, Matter of O-Z- & I-Z-, and Matter of A-R-C-G-; and the regulations establishing a “presumption of future persecution” based on past persecution all point the way toward a much more generous, practical, and humane interpretation and application of U.S. asylum law. 

Honest interpretations of asylum law disgracefully fell into disuse as the Trump regime improperly “weaponized” the Immigration Courts against asylum seekers and attempted to replace qualified Asylum Officers with patently unqualified Border Patrol Agents. But, despite a lackadaisical performance to date, the Biden Administration still has a golden opportunity to reverse the mistakes of the past and to lead the way to a better future. Whether they will take that opportunity remains to be seen! 

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

04-07-22

⚖️CHAIR LOFGREN’S “REAL COURTS RULE OF LAW ACT OF 2022,” H.R. 6577, TO GET MARKUP THIS WEEK!

FROM AILA:

From: George Tzamaras <GTzamaras@aila.org>

Sent: Tuesday, April 5, 2022 2:36 PM

To: AILA Board of Governors Mailing List <bog@lists.aila.org>

Subject: [bog] PLEASE SHARE: New AILA Think Immigration video blog post with Jeremy McKinney and Greg Chen regarding immigration court reform (includes sample tweets and posts).

 

Good afternoon everyone,

 

We are really excited that this week the House Judiciary Committee is scheduled to mark up the Real Courts, Rule of Law Act of 2022 – introduced by Rep. Lofgren to establish an independent immigration court system which we’ve been working for steadily for years now. The markup hearing will cover a lot of different bills so we may see the bill come up today, or more likely tomorrow. To watch the hearing, keep an eye on the hearing livestream page: https://judiciary.house.gov/calendar/eventslisting.aspx?EventTypeID=216

 

The AILA Comms Team produced a video in which Jeremy McKinney and Greg Chen talk through the immigration court’s problems and the need for a real solution in order to ensure judicial independence and due process. We have embedded the video as a blog post and would love to have you amplify it to your networks on social media.

 

To make that easier, we’ve created some sample social below for the video blog post. Also, don’t forget to TAKE ACTION yourself by contacting your congressional delegation and urging support for the bill: https://www.aila.org/advo-media/tools/advocacy-action-center#/114

 

Sample tweets:

  • I’ll be watching to see the House Judiciary Committee mark up the Real Courts, Rule of Law Act which would create an independent #immigration court this week. WATCH this video with @MckJeremy and @GregChenAILA for a helpful intro: http://ow.ly/oqap50IB7Cp @AILANational
  • Simply put, the history of politicization and turmoil make it clear that we need an independent #immigration court – WATCH @AILANational’s @MckJeremy and @GregChenAILA explain: http://ow.ly/oqap50IB7Cp
  • Sample Facebook/LinkedIn posts:
  • I’ll be watching to see how the Real Courts, Rule of Law Act introduced by Rep. Lofgren fares as the House Judiciary Committee discusses how to create an independent #immigration court but in the meantime, this video with AILA President-Elect Jeremy McKinney and Greg Chen serves as a helpful intro: http://ow.ly/oqap50IB7Cp
  • Simply put, the history of politicization and turmoil make it clear that we need an independent #immigration court – WATCH AILA’s President-Elect Jeremy McKinney join Greg Chen to explain:

http://ow.ly/oqap50IB7Cp

 

Thank you,

G

 

George Paul Tzamaras

Senior Director, Communications and Outreach

American Immigration Lawyers Association

Suite 800

1331 G Street, NW,

Washington, DC  20005-3142

Office:  202-507-7649

Cell:      240-476-4299

E-mail:  gtzamaras@aila.org

 

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American Immigration Lawyers Association

Main: 202.507.7600 I Fax: 202.783.7853 I www.aila.org

1331 G Street NW, Suite 300, Washington, DC 20005

 

pastedGraphic_1.png  pastedGraphic_2.png  pastedGraphic_3.png  pastedGraphic_4.png

 

 

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Nice video!

Progress!

Stay tuned!

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

04-05-22

NGOs’ EXPOSE, DOCUMENT ICE’S LIES 🤥 TO CONGRESS ABOUT ATTORNEY ACCESS IN SCATHING DEMAND FOR ACCOUNTABILITY!

Pinocchio @ ICE
“Pinocchio @ ICE”
Author of Reports to Congress
Creative Commons License

https://immigrantjustice.org/sites/default/files/content-type/commentary-item/documents/2022-03/NGO-Rebuttal-to-ICE-Legal-Access-Report-March-22-2022.pdf

     MEMO

To: Professional staff for the House and Senate Appropriations Subcommittees on

Homeland Security

From: National Immigrant Justice Center, American Immigration Council,

ACLU of Southern California, Southern Poverty Law Center

Re: Concerns re Veracity of ICE’s February 2022 “Access to Due Process” Report Date: March 22, 2022

On February 14, 2022, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) presented a report entitled “Access to Due Process” to the Chairs and Ranking Members of the House and Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on Homeland Security [hereinafter “ICE Access Memo”]. The report was responsive to direction in the Fiscal Year (FY) 2021 Joint Explanatory Report and House Report accompanying the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Appropriations Act, P.L. 116-260, requiring ICE to provide a report on attorney access to ICE facilities, the rate of denial of legal visits, and attorney/client communications. The ICE Access Memo largely focuses on FY 2020, i.e. October 1, 2019 through September 30, 2020.

Our organizations provide legal services or represent organizations that provide legal services to individuals in ICE detention facilities throughout the United States, and work closely in coalition with many other organizations that do the same. We write to share our concerns regarding the ICE Access Memo, which omits key facts and blatantly mis-states others. As recently as October 2021, more than 80 NGOs delivered a letter to DHS and ICE documenting a litany of access to counsel obstacles imposed by ICE on people in detention. The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) and American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of Southern California remain in active litigation against DHS and ICE over allegations of access to counsel violations so severe that they violate the Constitution. Yet the ICE Access Memo ignores the lawsuits and the written complaints, instead presenting a generally positive picture of the state of access to counsel and legal services for people in ICE custody. That picture bears little resemblance to the reality our legal service teams and clients experience daily in trying to communicate with each other.

This memo addresses the key points made by ICE in its Access Memo, and provides narrative and illustrative details of the misrepresentations made throughout. The topics addressed include: I) Access to legal counsel generally; II) Access to legal resources and representation (through the provision of free phone minutes and video conferencing capacity); and III) ICE’s purported efforts to address issues arising with access to legal counsel.

Our legal and policy teams would also be interested in engaging in an informal briefing with

  

 your teams to discuss these issues in greater depth. Please contact Heidi Altman at the National Immigrant Justice Center at haltman@heartlandalliance.org to arrange the briefing.

I. There are widespread, significant challenges in access to legal counsel at ICE facilities nationwide.

In its Access Memo, ICE claims that: a) “noncitizen access to legal representatives . . . has continued unabated” during the COVID-19 pandemic; b) in FY 2020, “ICE’s inspections did not identify any legal representatives being denied access to their clients, as confirmed by the DHS [Office for Civil Rights and Civil Liberties] and other oversight bodies”; and c) “Facilities continue to provide noncitizens opportunities to meet privately with their current or prospective legal representatives, legal assistants, translators, and consular officials.”

These representations make glaring omissions regarding ongoing challenges to legal access, illustrated in great detail below. Further, we note that while ICE’s inspections (which DHS’s own Inspector General has found to be flawed) may not have specifically identified legal representatives being denied access to their clients, all of our organizations have experienced these denials to be pervasive.

a) Far from continuing “unabated,” access to counsel in ICE detention has been significantly hampered during the COVID-19 pandemic.

ICE claims that “noncitizen access to legal representatives remains a paramount requirement throughout the pandemic and has continued unabated.” This claim is either an intentional misrepresentation or reflects a severe turn-a-blind-eye-mentality within the agency. DHS and ICE face ongoing litigation brought by legal service providers forced to seek emergency relief to gain even minimal remote access to their clients during the pandemic. And just months ago, DHS Secretary Mayorkas and Acting ICE Director Johnson received a 20 page letter from dozens of NGOs outlining in great depth the “host of obstacles to attorney access that exist in immigration detention facilities nationwide.”1 Referring to the agency’s commitment to providing legal access as “paramount” thus clearly omits important content from this report to Congress, the body meant to provide oversight of the agency in the public interest.

As the pandemic began to spread in April 2020, SPLC was forced to seek a Temporary Restraining Order (TRO) to ensure adequate remote access to counsel in four ICE facilities in Louisiana and Georgia, and then had to file a motion to enforce that TRO. The case is still active today and the court is seeking additional information on the state of the government’s compliance with the TRO. In granting the TRO in June 2020, the D.C. District Court found in its

1 Letter to The Honorable Alejandro Mayorkas and Tae Johnson from the American Immigration Council, the American Civil Liberties Union, et al., Oct. 29, 2021, available here.

       2

 Memorandum Opinion that DHS’s response to the pandemic “with respect to increasing the capacity and possibilities for remote legal visitation and communication has been inadequate and insufficient.” The Court also found ICE to be imposing restrictions and conditions on remote legal visitation and communication that were “more restrictive than standards promulgated for criminal detainees.” The TRO, among other things, required ICE to ensure access to confidential and free phone and video calls to legal representatives, to develop a system to schedule such calls, to create troubleshooting procedures for technology problems, and to institute a system to allow for electronic document transfer.2

SPLC was not the only legal service provider forced to seek emergency relief in order to get access to its clients as the pandemic spread. Also still in active litigation is Torres v. DHS, a case brought by the ACLU of Southern California, Stanford Law School Immigrants’ Rights Clinic, and Sidley Austin LLP on behalf of the American Immigration Lawyers Association and Immigrant Defenders Law Center in December 2018. The Torres case alleges many of the same obstacles to counsel in three California facilities as those at issue in SPLC v. DHS, including limited access to legal phone calls, prohibitively expensive calling rates, limited access to confidential phone calls with counsel, and inadequate opportunities for in-person attorney-client visitation.3 In April 2020, the District Court for the Central District of California entered a TRO in response to the plaintiff organizations’ arguments that ICE’s COVID-19 policies had effectively barred in-person legal visitation, leaving no confidential means for attorneys and detained clients to communicate.

In granting the TRO in Torres v. DHS, as of April 2020, the Court found the plaintiffs “likely to succeed on the merits of their claims that [DHS’s] COVID-19 attorney-access policies violate their constitutional and statutory rights,” noting that the pre-pandemic conditions alleged by plaintiffs made out such a claim, and the post-pandemic restrictions were “far more severe.”4 The Court also noted: “Defendants’ non-responsiveness to Plaintiffs’ factual assertions is telling.

2 In Southern Poverty Law Center v. Dep’t of Homeland Security (D.D.C.), 1:18-cv-00760, Dkt. 18-760, SPLC argues that the “totality of barriers to accessing and communicating with attorneys endured by detainees in these prisons [the LaSalle Detention Facility in Jena, Louisiana, the Irwin County Detention Center in Ocilla, Georgia, the Stewart Detention Center in Lumpkin, Georgia, and Pine Prairie ICE Processing Center in Pine Prairie, Louisiana] deprives SPLC’s clients of their constitutional rights to access courts, to access counsel, to obtain full and fair hearings and to substantive due process, in violation of the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment” and “violates the Administrative Procedure Act, as well as SPLC’s rights under the First Amendment.” The first complaint filed in April 2018 is available here; further briefing and orders in the litigation are available on the SPLC’s website here.

3 In Torres v. Dep’t of Homeland Security, (C.D. Cal.), 5:18-cv-02604-JGB, Dkt. 127-1, the ACLU of Southern California and the Immigrants’ Rights Clinic at Stanford Law School filed a class action lawsuit alleging that barriers to attorney-client communications at three ICE facilities in California (the Theo Lacy and James A. Musick county jails and the Adelanto Processing Center) were so severe as to make it nearly impossible for people in detention to reach their lawyers, in violation of statutory law, constitutional protections, and the Administrative Procedures Act. The first complaint filed in December 2018 is here; further briefing and orders in the litigation are available on the ACLU of Southern California’s website here.

4 Torres v. Dep’t of Homeland Security, (C.D. Cal.), 5:18-cv-02604-JGB, Dkt. 127-1, Order Granting Temporary Restraining Order, available here.

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 First, it took Defendants multiple rounds of briefing and two hearings to state whether there is any definite procedure to access free confidential legal calls and what that procedure is. Even if a procedure exists, Defendants do not rebut Plaintiffs’ showing that few detainees have ever accessed a free confidential legal call.” The Court further addressed the common problem of individuals in detention being forced to pay exorbitant phone rates for what should be free legal calls, stating, “Nor do Defendants explain why it is reasonable to expect detainees earning about one dollar a day…, or their families in the midst of an economic crisis, to fund paid ‘legal’ calls on recorded lines in the middle of their housing unit.”5

While litigation is ongoing in SPLC v. DHS and Torres v. DHS, our own legal teams throughout the country face daily, grueling obstacles in communicating with and effectively representing their detained clients, obstacles that have been compounded during the pandemic. ICE’s representations regarding phone and video-conference access are frequently belied by on-the-ground challenges including subcontractors’ belligerence, technology difficulties, or complex and opaque processes that even trained attorneys struggle to understand. As described by advocates in their October 2021 letter to DHS, the following examples are illustrative:

➔ Video-conference (VTC) technology is often not available or extremely limited in availability, even when facility policy states otherwise: An attorney with the University of Texas Immigration Law clinic attempted to schedule a VTC visit with a client who had recently been detained at the South Texas ICE Processing Center in Pearsall, Texas. A GEO staff member informed the attorney that there were no VTC visits available for two weeks—and even then availability was “tentative.” ICE’s webpage for Pearsall asserts that VTC appointments are available daily, 6 a.m. to 9 p.m., and can be scheduled 24 hours in advance.

➔ Emails and phone messages from attorneys go undelivered: The American Immigration Council’s Immigration Justice Campaign placed the case of a man detained at the El Paso Service Processing Center in Texas with a volunteer attorney at a law firm in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania in June 2021. That attorney sent three emails to the El Paso facility requesting that a message be delivered to the client to call his new attorney. The attorney then learned that the client had been transferred to the Otero County Processing Center and sent two more emails to that facility requesting a call with the client. On June 28, an ICE officer claimed a message had been delivered to the client. On July 6, the client appeared before an immigration judge and stipulated to an order of deportation, seeing no way to fight his case and no way to find an attorney. That evening, the client received two of the attorney’s messages and was finally able to contact her, but the damage had been done.

5 Id.

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 ➔ Poor sound quality, dropped calls, and limited phone access: The Refugee and Immigrant Center for Education and Legal Services (RAICES) in San Antonio, Texas faces consistent problems trying to speak to clients detained at the facility in Pearsall, Texas. For example, over the course of one month in April and May 2021, RAICES staff struggled to prepare a declaration for a Request for Reconsideration of a negative credible fear interview for a client due to a host of communication failures at the facility. After RAICES was unable to contact the client for three days (despite prior regular calls) RAICES staff was finally about to reach their client, but the call dropped before the declaration was complete and GEO staff prohibited the client from calling back. GEO staff then did not schedule a VTC call as requested, canceled a VTC call, and a telephone call to attempt to finalize the client’s declaration had sound quality so poor that it was difficult to hear the client. These obstacles to access delayed the submission of the client’s Request for Reconsideration by several weeks. Similarly, The Florence Immigrant & Refugee Rights Project (FIRRP) has difficulty conducting legal intakes at La Palma Correctional Center in Arizona because guards frequently cut calls short. FIRRP works to complete intakes in just twenty to thirty minutes. Yet in the first two weeks of July 2021, it was unable to complete intakes for five potential clients because their calls were cut short by La Palma staff.

➔ Phone access restricted during quarantine and beyond: The El Paso Immigration Collaborative (EPIC) represents detained people in the El Paso area detention facilities, including the Torrance County Detention Facility. Staff at the Torrance facility have repeatedly told EPIC attorneys that they simply do not have capacity to arrange legal calls—with delays that can last for one week or more. For example, a call scheduling officer stated in August 2021: “Courts are my main priority and when I get chances to make attorney calls I will get to that.” Throughout the El Paso district, ICE denies any access to over-the-phone legal intakes and/or legal calls to people who are in quarantine for being exposed to COVID-19.

➔ Prohibitive cost of phone calls: The Immigration Detention Accountability Project of the Civil Rights Education and Enforcement Center (CREEC) answers calls to a free hotline available in immigration detention centers nationwide to monitor ICE compliance with the injunction in Fraihat v. ICE. Hotline staff routinely receive reports from callers—typically people with medical vulnerabilities or in need of accommodations—that they do not receive free calls for the purpose of finding an attorney, and the cost of telephone calls in detention is prohibitive for finding a removal defense attorney.

➔ Obstacles to sending and receiving legal documents: The Carolina Migrant Network represents a significant number of people detained at the Winn Correctional Center in

5

 Louisiana. The Winn facility has the lowest availability of immigration attorneys in the entire country—a recent study showed that there was one immigration attorney for every 234 detained people at Winn within a 100-mile radius of the facility.6 Winn is so far from most immigration attorneys and legal services providers that most attorneys who serve that facility must do so remotely, but Winn will not facilitate getting legal documents to and from clients. Winn will not allow attorneys to email or fax a Form G-28, Notice of Entry of Appearance as Attorney, for signing. Instead, attorneys must mail a Form G-28 with a return self-addressed stamped envelope. It takes approximately two business weeks for Carolina Migrant Network attorneys to receive a signed Form G-28, because the facility is so geographically isolated that the postal service will not guarantee overnight mail.

➔ Intransigence of subcontractors and inadequate access policies in local jails: An attorney with Mariposa Legal in Indianapolis, Indiana routinely confronts obstacles to reaching clients at the Boone County Jail in Kentucky. Those challenges include a faulty fax machine as the only mechanism for requesting client calls or visits, the facility’s refusal to allow any calls on Thursdays, staff who bring the wrong person to the attorney client room, and the use of attorney-client rooms as dorms when the population level increases. Boone’s mail system is particularly problematic. An attorney sent paperwork via FedEx to a client in July 2021 and the client simply never received the package. Jail staff made an “exception” and allowed the attorney to email the documents but delayed the attorney being able to file a time-sensitive Freedom of Information Act request by more than a week.

b) Legal representatives are routinely denied access to their clients in ICE custody.

The ICE Access Memo states that, “ICE ERO does not track the number of legal visits that were denied or not facilitated and/or the number of facilities that do not meet ICE standards for attorney/client communications. However, in FY 2020, ICE’s inspections did not identify any legal representatives being denied access to their clients, as confirmed by the DHS Office for Civil Rights and Civil Liberties (CRCL) and other oversight bodies.” Given ICE’s own admission that it does not track or keep records of visit denials, this statement is meaningless.

As organizations providing legal services to individuals in detention, we can confirm that in-person and virtual legal visits are in fact routinely denied either outright or because of facility

6 This study is found in a report called Justice-Free Zones, which also provides in-depth evidence and data regarding the lack of availability of lawyers for many of ICE’s newest detention facilities. See American Civil Liberties Union, National Immigrant Justice Center, Human Rights Watch, Justice-Free Zones: U.S. Immigration Detention Under the Trump Administration (2020), 20-23. The report discusses at length the ways in which ICE’s use of remote detention centers and prisons for its detention sites undermines the ability of those in custody to find counsel. This topic is not addressed in this memo, but underlies the entirety of the due process crisis for detained immigrants facing removal proceedings.

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 policies so restrictive as to constitute denials in practice. SPLC has documented over two dozen incidents of legal visits, including four in-person visits and 22 calls and VTCs, that were denied or not facilitated at the Stewart, Irwin, LaSalle and Pine Prairie facilities in FY 2020 alone. Attorneys attempting in-person meetings in 2020 were often left waiting for their visits for so long that they had to leave the detention center and come back another day, a constructive denial even if not outright. SPLC attorneys also report phone calls and VTCs being regularly canceled or unilaterally rescheduled by facility staff with no notice to attorneys, often preventing attorneys from speaking to clients on time-sensitive matters.

In many facilities, the procedures and rules around setting up attorney-client visits are so cumbersome as to make visitation nearly impossible; in these cases ICE may not be denying visits outright but they are allowing conditions to persist that constitute a blanket denial. In a number of facilities in Louisiana, for example, attorneys are not allowed to meet with clients in person unless visits are scheduled by 3 p.m. the day before. This policy renders visits entirely unavailable for attorneys who need to meet with a client for time-sensitive matters that cannot wait 24 hours.

In Torres v. DHS, the court noted in ordering a TRO in April 2020 that ICE “equivocate[d]” on the question of whether contact visitation was allowed at all at the Adelanto facility in California. ICE eventually admitted that “only two contact visits” had been allowed between March 13 and April 6, 2020.7

c) Legal representatives frequently face obstacles to meeting in a private confidential space with current or prospective clients.

The ICE Legal Access Memo states that, “Facilities continue to provide noncitizens opportunities to meet privately with their current or prospective legal representatives, legal assistants, translators, and consular officials.” However, it is our experience that in many facilities it is not possible for individuals to meet in person with their lawyers in a private setting, and that access to translators is also frequently compromised. Many detained individuals are also unable to access private, confidential remote communication with their attorney. The ability to access a confidential space may be the difference between presenting a successful claim to relief or being order deported, especially for individuals sharing difficult or traumatic experiences or sharing information that they fear will place them at risk if overheard by other people in detention such as sexual orientation or gender identity.

In many facilities, especially since the pandemic, it is nearly or completely impossible to access a confidential space to have a remote communication with one’s attorney. Some facilities may

7 Torres v. Dep’t of Homeland Security, (C.D. Cal.), 5:18-cv-02604-JGB, Dkt. 127-1, Order Granting Temporary Restraining Order, available here.

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 claim to provide confidential spaces, but the reality is quite different. In the Pine Prairie facility, for example, the spaces designated for “confidential” attorney-client phone calls and VTC are actually cubicles with walls that do not reach the ceiling and allow for noise to travel outside the cubicle. Cubicle-style spaces with walls that do not reach the ceiling are also the only spaces available for so-called confidential attorney-client meetings at the T. Don Hutto Residential Center in Texas, where the University of Texas School of Law Immigration Clinic provides services. Similarly, confidential phone calls are provided at the Stewart facility but are limited to 30 minutes, which is far from sufficient for many types of legal calls necessary to gather facts or prepare for an immigration court case, especially if an interpreter is needed.

There are also severe restrictions to individuals’ ability to meet in person with their lawyers in confidential settings. At Pine Prairie, for example, because the cubicles described above have been reserved for VTC during the pandemic, attorneys must meet with their clients or prospective clients at a table in the middle of an open-plan intake space that is the most highly-trafficked part of the facility. There is absolutely no privacy—guards, ICE officers, other facility staff, other detained individuals and even people refilling the vending machines all travel through or wait in this space frequently, making it impossible to have a confidential conversation.

We also contest ICE’s claim that it provides ready access to translators as necessary for attorney-client communication. As explained in briefing in SPLC v. DHS, for example, the non-contact attorney-client visitation rooms in the LaSalle, Irwin, and Stewart facilities provide only one phone on the “attorney side” of the room, which means that there is no way for an attorney to be accompanied by a legal assistant or interpreter. Also at these facilities, a “no-electronics policy” is maintained meaning that attorneys are effectively denied from accessing remote interpretation services (there are also no outside phone lines available).

The following examples provide further evidence of the ways in which access to confidential in-person or remote communications are restricted throughout ICE detention:

➔ Restricted access to confidential remote communications during periods of COVID quarantine: In the McHenry County Jail in Illinois, prior to its closure, individuals were subjected to a mandatory fourteen-day quarantine period if exposed to COVID-19, during which they had literally zero access to confidential attorney-client phone calls. In January 2022, the National Immigrant Justice Center (NIJC) raised this issue to the Office of the Immigration Detention Ombudsman, sharing several case examples. One of the examples was that of an NIJC client who was represented by pro bono attorneys at a major law firm. In the weeks leading up to the client’s asylum merits hearing, the pro bono team contacted the facility and were told that no time slots were available because their client was in COVID-related quarantine. The facility informed the pro bono attorneys that their

8

 only option to speak with their client was if he called them during the one hour every other day when he had access to the communal phones. Although the communal phones offered no confidentiality, it was the only option for them to speak with their client. The pro bono team had to deposit money into their client’s commissary account in order for him to call out, and then faxed him a letter asking him to call them during his one hour window. Their client did call, but he could barely hear his attorneys because the noise from the television and other people in detention speaking in the background was so loud.

➔ So-called “confidential spaces” providing no privacy: The University of Texas School of Law Immigration Clinic serves women detained at the Hutto facility, where since the start of the COVID pandemic attorneys have been required to sit in one plastic cubicle while their clients sit in another. This requires attorneys and their clients to raise their voices while speaking to one another, further limiting confidentiality. Two clinic students spoke to several women from Haiti who had experienced sexual assaults. The women had not been able to speak to attorneys prior to their credible fear interviews because of limits placed on attorney access, and so had little understanding of the process and the importance of describing their experiences fully. Because of this obstacle to due process, the women did not share their experiences of sexual assault during their credible fear interview. One woman was deported even after the students took on the case, because it took so long for legal counsel to learn about the details of the assault due to communication barriers.

II. ICE’s claims that it provides enhanced access to legal resources and representation are belied by the experiences of legal service providers and detained people.

In the Access Memo, ICE claims that it “made improvements in legal access accommodations by enhancing detained noncitizens’ remote access to legal service providers,” specifically including: a) the provision of more than 500 free phone minutes to “most noncitizens” and b) by expanding the Virtual Attorney Visitation (VAV) program from five to nine programs in FY 2020. ICE fails to mention, however, that the rollout of both programs has been extremely flawed. The 500 free minutes, for those in facilities where they are offered, are usually not available on a confidential line (making them generally not usable for attorney-client communication) and detained individuals often face severe obstacles in accessing the minutes at all. The VAV program, similarly, is in practice often inaccessible to attorneys trying to reach their clients.

a) The 500 free minutes do not meaningfully enhance legal access because they are usually available only on non-confidential lines and the length of calls is restricted.

ICE describes in the Access Memo that 520 minutes per month are provided to individuals detained in all facilities with Talton operated phone systems. The list of Talton-served facilities is

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 available on the AILA website here. However, these minutes are of limited utility in enhancing access to legal counsel for two primary reasons: First, the minutes can generally be used only in 10 or 15-minute increments after which time the call automatically cuts off, disrupting attorney-client calls and making conversations with interpreters particularly difficult. Second, in most cases it appears the minutes are available only on phones in public areas of housing units, and therefore cannot be used for confidential attorney-client communication. It has also been our experience that it is difficult for individuals who do not read Spanish or English to access the minutes at all, as the instructions for how to use them are usually provided in English and Spanish without accommodation for speakers of other languages, including indigenous languages.

Our own legal service teams and clients have experienced these challenges:

➔ The Otay Mesa Detention Center in California is one of the facilities ICE claims provides 520 free minutes. NIJC provides legal services to individuals at the Otay Mesa facility, and has found it to be difficult and often impossible for attorneys providing remote representation to get a secure line set up using clients’ free minutes. One NIJC attorney has had some success in doing so by calling the facility, asking for her client to submit a form adding her to their attorney list, and then calling her back. However, she has found this to only work in rare instances and notes that it usually takes at least three days’ advance notice.

➔ The American Immigration Council works with partners who provide legal services at the Otero County Processing Center in New Mexico, which is also on the list of facilities providing 520 free minutes. However, the free minutes available at the Otero facility are available only on recorded lines from phones in public areas of the housing units, thus not confidential. In July 2020, a law clerk with EPIC shared that they had conducted an intake interview with a potential client at Otero which had to be conducted over four short calls, because the first three calls were free ten minute calls that automatically cut off. The client paid for the fourth call, which cut off before the intake could be completed. This made it difficult to maintain a conversation, caused confusion, and impeded the law clerk’s ability to ask the client a full range of questions.

➔ The practice of dividing the 520 monthly minutes into calls of such short duration that they disrupt attorney-client communication was confirmed by ICE Assistant Field Officer Director Gabriel Valdez in a written affidavit filed in Torres v. DHS stating that as of April 2020 at the Adelanto facility, the 520 free minutes were provided as a maximum of 13 calls per week, with each call permitted to last no longer than 10 minutes. Legal service providers at Adelanto also confirm that these free minutes are provided only on

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 the phones in the common spaces of the Adelanto facilities, where attorney-client confidentiality is not protected.

b) The Virtual Attorney Visitation (VAV) program is severely compromised in its utility by restrictions on usage and technology problems, and in certain facilities does not even appear to be operational.

ICE describes in its Access Memo that the VAV program was expanded from five to nine facilities in Fiscal Year 2020, allowing legal representatives to meet with their clients through video technology in private rooms or booths to ensure confidentiality of communications. ICE posts a list of the facilities it claims are VAV-enabled here.

Many of our legal service teams had never heard of the VAV program until reviewing the ICE Access Memo, which speaks to the extent to which it can be utilized in practice. Included in ICE’s list of VAV-enabled facilities are three facilities where SPLC currently provides services—the Folkston ICE Processing Center, the LaSalle ICE Processing Center, and the Stewart Detention Center. Yet SPLC’s legal teams are entirely unaware of any VAV programs having been accessible at any of these three facilities in Fiscal Year 2020. While some VTC capacity was present at these facilities using Skype, they do not appear to have been part of the VAV program which is largely conducted using Teams and WebEx, according to the Access Memo. Further, the number of confidential VTC rooms in use at these facilities was dismally low. In the Stewart Detention Center, for example, which can detain up to 2,040 people, there are only two VTC rooms, neither of which are confidential.

Another facility on ICE’s list of VAV-enabled facilities is the Otay Mesa Detention Center, where NIJC provides legal services. Yet NIJC’s attorneys who represent individuals at Otay Mesa through a program focused on ensuring legal representation for LGBTQI individuals have found that there is no way for NIJC to schedule legal calls or VTC sessions for free, through the VAV or any other program. For one current NIJC client, the legal team must provide funds to the client’s commissary to be able to speak with them, and even then the calls cut off every ten minutes.

The ICE website describes the VAV program as providing detained individuals access to their attorneys in a “timely and efficient manner.” Yet at the Boone County Jail, one of the listed VAV-enabled facilities, NIJC’s clients report that there are very limited available hours for attorneys to call through the VAV program, and they must be requested well in advance. On one occasion, for example, an NIJC attorney called to ask for a VAV session in the ensuing 48 hours and was told none were available. Instead, the facility staff directed the attorney to the iwebvisit.com website where she could “purchase confidential visits” at $7.75 per 15-minute interval. Boone strictly limits the availability of free confidential VAV calls, and charges for calls

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 occurring during many slots in normal business hours. Given the limited availability that Boone provides for free calls on the VAV platform, NIJC has had to pay these fees in order to communicate with clients. Additionally, the quality of the videoconferences on the platform used by Boone County Jail is poor, and NIJC attorneys and advocates struggle to hear clients. Finally, the process for adding third-party interpreters through Boone’s system is extremely onerous, which raises serious concerns about accessibility for speakers of diverse languages. Third party interpreters are unable to join calls unless they go through a registration and clearance process with the jail and like attorneys, must also pay fees for 15-minute intervals if the call takes place during certain hours.

III. ICE’s stated increased coordination with Enforcement and Removal Operations (ERO) to address issues with access to legal counsel has not been communicated to legal service providers.

ICE notes in its Access Memo that it has designated Legal Access Points of Contact (LA-POC) in field offices, who are intended to “work with the ICE ERO Legal Access Team at headquarters to address legal access-related issues and to implement practices that enhance noncitizen access to legal resources and representation.” Among the four organizations authoring this memo, none of our legal service teams reported knowing how to access these designated points of contact or had experienced them resolving concerns or issues. For many of us, the Access Memo was in fact the first time we had even heard of LA-POCs, which is fairly remarkable given that all four of our organizations either provide large quantities of legal services to detained individuals or represent other organizations that do.

***

Meaningful and prompt access to confidential communication with counsel is literally a life and death matter for individuals who are in ICE detention. Barriers to communication can prevent an individual from being fully prepared for a court hearing that will determine whether they are permanently separated from their loved ones. A lack of confidential space for attorney-client communications can mean that an LGBTQI person may never feel safe to disclose their sexual orientation or gender identity, compromising both their own safety and their ability to present their full claim to asylum or other protection.

ICE has submitted this report, in effect asking Members of Congress to believe that they have been responsive and thoughtful in their approach to ensuring access to counsel, even while legal service providers are forced to seek emergency relief in the federal courts simply to be able to communicate with their detained clients. The ICE Access Memo represents a disingenuous and cavalier approach to a gravely serious topic, and we urge Chairpersons Roybal-Allard and Murphy to hold the agency accountable.

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*******************

Previous coverage from “Courtside:”

https://immigrationcourtside.com/2022/03/29/the-gibson-report-03-28-22-compiled-by-elizabeth-gibson-esquire-managing-attorney-nijc-headliners-ice-lies-to-congress-about-attorney-access-bia-flagged-by-11th-for/

You don’t have to be a “legal eagle” to understand that putting “civil” immigration prisons (the “New American Gulag”) in obscure locations like Jena, LA, and elsewhere in the notoriously anti-immigrant Fifth Circuit is, among other illegal objectives, about restricting access to lawyers and running roughshod over due process and fundamental fairness.

But, don’t hold your breath for a day of reckoning for immigration bureaucrats peddling lies, myths, and distortions.

Sadly, accountability for White Nationalist abuses of asylum seekers and other migrants by the Trump regime hasn’t been a priority for either a moribund Congress or the Biden Administration. And, a “New Jim Crow” 5th Circuit loaded with Trump judges isn’t likely to stop abuses of due process as long as they are directed primarily against persons of color. See, e.g., https://www.theguardian.com/law/2021/nov/15/fifth-circuit-court-appeals-most-extreme-us?CMP=Share_iOSApp_Other.

Nevertheless, as the GOP initiative to rewrite the history of racism in America rolls forward, it’s more important than ever to continually document  truth for the day in the future when America develops the communal courage to deal honestly with the past rather than intentionally and spinelessly distorting it.

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

04-03-22

THE GIBSON REPORT — 03-28-22 — Compiled By Elizabeth Gibson, Esquire, Managing Attorney, NIJC — HEADLINERS: ICE Lies To Congress About Attorney Access; BIA Flagged By 11th For Another “Categorical Approach” Blunder!

Elizabeth Gibson
Elizabeth Gibson
Managing Attorney
National Immigrant Justice Center
Publisher of “The Gibson Report”

pastedGraphic.png

 

Weekly Briefing

 

This briefing is designed as a quick-reference aggregation of developments in immigration law, practice, and policy that you can scan for anything you missed over the last week. The contents of the news, links, and events do not necessarily reflect the position of the National Immigrant Justice Center. If you have items that you would like considered for inclusion, please email them to egibson@heartlandalliance.org.

 

CONTENTS (jump to section)

  • NEWS
  • LITIGATION & AGENCY UPDATES
  • RESOURCES
  • EVENTS

 

NEWS

 

Biden Administration Prepares Sweeping Change to Asylum Process

NYT: Under the new policy, which the administration released on Thursday as an interim final rule, some migrants seeking asylum will have their claims heard and evaluated by asylum officers instead of immigration judges. The goal, administration officials said, is for the entire process to take six months, compared with a current average of about five years.

 

USCIS Agrees to Restore Path to Permanent Residency for TPS Beneficiaries

CLINIC: U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) agreed to restore a path to permanent residency for many Temporary Protected Status (TPS) beneficiaries blocked by then-acting USCIS Director Ken Cuccinelli — an illegally appointed Trump official. Because of this agreement, TPS beneficiaries impacted by this policy will be able to reopen and dismiss their removal orders and apply to adjust their status to become permanent residents — eliminating the threat of deportation if their TPS protections are revoked in the future.

 

ICE ending Etowah County immigration detention after ‘long history of serious deficiencies’

AL: U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, also known as ICE, will discontinue use of the Etowah County Detention Center in Gadsden, and will limit the use of the three other southern detention facilities: Glades County Detention Center in Moore Haven, FL., Winn Correctional Center in Winnfield, LA., and Alamance County Detention Facility in Graham, N.C. See also Biden to Ask Congress for 9,000 Fewer Immigration Detention Beds.

 

ICE claims ‘unabated’ legal access in detention during pandemic

Roll Call: Congress in the fiscal 2021 law instructed the agency to include the number of legal visits “denied or not facilitated” as well as how many detention centers do not meet the agency’s standards of communications between immigrants and their lawyers… [T]he report claimed ICE inspections in fiscal 2020 “did not identify any legal representatives being denied access to their clients.”

 

Cruelty as Border Policy: The Biden Administration Keeps in Place CBP’s “Consequence Delivery System”

Border Chronicle: Behind closed doors, agents, like technocrats in a Fortune 500 company, create color-coded graphics to demonstrate the most “efficient” and “effective” enforcement techniques. Even though the effectiveness of deterrence has been questioned and refuted, and even though the question of human rights has not entered the equation at all, the U.S. federal government seems to be plowing ahead with this without any questions.

 

Boston asylum office has second lowest grant rate for asylum seekers in the country

GBH: The Boston asylum office for U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services granted only about 11% of applications last year, less than half the national average, according to a report released Wednesday.

 

Judge Orders Immig. Atty To Pay $240K For Asylum Scam

Law360: A Massachusetts judge ordered an immigration attorney to pay $240,000 in penalties and restitution for filing frivolous and false asylum applications for undocumented Brazilian immigrants without their knowledge, according to a Thursday announcement from Massachusetts Attorney General Maura Healey.

 

EOIR Announces 25 New Immigration Judges

More than half of the judges will be going to the Hyattsville Immigration Court (Maryland) and Sterling Immigration Court (Virginia, opening May 2022). The list includes Claudia Cubas (CAIR Coalition), Kristie Ann-Padron (Catholic Legal Services, Miami), Kyle A. Dandelet (Pro Bono Immigration Attorney at Cleary Gottlieb), Ayodele A. Gansallo (Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society of Pennsylvania), Joyce L. Noche (Immigrant Defenders Law Center), Christine Lluis Reis (Human Rights Institute at St. Thomas University College of Law), Carmen Maria Rey Caldas (IRAP), and others.

 

Biden says the U.S. will take 100,000 Ukrainians. But how many will go?

WaPo: Refugee workers said it was typical for recent refugees to focus at first on the possibility that they would be able to return quickly to their lives. But should the war drag on, more Ukrainians would seize on the chance to seek a haven in the United States, they said.

 

Immigration, Environmental Law Links Deepen Under Biden

Law360: Immigration and environmental attorneys are increasingly banding together as advocacy groups on both the left and the right try to leverage environmental laws to influence immigration policy.

 

LITIGATION & AGENCY UPDATES

 

DHS Partly Barred From Tailoring Immigration Enforcement

Law360: An Ohio federal judge on Tuesday blocked the U.S. Department of Homeland Security from considering a Biden administration mandate that had narrowed immigration enforcement priorities while making custody decisions, finding the policy overstepped sections of federal immigration law.

 

CA2 “Weapons Bar” Remand: Kakar v. USCIS

Lexis: On review, the United States District Court for the Eastern District of New York affirmed the denial under the “weapons bar” of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), 8 U.S.C. § 1182(a)(3)(B)(iii)(V). The question on appeal is whether USCIS, in denying Kakar’s application, adequately explained the unlawfulness of Kakar’s acts under United States law, and whether in doing so it considered his claim of duress. Because we are unable to discern USCIS’s full reasoning for denying Kakar’s application or to conclude that the agency considered all factors relevant to its decision, we conclude that its decision was arbitrary and capricious under the APA.

 

CA 11 Says Marijuana Conviction Can’t Bar Removal Relief

Law360: The Eleventh Circuit ruled Thursday that the Board of Immigration Appeals erred when finding that a man’s Florida conviction for marijuana possession rendered him ineligible for a form of deportation protection.

 

Feds Lose Bid To Move Texas Sheriffs’ Immigration Policy Suit

Law360: A Texas federal judge has denied the Biden administration’s bid to transfer a group of Texas sheriffs’ challenge to the administration’s immigration enforcement policies, rejecting the argument that none of the sheriffs in the judicial district has standing to sue.

 

DHS and DOJ Interim Final Rule on Asylum Processing

AILA: Advance copy of DHS and DOJ interim final rule (IFR) on asylum processing. The IFR will be published in the Federal Register on 3/29/22 and will be effective 60 days from the date of publication, with comments accepted for 60 days.

 

DOS Provides Guidance on Visas for Ukrainian Children

AILA: DOS issued guidance on visas for Ukrainian children undergoing intercountry adoption or who previously traveled for hosting programs in the United States. The Ukrainian government is not currently approving children to participate in host programs in the United States. More details are available.

 

EOIR Updates Appendix O of the Policy Manual with Adjournment Code 22

AILA: EOIR updated appendix O of the policy manual with adjournment code 22. The reason is “Respondent or representative rejected earliest possible hearing date,” and the definition is “Hearing adjourned due to respondent or representative rejecting earliest possible hearing date.”

 

HHS 60-Day Notice and Request for Comment on Forms for Sponsors for Unaccompanied Children

AILA: HHS 60-day notice and request for comments on proposed revisions to the Family Reunification Packet of forms for potential sponsors of unaccompanied children. Comments are due 60 days after publication of the notice. (87 FR 16194, 3/22/22)

 

RESOURCES

 

 

EVENTS

 

NIJC EVENTS

 

GENERAL EVENTS

 

To sign up for additional NIJC newsletters, visit:  https://immigrantjustice.org/subscribe.

 

You now can change your email settings or search the archives using the Google Group. If you are receiving this briefing from a third party, you can visit the Google Group and request to be added.

 

Elizabeth Gibson (Pronouns: she/her/ella)

Managing Attorney for Capacity Building and Mentorship

National Immigrant Justice Center

A HEARTLAND ALLIANCE Program

224 S. Michigan Ave., Suite 600, Chicago, IL 60604
T: (312) 660-1688| F: (312) 660-1688| E: egibson@heartlandalliance.org

www.immigrantjustice.org | Facebook | Twitter

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The idea that the DHS “New American Gulag” (“NAG”) doesn’t restrict attorney access is absurd! A primary reason for detention in obscure, out of the way, hard to reach places like Jena, LA, Lumpkin, GA, amd Dilley, TX is to inhibit representation and increase the pressure on detainees to abandon claims and take “final orders of removal.” 

That goes hand in hand with staffing these prisons with DOJ’s wholly owned judges who are renowned for denying bond and summarily denying most asylum claims. That a disproportionate number of these facilities are located in Federal Judicial Circuits five and eleven, notorious for anti-due process, anti-human-rights, anti-immigrant “jurisprudence,” is no coincidence either.

Jeffrey S. Chase
Hon. Jeffrey S. Chase
Jeffrey S. Chase Blog
Coordinator & Chief Spokesperson, Round Table of Former Immigration Judges

With respect to the “categorical approach,” as my distinguished colleague Judge Jeffrey Chase has pointed out, EOIR has actually “institutionalized” resistance to and manipulation of this analysis to promote results unfavorable to immigrants and pleasing to DHS!  

As several related Supreme Court decisions sealed the matter, the Board in 2016 was finally forced (at least on paper) to acknowledge the need to make CIMT determinations through a strict application of the categorical approach. However, as Prof. Koh demonstrates with examples from BIA precedent decisions, since 2016, the Board, while purporting to comply with the categorical approach, in fact has expanded through its precedent decisions the very meaning of what constitutes “moral turpitude,” enabling a greater number of offenses to be categorized as CIMTs.

Consistent with this approach was a training given by now-retired arch conservative Board member Roger Pauley at last summer’s IJ training conference.  From the conference materials obtained by a private attorney through a FOIA request, Pauley appears to have trained the judges not to apply the categorical approach as required by the Supreme Court when doing so won’t lead to a “sensible” result.  I believe the IJ corps would understand what this administration is likely to view as a “sensible” result. Remember that the IJs being trained cannot have more than 15 percent of their decisions remanded or reversed by the BIA under the agency’s completion quotas.  So even if an IJ realizes that they are bound by case law to apply the categorical approach, the same IJ also realizes that they ignore the BIA’s advice to the contrary at their own risk.

HON. JEFFREY S. CHASE: The History Of A Flawed Judiciary; The Intentional Tilting Of Asylum Law Against Asylum Seekers; The Farce Of Justice In The Immigration Courts; The Need For An Independent Article I Court!

As both of these incidents show, the Biden Administration under Mayorkas and Garland has failed to bring accountability or intellectual honesty to many parts of the broken immigration justice system they inherited from the Trump regime. The disgraceful “atmosphere of unaccountability” continues to predominate at DHS and DOJ.

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

03-29-22

 

 

🗽⚖️👍🏼😎😉SAVED BY UDC LAW! — Associate Dean Lindsay Harris & Immigration & Human Rights Clinic (“IHRC”) Score A Win For Justice, Nigerian Asylum Seeker!

Professor Lindsay Muir Harris
Professor Lindsay Muir Harris
Associate Dean
UDC Law

https://www.lexisnexis.com/legalnewsroom/immigration/b/outsidenews/posts/law-students-win-asylum-for-nigerian-voting-rights-activist

Law Students Win Asylum for Nigerian Voting Rights Activist

IHRC, Mar. 25, 2022

“Students in the Immigration and Human Rights Clinic (IHRC) worked to obtain asylum for a voting rights activist from Nigeria. This case prompted the Clinic to develop a resource to assist asylees in understanding their rights.

The clinic took on the case of a Nigerian woman, Chioma*, who had been active in organizing women and youth in the Delta region to vote against corrupt political candidates. She drew crowds of women and youth as an effective organizer, simultaneously drawing the ire of incumbent politicians. Armed thugs targeted Chioma in her home in 2019, resulting in her hospitalization. Refusing to back down, she later attended a political event where she narrowly escaped an assassination attempt. Deciding she would rather stay alive for her children – even if far away – Chioma fled to the U.S. and left her family behind.

Clinic students Forrest Lindelof and Chizoba Kagha, both 3Ls, picked up Chioma’s case in the fall semester and worked under the supervision of Associate Dean of Clinical and Experiential Programs Lindsay M. Harris to complete her declaration, a detailed narrative of what she had endured in Nigeria and what she feared. The students crafted a legal brief with supporting evidence they obtained through working with a country conditions expert, a therapist and a medical doctor. The legal arguments were challenging because of the client’s dual citizenship in Cameroon and Nigeria; they needed to argue she would face persecution in both nations. The students had to become experts in the complex political dynamics at play in both countries, along with the citizenship laws.

This case also hit close to home for both students. Kagha shared, “I am the daughter of Nigerian immigrants who relocated to the United States in hopes of a better opportunity for their future children. When we began working with our client, I immediately felt a connection to her.”

As well, Lindelof related the client’s story to that of his immigrant mother. “As the son of an immigrant, it was not difficult to imagine my mother experiencing similar maltreatment and vulnerability. We worked that much harder, knowing that our work would have a meaningful impact on our client and her future.”

Moreover, the students got to know their client and were inspired by Chioma’s strength, resilience and personality. Lindelof described her as “jolly and good-humored” and the case as “a great source of pride.” Kagha added, “Her personality lit up a room, and her passion for helping others was inspiring.”

After working diligently with the client to prepare for the asylum interview, the students accompanied her to the asylum interview in November. After extensive questioning, Kagha delivered the closing statement, drawing together all the key issues in the case.

In January, Lindelof, Kagha and Harris received word that Chioma’s asylum application had been approved. The client was ecstatic, as was the UDC Law team. “To be able to sit in the asylum office as a Nigerian female student attorney delivering the closing statement for a Nigerian female client is a moment I will cherish for the rest of my life,” said Kagha.

Chioma was eager to be reunited with her spouse and children as soon as possible, but she was worried about accessing the asylee benefits to which she is entitled. Dean Harris has written about these benefits in depth in a 2016 article, From Surviving to Thriving: An Examination of Asylee Integration in the United States. Due to Chioma’s questions and concerns about her accessing public benefits rendering her a “public charge,” Dean Harris brought on 1L Clinical Associate Kendra Li to create a helpful one-page resource, Asylum and Public Charge. This resource clearly explains that asylees like Chioma are exempt from the public charge bar to adjustment of status to become a lawful permanent resident and eventually U.S. citizen.

“The best way to master a subject is to teach it to someone else,” Li said of developing the resource. “The public charge rule isn’t a complicated topic, but the process of researching it and distilling that research into a digestible and accessible product really cemented the learning.”

The document answers questions common for Chioma and other asylees. Li explained the need for creating this resource to answer these questions not only for the client in this case but countless other asylees. “Even though the Trump administration’s attempt to expand the public charge rule couldn’t, by law, apply to asylum seekers, it unsurprisingly – and perhaps deliberately – created a chilling effect well beyond the categories of immigrants it actually impacted,” Li said. “Our country is stronger and more just when the public benefits we provide reach all the people they’re meant to lift up, so it’s important to get the right information out there.”

Lindelof, under Harris’s supervision, quickly filed petitions to bring Chioma’s children and spouse to the United States and is now working to expedite those requests. Since Chioma was forced to flee Nigeria in 2019, thugs hired by political actors have targeted her husband at least five times, searching for Chioma and her whereabouts. The Clinic will stand by Chioma and her family throughout the lengthy process of family reunification and consular processing at the U.S. embassy in Nigeria. In the meantime, Chioma hopes to reengage in organizing and contribute to her community in the United States.

All three students reflected on how this case and their time engaging with the Immigration and Human Rights Clinic have enriched their legal education and helped them prepare for their careers.

“It is tough to express how meaningful my clinic experience was at UDC Law,” Lindelof said. “I came to law school with a background in psychology, having done a lot of fulfilling work with children with disabilities and individuals who suffered from addiction. I had not quite felt that same sense of fulfillment until my time at the Immigration and Human Rights Clinic. It renewed my passion for the law.”

Li “came to law school to practice immigration law and chose UDC for its clinical program.” She added, “I’m very appreciative to be involved as a 1L. This was a great first-year project. If this one pager helps just one person, it’ll have been well worth the effort.”

Kagha chose to attend UDC Law because of her “desire to positively impact the lives of others, especially people who look like me. To be able to sit in the asylum office as a Nigerian female student attorney delivering the closing statement for a Nigerian female client is a moment I will cherish for the rest of my life.”

Lindelof added praise for Dean Harris and the ways in which working with her have helped him narrow down his post-law school path. “Working with a supervisor with such tremendous drive and passion was infectious. Dean Harris did a great job tying the clinic’s content to racial justice and deficiencies in the justice system, which impacted my philosophy about the law and my general outlook on the world. It also drove me to seek out a career in immigration. I am humbled at the opportunity that I will be working for the D.C. Affordable Law Firm and practicing hopefully both family law and immigration next year, which happen to be the clinics I was a part of at UDC.”

*Name changed to preserve anonymity.”

************************

Congrats to my friend Dean Harris and her terrific students on saving another life in a system that often eats up humanity without much regard for justice. 

This case is a prime example of why “expedited” asylum calendars are a bad idea that 1) impedes effective preparation and representation by attorneys; 2) underestimates the complexity of many asylum cases, particularly under today’s skewed, often hyper technical, anti-asylum framework established and promoted by the BIA; 3) violates due process and best practices by encouraging judges to focus on speed and artificial time limits, rather than using careful scholarship along with fair and careful procedures to achieve correct results.

This also shows the extreme harm caused by the Trump-Miller White Nationalist “public charge sham” and the damage to the integrity of our justice system of a intellectually dishonest, imperious GOP Supremes’ majority who enabled Trump’s cruelty and evil nonsense to corrupt justice in America. (The Supremes had improperly lifted a correct nationwide injunction against the Trump Administration’s scofflaw scheme, before the Biden Administration finally was allowed to withdraw the case from the Court.)

It’s also interesting that the task of “setting the record straight” on the chilling effects of the former Trump policy fell to Dean Harris and the IHRC. In a more functional and just system, one might envision such public information efforts being undertaken by the Government!

Additionally, Dean Harris directly ties the meltdown and systemic unfairness of our Immigration Courts to the overall problems of racism and lack of equal justice in our country. That’s a lesson that could profit AG Garland and his lieutenants who so far have mostly pretended that the dysfunctional, biased, and broken Immigration Courts exist in a bubble beyond the other problems facing our democracy. There will be no equal justice in American without equal justice for immigrants!

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

03-27-22

⚖️👩🏽‍⚖️JUDICIARY:  DYNAMIC PRACTICAL SCHOLARS JUDGE CLAUDIA R. CUBAS, JUDGE AYODELE A. GANSALLO, & JUDGE KYLE E. DANDELET AMONG GARLAND’S PROMISING NEW APPOINTEES — Can “Change From Below” Eventually Bring “Equal Justice For All” & Decisional Excellence To The Broken, Battered, Backlogged, “Anti-Immigrant” Retail Level Of Our Justice System?

Claudia Cubas
Claudia Cubas
Hon. Claudia R. Cubas
U.S. Immigration Judge
Hyattsville (MD) Immigration Court
Photo: berkleycenter.georgetown.edu

Claudia R. Cubas, Immigration Judge, Hyattsville Immigration Court

Claudia R. Cubas was appointed as an Immigration Judge to begin hearing cases in March 2022. Judge Cubas earned a Bachelor of Arts in 2005 from the University of St. Thomas, in Houston, and a Juris Doctor in 2008 from the University of Maryland Francis King Carey School of Law. From 2018 to 2022, she was the Litigation Director at the Capital Area Immigrants’ Rights (CAIR) Coalition in the District of Columbia. She held the following roles at the CAIR Coalition: from 2016 to 2018, Senior Program Director; from 2014 to 2016, Program Director; from 2013 to 2014, Supervising Attorney for the Legal Orientation Program; and from 2011 to 2012, Staff Attorney. From 2009 to 2011, she was an Equal Justice Works AmeriCorps Legal Fellow at the Central American Resource Center, in the District of Columbia. From 2008 to 2009, she was an Attorney in private practice. Judge Cubas is a member of the Maryland State Bar.

Judge Ayodele Gansallo
Hon. Ayodele Gansallo
U.S. Immigration Judge
Hyattsville (MD) Immigration Court
PHOTO: Penn Law

Ayodele A. Gansallo, Immigration Judge, Hyattsville Immigration Court

Ayodele A. Gansallo was appointed as an Immigration Judge to begin hearing cases in March 2022. Judge Gansallo earned a Bachelor of Laws in 1985 from Leicester University, England. From 1985 to 1986, she attended the Guildford College of Law, and completed the program for Solicitors. She earned a Master of Laws from Temple University Beasley School of Law in 1998. From 2021 to 2022, she was the Co-Director of Legal Services with the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society of Pennsylvania (HIAS PA), in Philadelphia. From 1998 to 2020, she was the Senior Staff Attorney with HIAS PA. From 1994 to 1997, she was the Legal Director and Policy Coordinator with The Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants in London. From 1992 to 1994, she was the Solicitor with the Greater Manchester Immigration Aid Unit in Manchester, England. From 1988 to 1989, she was a Solicitor with Michael Freeman and Co, in London. From 1987 to 1988, she was a trainee Solicitor with the London Borough of Islington, in London. Judge Gansallo is a member of the New York State Bar.

Hon. Kyle A. Dandelet
Hon Kyle A. Dandelet
U.S. Immigration Judge
NY (Federal Plaza) Immigration Court
PHOTO: immigrantarc.org

Kyle A. Dandelet, Immigration Judge, New York – Federal Plaza Immigration Court

Kyle A. Dandelet was appointed as an Immigration Judge to begin hearing cases in March 2022. Judge Dandelet earned a Bachelor of Arts in 2004 from Georgetown University and a Juris Doctor in 2010 from Harvard Law School. From 2017 to 2022, he was the Pro Bono Immigration Attorney at Cleary Gottlieb Steen & Hamilton LLP (Cleary Gottlieb) in New York. From 2015 to 2017, he was a Senior Staff Attorney in Sanctuary for Families’ Immigration Intervention Project at the New York City Family Justice Center in the Bronx, New York. From 2010 to 2012, and from 2013 to 2015, he was a Litigation Associate with Cleary Gottlieb. From 2012 to 2013, he clerked for the Honorable Naomi Reice Buchwald of the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York. Judge Dandelet is a member of the New York State Bar.

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Here are the bios of the full list of 25 new appointees! https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1487036/download

Notably, and in marked contrast to earlier selections, particularly under Trump, all the new judges appear to have prior immigration and/or judicial experience. Significantly, 20 appear to have prior experience representing individuals in Immigration Court and a number have immigration experience with both the private sector and DHS. Some have notable pro bono, human rights, or civil rights credentials. Fittingly for “Women’s History Month” and for the composition of the upcoming generation of new attorneys (55% of law students are now women), 17 of the new judges are women.

Obviously, with more than 600 Immigration Judges nationwide, 25 new judges, no matter how well-qualified, can’t solve all the problems of a failing, unfair, and badly “out of whack” system in the near future. But, every improvement in the delivery of justice on the trial level saves lives, inspires others, reduces unnecessary appeals and remands, and puts pressure on the BIA to pay attention to detail and stop just “regurgitating the discredited Sessions/Barr/DHS party line.” Although one perhaps wouldn’t know it from reading BIA decisions, the “legal times” are changing, even if the BIA often appears tied to the least happy aspects of the past.

I have known and admired the work of Judge Claudia Cubas for years. She appeared before me at the Arlington Immigration Court, helped keep our pro bono program humming along, and was a charismatic and inspirational role model for JLCs, interns, law students, and a new generation of due-process-oriented lawyers in the DMV metro area and beyond.

Judge Ayo Gansallo is another amazing legal scholar-advocate. We worked together with Professor Michele Pistone of Villanova on the VIISTA Villanova program for training more non-attorney representatives to assist asylum seekers. It was there that I was introduced to Understanding Immigration Law & Practice, the amazing textbook that she co-authored with Judith Bernstein-Baker. It jumped out at me as just the “practically oriented” book I was looking for! It has now become a staple of my Immigration Law & Policy class at Georgetown Law. The students love the “practical approach” with lots of real life examples and problems that we can work on in groups during class. 

While I don’t personally know Judge Dandelet, he is a “personal hero” of my friend, Round Table colleague, and fellow blogger Judge “Sir Jeffrey” Chase!  That really tells me all I need to know about why he will be an intellectual leader and a “game changer” on the bench.

There appear to be many other fine, well-qualified judges on this list that I haven’t personally encountered on my trip through the world of immigration. But, I do look forward to becoming familiar with their work through the extensive feedback I get from members of the NDPA throughout America. 

Congrats to all the new judges! Thanks for taking on the challenge. Insist on equal justice for all, respect for everyone (including attorneys) coming before the court, and timely scholarly excellence that focuses on correct results — tune out all the other BS that all too often infects EOIR and interferes with great judging. And, of course, most important: “Due Process Forever!” It’s the “name of the game” — the ONLY game in town!

PWS

03-26-22

🤯JUXTAPOSITION OF THE WEEK: INCOMPETENCE OF USG IMMIGRATION BUREAUCRACY HARMFUL TO PRACTITIONERS’ HEALTH!☠️🤮

Drowning Chain
“Drowning Chain”
Public Realm

These items were posted together this week on LexsNexis Immigration Community:

https://www.lexisnexis.com/legalnewsroom/immigration/b/outsidenews/posts/uscis-contact-center-is-more-a-source-of-frustration-than-assistance

USCIS Contact Center is More a Source of Frustration than Assistance

Cyrus D. Mehta, Kaitlyn Box, and Jessica Paszko, Mar. 15, 2022

“The USCIS Contact Center purports to provide tools for checking case statuses online, correcting notices that contain mistakes or were never delivered, and connecting applicants to a representative for live support. However, the Contact Center is more often a source of frustration than assistance. We outline some of our firm’s experiences with the Contact Center, and provide suggestions for improving its services.

One common set of issues occurs when an attorney attempts to place a call or e-request on behalf of a client. USCIS refuses to speak with even the managing attorney of the firm if a different attorney has submitted a Form G-28. Difficulties arise when the attorney of record has departed the firm or is otherwise unavailable, and other attorneys are then unable to utilize the Contact Center to assist a client. Even when the alternate attorney on the case submits a Form G-28, the Contact Center often is unable to track the submission of  a new Form G-28 and refuses to speak with the alternate attorney.   In some instances, USCIS will speak with an alternate attorney if the client is also on the call. This arrangement, however, defeats the purpose of a Form G-28 by forcing the client verbally give permission for representation over the phone, and is highly inconvenient when an attorney cannot be physically in the room with a client or arrange a conference call.

Additionally, USCIS only allows certain interested parties to a case to utilize the Contact Center to make queries. Only the petitioner or an attorney/accredited representative can submit e-requests in connection with a Form I-129 or I-140 petition, for example. USCIS will not respond to requests placed by the beneficiary of such petitions, although the beneficiary may be more sensitive to delayed receipt notices or misspelling on approval notices, and in a better position to raise these issues to USCIS than the employer.

Further, the USCIS Contact Center is not always responsive to requests, even when they are placed by a recognized party. Our office has observed instances of receipt notices that contain errors failing to get corrected, even after multiples calls and e-requests from the attorney of record. When USCIS does not timely rectify errors of this kind and issues an approval notice still containing a misspelling, applicants are forced to file a Form I-824 and pay the considerable $465 filing fee to seek a correction. The processing time for an I-824 ranges from a few months to upwards of 24 months.

Delays in processing applications have become endemic. Applicants do not get an employment authorization document issued in time and can lose their job. Also, obtaining advance parole to travel takes several months. One can use the USCIS Contact Center to make an expedite request under its articulated criteria. Unfortunately, most expedited requests get denied even though they fit the criteria

The problems with the USCIS Contact Center have widely been observed. On February 28, 2022, 47 members of Congress wrote a letter to DHS urging it to make improvements to the Contact Center. See AILA, Forty-Seven Members of Congress Urge DHS to Make Improvements to USCIS Contact Center, AILA Doc. No. 22030300 (Feb. 28, 2022),  https://www.aila.org/infonet/urging-dhs-to-make-improvements-to-uscis-contact. Among the improvements suggested by the members of Congress were providing accurate and accommodating callback windows for customers submitting requests through InfoMod, allowing law firm staff other than the attorney of record to make requests through the Contact Center, making the criteria used to grant appointments through InfoMod public, and offering walk-in availability for emergency requests at local USCIS offices.

Notwithstanding its shortcomings, the USCIS Contact Center has facilitated positive outcomes for some individuals. The USCIS 800 number has been helpful in getting corrected notices sent to applicants, or in this firm’s experience, ensuring that beneficiaries to an approved I-140 receive copies of Notices of Intent to Revoke under Matter of V-S-G- Inc., Adopted Decision 2017-06 (AAO Nov. 11, 2017).”

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https://www.lexisnexis.com/legalnewsroom/immigration/b/outsidenews/posts/the-lifeguard-is-drowning-identifying-and-combating-burnout-and-secondary-trauma-in-asylum-practitioners-free-aba-webinar

The Lifeguard is Drowning: Identifying and Combating Burnout and Secondary Trauma in Asylum Practitioners (Free ABA Webinar)

The Lifeguard is Drowning: Identifying and Combating Burnout and Secondary Trauma in Asylum Practitioners

Register here.

 

Asylum attorneys have been facing a longstanding mental health crisis. The pandemic, sweeping regulatory changes, and uncertainty created deeper dimensions of stress in an already chaotic immigration system. To address this crisis, in 2020, Professors Lindsay Harris and Hillary Mellinger surveyed over 700 immigration attorneys utilizing the National Asylum Attorney Burnout and Secondary Traumatic Stress Survey. Their groundbreaking study found that asylum attorneys displayed symptoms of burnout and Secondary Traumatic Stress (STS) at rates higher than immigration judges, social workers, hospital doctors, nurses, and prison wardens. Asylum attorneys reported burnout symptoms including not only depression, but boredom, cynicism, discouragement, and a loss of compassion. Notably, STS symptoms mirror Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder which include intrusive thoughts, traumatic nightmares, insomnia, chronic irritability, fatigue, trouble concentrating, and hypervigilance.

The ABA has a longstanding commitment to address and identify resources to ameliorate attorney well-being and mental health. While strides have been made, this panel seeks to build upon the study to facilitate a normative shift away from old mental health paradigms to a culture of openly discussing burnout and secondary trauma within law school settings, non-profits, government agencies, and law firms.

This webinar, moderated by Deena Sharuk, Senior Legal Advisor to the ABA Commission on Immigration (COI), along with experts Law Professor Lindsay Harris, Criminal Justice and Criminology Professor Hillary Mellinger, ABA COI Senior Staff Attorney Eloy Gardea, and Leora Hudak from Center for Victims of Torture will discuss the implications of the survey’s findings on lawyers, their clients, and the immigration system. The panelists will discuss concrete ways to shift the norms in the legal profession on an individual and institutional level for attorneys to build sustainable careers in this field.

 

Time: Apr 7, 2022 03:00 PM in Eastern Time (US and Canada)

 

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Of course, USCIS isn’t the only part of the dysfunctional immigration bureaucracy taking a toll on the heath of practitioners and their clients. 

Over at EOIR, poor leadership, overly bureaucratized management, “Aimless Docket Reshuffling,” mindless enforcement “gimmicks,” a “Miller Lite” BIA, poor judicial selections by the Trump regime unaddressed by Garland, anti-immigrant/anti-asylum seeker “culture,” disdain for due process, disregard for best practices, endless largely self-generated backlogs, and lack of transparency continue to plague the system and torment advocates.

Unlike DOJ and EOIR, the ABA Panel conducting this webinar is made up of true subject matter experts and all-star practical scholars.

Deena Sharuk
Deena Sharuk
Senior Advisor
ABA Commission on Immigration
Professor Lindsay Muir Harris
Professor Lindsay Muir Harris
UDC Law
Hillary Mellinger
Dr. Hillary Mellinger
Assistant Professor
Department of Criminal Justice and Criminology
Washington State University
PHOTO: WSU
Eloy Gardea
Eloy Gardea
Senior Staff Attorney
ABA Commission on Immigration
PHOTO: Facebook
Leora Hudak
Leora Hudak
Program Manager
Center for Victims of
Torture
PHOTO: Linkedin

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

03-19-22

SENSELESS TRAGEDY: PROMINENT NY LAWYER & FEARLESS CHINA PRO-DEMOCRACY ADVOCATE JIM LI SLAIN IN OFFICE! — Disgruntled Client Arrested! — Jim Was UW Law Grad & Packer Fan

Jim Li
Jim Li, ESQUIRE
1955-2022
Human Rights Advocate
PHOTO: Jim Li & Associates

https://www.nytimes.com/2022/03/15/nyregion/jim-li-stabbing-death.html?action=click&algo=bandit-all-surfaces-time-cutoff-30_impression_cut_3_filter_new_arm_5_1&alpha=0.05&block=more_in_recirc&fellback=false&imp_id=175777447&impression_id=a3511a81-a4b5-11ec-aa2e-ab56a298a7a3&index=1&pgtype=Article&pool=more_in_pools/newyork&region=footer&req_id=757398693&surface=eos-more-in&variant=0_bandit-all-surfaces-time-cutoff-30_impression_cut_3_filter_new_arm_5_1

Jonah E. Bromwich reports for NY Times:

. . . .

Mr. Li was born on Sept. 7, 1955, in Wuhan and joined the Chinese Army at the age of 15, said his friend Mr. Zhu. He then worked as a policeman and studied at a university in Wuhan, where he focused on law. He majored in constitutional law at Beijing University, graduating in 1985. After working as a professor in Wuhan, he returned to Beijing for his doctorate, where he had a high place in the student government.

“Usually people at that level means they have a very bright future with the government and with the party,” said Jianzhong Gu, a longtime friend of Mr. Li’s. “But Jim Li was not working in that way. He had his own ideas.”

Mr. Li was a doctoral student in 1989 when the Tiananmen Square protests began with thousands demonstrating against the Chinese Communist Party, criticizing corruption and calling for democratic freedoms. He served as a legal adviser to the Beijing Workers Autonomous Federation, the key organization of workers that aligned itself with the students seeking freedom.

He was interrogated a number of times while detained at Qincheng Prison, but told friends and colleagues that he had never cooperated.

In the United States, after his studies at Columbia, he initially struggled, telling a newspaper at the time that he was unable to find work in a law firm because of his shaky English. He considered working in a restaurant.

But soon afterward, he was able to attend the law school at the University of Wisconsin, where he became a fan of the Green Bay Packers.

In New York, he helped clients gain admission to the United States and devoted himself to pro-democracy programs, his friends said. He was one of the lawyers who represented Zhou Yongjun, a student leader in the Tiananmen Square movement who was detained by the Chinese authorities in 2008 and charged with fraud. He fought against the Chinese government’s practice of using Interpol red notices to apprehend political opponents. And he worked with many clients, including Ms. Zhang, pro bono, Mr. Zhu and Mr. Lebenger said.

“He helped a lot of Chinese people who had the experience of being persecuted by the Chinese government,” Mr. Gu said.

Mr. Lebenger said that Mr. Li had hoped to do less legal work so he could devote more time to his pro-democracy activities, to reading, writing and activism. “If I did anything worthwhile, it was freeing Jim up to do more of that work,” he said.

Kirsten Noyes contributed research.

Jonah E. Bromwich covers criminal justice in New York, with a focus on the Manhattan district attorney’s office, state criminal courts in Manhattan and New York City’s jails.

During his time on Metro, Mr. Bromwich has covered investigations into former president Donald J. Trump and his family business, the fall of New York Governor Andrew M. Cuomo and the crisis at the jail complex on Rikers Island, among other topics. @jonesieman

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What a senseless tragedy! A life well and courageously lived cut short! Rest In Peace, Jim. You will be missed, but your legacy of courage, compassion, and standing up for the human rights of others will live on and continue to inspire the NDPA!

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

03-16-21

🤯TITLE 42 MADNESS: Even As DC Circuit Bars Returns To Persecution &/Or Torture, Trump Federal Judge In Texas Abuses Children!🤮☠️ — Circuit Findings Of Illegal Returns To “Stomach-Churning” Conditions & No Evidence Supporting Bogus Title 42 Orders Fails To Motivate “Robed Ones” To Reinstate The Rule Of Law! — Meanwhile, In Texas, Rogue Righty Judge Takes Over Immigration, Targets Vulnerable Kids For Rape, Torture, Death!

“Floaters”
Trump Judge Mark T. Pittman has a very explicit vision of the future for brown-skinned children seeking protection from “White Nationalist Nation.”
EDS NOTE: GRAPHIC CONTENT – The bodies of Salvadoran migrant Oscar Alberto Mart??nez Ram??rez and his nearly 2-year-old daughter Valeria lie on the bank of the Rio Grande in Matamoros, Mexico, Monday, June 24, 2019, after they drowned trying to cross the river to Brownsville, Texas. Martinez’ wife, Tania told Mexican authorities she watched her husband and child disappear in the strong current. (AP Photo/Julia Le Duc)

Here’s the DC Circuit Decision:

https://www.cadc.uscourts.gov/internet/opinions.nsf/F6289C9DDB487716852587FB00546E14/$file/21-5200-1937710.pdf

Here’s the decision by Trump scofflaw U.S. District Judge Mark T. Pittman:

https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.txnd.347182/gov.uscourts.txnd.347182.100.0_1.pdf

Here’s a link to “Instant Twitter Analysis” by Aaron Reichlin-Melnick, Policy Counsel at the American Immigration Council:

Aaron Reichlin-Melnick
Aaron Reichlin-Melnick
Policy Counsel
American Immigration Council
Photo: Twitter

https://twitter.com/reichlinmelnick/status/1499891832569876481?s=21

ThreadOpen appSee new TweetsConversationAaron Reichlin-Melnick@ReichlinMelnick🚨Absolute madness. The same day the DC Circuit rules that families can’t be expelled under Title 42 to places they will be persecuted, a federal judge in Texas just overruled the CDC and ordered the Biden administration to expel unaccompanied children. https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.txnd.347182/gov.uscourts.txnd.347182.100.0_1.pdf…

. . . .

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Read the rest of Aaron’s feed at the link.

Although the DC Circuit basically confirmed that the evidence produced by plaintiffs showed illegal returns to death and that there was little, if any, support for the draconian Title 42 exclusion order, the relief granted was unacceptably narrow. The order merely directed the Administration to cease returning individuals to countries where they would be persecuted or tortured.

That order is weak because:

  • It doesn’t specify any particular fair procedure that must be followed by DHS in determining who faces persecution or torture. That appears to leave open the possibility of DHS employing bogus “summary determinations by enforcement agents” rather than using Asylum Officers and having cases referred to Immigration Courts.
  • There are no limits on the Government’s ability to detain individuals and/or return them to other countries.
  • The standard for so-called “withholding of removal” to persecution is “more likely than not” as opposed to the more generous “well-founded fear” or “reasonable possibility” standard for asylum (although individuals should be able to invoke the regulatory “presumption of future persecution” arising out of past persecution).
  • Even if granted, withholding of removal does not provide individuals with “durable legal status” nor does it allow them to access the asylum system, from which they apparently would remain barred under Title 42.

Judge Mark T. Pittman of the Northern District of Texas is a Trump appointee with strong ties to the Federalist Society and a very loose grasp on domestic and international laws and procedures for protecting children.

It’s interesting, if disheartening, to compare the “overt wishy-washiness” of the DC Circuit Judges who were timidly, “sort of” trying to protect at least some minimal legal and human rights with the “in your face,” overtly anti-immigrant, arrogant tone and ridiculous self-assuredness with which activist righty District Judge Mark Pittman advanced his absurdist notion that the White Nationalist agenda of “protecting” America from the “non-threat” of brown-skinned children merited his simultaneous assumption of the roles of President, Secretary of DHS, Attorney General, and for a good measure, Congress.

Obviously, the “judicial restraint,” supposedly a hallmark of modern conservatism, was just a “smoke screen” for the GOP’s activist anti-social, anti-immigrant, racially charged agenda. That’s not news to many of us, although it seems to have gone “over the head” of many in the Biden Administration and many Dems on the Hill.

It shows once again why “Team Garland’s” indolent, often uninformed, and floundering approach to immigrant justice under law is being steamrolled by Trump holdovers and crusading right-wing Federal Judges. And, you wonder why Dems can’t figure out what they stand for and what their “line in the sand” is!

Meanwhile, back at the ranch, Garland and other weak-kneed Biden officials can’t decide how much of the leftover “Miller Lite” anti-asylum, anti-humanitarian, anti-due-process policy they want to retain and defend and how much effort, if any, they want to put into re-establishing human rights and the rule of law.

One observation: After more than one-year in office, the Biden Administration is no closer to having an orderly, functional, due-process-oriented asylum system in place and ready for the border than they were on January 20, 2021! The expert Asylum Officers and qualified Immigration Judges who are necessary to operate such a system are still few and far between, and the program to facilitate legal assistance for those seeking legal protection at the border is all but non-existent.

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

PWS

03-05-22

CIMT: PRACTICAL SCHOLAR “SIR JEFFREY” CHASE ⚔️🛡 EXPLAINS HOW A “SUPREME CONSTITUTIONAL TANK” FROM 71 YEARS AGO CONTINUES TO SCREW 🔩 IMMIGRANTS!

Jeffrey S. Chase
Hon. Jeffrey S. Chase
Jeffrey S. Chase Blog
Coordinator & Chief Spokesperson, Round Table of Former Immigration Judges

https://www.jeffreyschase.com/blog/2022/3/4/the-elusive-concept-of-moral-turpitude

Blog Archive Press and Interviews Calendar Contact

The Elusive Concept of Moral Turpitude

I’ve never understood crimes involving moral turpitude.  I confess this after reading a recent decision of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit that caused me to realize that I am not alone.

In Zarate v. U.S. Att’y Gen.,1 the court was confronted with the question of whether a federal conviction for “falsely representing a social security number” constitutes a crime involving moral turpitude under our immigration laws. Not surprisingly, the Board of Immigration Appeals held that it was.  And yet, one of the most conservative circuit courts in the country chose not to defer to the Board’s judgment.

Reading the decision, it became clear that no one knows what a CIMT is.  As the court pointed out, the term was first included in our immigration laws in the late 19th century.  That fact immediately brought to mind the character of Lady Bracknell from The Importance of Being Earnest (first performed in 1895), who, upon learning that a character had been found as a baby in a satchel at a train station, responded: “To be born, or at any rate bred, in a handbag, whether it has handles or not, seems to me to display a contempt for the ordinary decencies of family life that reminds one of the worst excesses of the French Revolution.  And I presume you know what that unfortunate movement led to?”  If that snippet is any indicator, it seems to have been quite the era for the passing of moral judgment.

The Eleventh Circuit went on to explain that by 1914, a legal dictionary defined the term to mean “an act of baseness, vileness or depravity in the private and social duties which one owes to society, and as applied to offenses includes only such crimes as manifest personal depravity or baseness.”  This standard becomes all the more elusive when one asks the obvious follow-up question “In whose view?”  Lady Bracknell’s?  Vladimir Putin’s?  Or someone occupying an indeterminate middle point between those extremes?

It seems pretty obvious in reading the Eleventh Circuit’s opinion that the term “crime involving moral turpitude” is unconstitutionally vague.  It’s nearly impossible to argue that the term provides sufficient clarity up front of the consequences of committing certain crimes when, as the Eleventh Circuit emphasized, no less an authority than former circuit judge Richard Posner remarked “to the extent that definitions of the term exist, ‘[i]t’s difficult to make sense of . . . [them].’”2

However, there is one huge obstacle preventing courts from simply brushing the term aside: in 1951, the Supreme Court nixed that idea in a case called Jordan v. De George.3   In its decision, the majority of the Court’s justices held that the term “conveys sufficiently definite warning as to the proscribed conduct when measured by common understanding and practices.”  Of course, the Court provided no workable definition (if it had, courts today wouldn’t still be exhibiting so much confusion).  But the majority did make one highly consequential pronouncement to support its shaky conclusion, claiming “The phrase ‘crime involving moral turpitude’ has without exception been construed to embrace fraudulent conduct.”

Jordan v. De George also contains a remarkable dissenting opinion written by Justice Robert H. Jackson, and joined by two of his colleagues (Justices Black and Frankfurter).

Interestingly, prior to his appointment to the Supreme Court, Justice Jackson briefly served as Attorney General under Franklin D. Roosevelt.  And readers of Prof. Alison Peck’s excellent book on the history of the U.S. Immigration Court will know that as Attorney General, Jackson tried to dissuade Roosevelt from moving the INS to the Department of Justice due to the harsh consequences it would impose on immigrants, a move that Roosevelt nevertheless undertook in May 1940.4

Sitting on the high court 11 years later, Justice Jackson expressed his frustration with a majority opinion that would punish the petitioner (who had resided in the U.S. for 30 years) “with a life sentence of banishment” because he was a noncitizen.  Justice Jackson pointed out that Congress had been forewarned by one of its own at a House hearing on the Immigration Act of 1917 that the term would cause great confusion, yet provided no additional clarifying language in enacting the statute.5

In the record of the same House hearing, Jackson found reason to believe that Congress meant the term to apply to “only crimes of violence,” quoting language to that effect from a witness, NYC Police Commissioner Arthur H. Woods, whose testimony (according to Jackson) “appears to have been most influential” on the subject.6

After further demonstrating the futility of finding any clear meaning for the term, Jackson stated in his dissent that the majority “seems no more convinced than are we by the Government’s attempts to reduce these nebulous abstractions to a concrete working rule, but to sustain this particular deportation it improvises another which fails to convince us…”7

In Jackson’s view, the elusiveness of the term left whether a conviction was for a CIMT or not to the view of the particular judge deciding the matter.  He added  “How many [noncitizens] have been deported who would not have been had some other judge heard their cases, and vice versa, we may only guess. That is not government by law.”8

Turning to the specific crime before him, which involved the failure to pay federal tax on bootlegged liquor, Jackson noted that those who deplore trafficking in liquor “regard it as much an exhibition of moral turpitude for the Government to share its revenues as for respondents to withhold them.”  On the flip side, Jackson wryly observed that “Those others who enjoy the traffic are not notable for scruples as to whether liquor has a law-abiding pedigree.”9  Just for good measure, the justice added: “I have never discovered that disregard of the Nation’s liquor taxes excluded a citizen from our best society…”10

Given the term’s requirement of passing moral judgment on criminal acts, Jackson emphasized (perhaps most importantly) that “We should not forget that criminality is one thing— a matter of law—and that morality, ethics and religious teachings are another.”11

In spite of the wisdom (and wit) of Jackson’s dissent, here we are over 70 years later, with the 11th Circuit left to deal with De George in reviewing the case of someone who falsely used a Social Security number.  In Zarate, counsel explained at oral argument that the reasons for his client’s action was to work and support his family, and to have medical coverage to pay for his son’s surgery.12  Counsel also argued that the crime lacked the level of immorality required for a CIMT finding, explaining that those using a false number still pay the required amount of Social Security withholding to the government, and yet are not eligible to receive Social Security benefits themselves in return unless they first obtain lawful immigration status.

The Eleventh Circuit issued a thoughtful opinion.  The court understood that it was bound by De George’s view that fraud always involves moral turpitude, a stance repeatedly reinforced by courts since.  But the court noted that “under the categorical approach the crime Mr. Zarate committed does not include fraud as an element or ingredient.”

Surveying BIA decisions on the topic all the way back to 1943, it found that over the years, the Board has concluded that not all false statements or deception constitute fraud.  The court cited a Second Circuit unpublished opinion distinguishing between deception and fraud, as the latter generally requires “an intent to obtain some benefit or cause a detriment.”13  And the court referenced the Seventh Circuit’s observation that the statute in question covers false use of a Social Security number not only to obtain a benefit, but also “for any other purpose.”  That court added “It is not difficult to imagine some purposes for which falsely using a social security number would not be “inherently base, vile, or depraved.”14

In the end, the Eleventh Circuit sent the matter back to the BIA to consider whether under the categorical approach, any and all conduct covered by the statute would involve behavior that is “inherently base, vile, or depraved, and contrary to the accepted rules of morality and the duties owed between persons or to society in general.”  The court’s decision certainly provided the Board a path to conclude otherwise.

I of course have no insight into how the Board will rule on remand.  However, it seems worth adding some observations on the BIA’s problematic approach to CIMT determinations in recent years.

First, the Eleventh Circuit focused on the importance of the categorical approach in reaching the proper outcome.15  However, Kansas attorney Matthew Hoppock obtained through FOIA the PowerPoint of a presentation from the 2018 EOIR Immigration Judges training conference titled “Avoiding the Use or Mitigating the Effect of the Categorical Approach,” which was presented by a (since retired) Board Member, Roger Pauley.16  By virtue of binding Supreme Court case law, judges are required to apply the categorical approach.  So why is the BIA, a supposedly neutral tribunal, training EOIR’s judges to find ways around employing this approach, or to try to reduce its impact?

This concern was further confirmed in an excellent 2019 article by Prof. Jennifer Lee Koh detailing how the BIA has repeatedly fudged its application of the categorical approach in CIMT cases.17  Prof. Koh concluded that the BIA’s approach has involved “The Board’s designation of itself as an arbiter of moral standards in the U.S., its unwritten imposition of a “maximum conduct” test that is at odds with the categorical approach’s “minimum conduct” requirement, and its treatment of criminalization as evidence of moral turpitude” which, not surprisingly, has resulted in BIA precedents expanding the number of offenses judged to be CIMTs.18

Even where the rule is applied correctly, another major problem remains.  As Justice Jackson correctly stated, criminality is one thing, moral judgment quite another.  And while immigration judges are expected to be experts in the law, they are not the standard bearers for what society views as base or vile.

This returns us to a question asked earlier: if not the judge, then who should be arbiter of moral standards?  At the conclusion of its opinion, the Eleventh Circuit cited to a law review article by Prof. Julia Simon-Kerr which criticized how courts have “ ignored community moral sentiments when applying the standard.”19  The article’s author observed that instead of keeping the standard “up to date with the ever-evolving and often-contested morals of a pluralistic society,” courts have to the contrary “preserved, but not transformed, the set of morally framed norms of the early nineteenth century that first shaped its application.”20  In other words, it seems present-day judges too often continue to channel Lady Bracknell, rather than trying to gauge the moral sensibilities of their particular time and place.

If courts were to truly adapt to evolving societal standards, should decisions such as De George remain binding?  Or should they be deemed to have provided guidance based on the morals of their time, subject to current reassessment?

Copyright 2022 Jeffrey S. Chase.  All rights reserved.

Notes:

  1. No. 20-11654 (11th Cir. Feb. 18, 2022) (Published).
  2. Quoting Arias v. Lynch, 834 F.3d 823, 831 (7th Cir. 2016) (Posner, J., concurring).
  3. 341 U.S. 223 (1951).
  4. Alison Peck, The Accidental History of the U.S. Immigration Courts: War, Fear, and the Roots of Dysfunction (University of California Press, 2021) at p. 97.
  5. The warning was provided by Adolph J. Sabath, who served in the House from 1907 to 1952, was an immigrant himself, and is described in his Wikipedia page as “a leading opponent of immigration restrictions and prohibition.”
  6. Jordan v. De George, supra at 235.
  7. Id. at 238.
  8. Id. at 239-40.
  9. Id. at 241.
  10. Id.
  11. Id.
  12. Petitioner was represented by Fairfax, VA attorney Arnedo Silvano Valera.
  13. Ahmed v. Holder, 324 F.App’x 82, 84 (2d Cir. 2009).
  14. Arias v. Lynch, supra at 826.
  15. Judge Gerald Tjoflat even authored a concurring opinion tutoring the BIA to properly conclude that the statute is not divisible, ensuring the application of the categorical approach on remand.
  16. The materials can be found at: https://www.aila.org/infonet/eoir-crimes-bond.
  17. Jennifer Lee Koh, “Crimmigration Beyond the Headlines,” 71 Stan. L. Rev. Online 267, 272 (2019).
  18. Id. at 273.
  19. Julia Simon-Kerr, “Moral Turpitude,” 2012 Utah L. Rev. 1001, 1007-08 (2012).
  20. Id.

MARCH 4, 2022

Reprinted by permission.

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“Brilliant,” as our friend and colleague Dan Kowalski says!

There is another way in which the Supremes’ prior constitutional abdication continues to pervert the constitutional guarantee of due process today.

As Jeffrey cogently points out NOBODY — Congress, the Article IIIs, the BIA, Immigration Judges, certainly not respondents  — REALLY understands what “moral turpitude” means. Consequently, the only way to properly adjudicate cases involving that issue is through an exhaustive search and parsing of Circuit law, BIA precedents, and often state court decisions. 

The problem: No unrepresented immigrant — particularly one in detention where a disproportionate share of these cases are heard — has any realistic chance of performing such intricate, arcane research into all too often conflicting and confusing sources. 

Therefore, in addition to the problem that originated in DeGeorge when the Supremes’ majority failed to strike down a clearly unconstitutional statute, the failure to provide a right to appointed counsel in such cases — many involving long-time lawful permanent residents of the U.S. — is a gross violation of due process. It basically adds insult to injury!

As long as migrants continue to be intentionally wrongly treated as “lesser persons” or “not persons at all” by the Supremes and other authorities under the Due Process Clause — a process known as “Dred Scottification” — there will be no equal justice under law in America!   

Better, more courageous, practical, and scholarly, Federal Judges — from the Supremes down to the Immigration Courts — won’t solve all of America’s problems. But, it certainly would be an essential start!

For more on the 5th Circuit’s decision in  Zarate, see https://immigrationcourtside.com/2022/02/19/😎👍🏼⚖%EF%B8%8Farlington-practitioner-arnedo-s-velera-beats-eoir-oil-11th-cir-outs-another-sloppy-analysis-by-garlands-bi/

🇺🇸 Due Process Forever!

PWS

03-04-22

🗽AS LAST AFGHAN REFUGEES LEAVE FT. MCCOY, WI, U.S. RESETTLEMENT SYSTEM CONTINUES TO SUFFER FROM DAMAGE INFLICTED BY TRUMP KAKISTOCRACY!☹️

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‘I don’t know what will happen’: After months at Fort McCoy, Afghan family resettled in separate states

Living 120 miles apart, family shares hopes and anxieties while navigating ‘chaotic’ resettlement process

Lamha Nabizada spent nearly six months at Fort McCoy, a 60,000-acre Army base in Monroe County, Wis., before she was relocated with part of her family to Rockville, Md. Here, she looks through the window of a hotel room on Feb. 22, 2022, during the family’s search for permanent housing. She is among 76,000 Afghans evacuated to the United States during the country’s largest resettlement operation since the Vietnam War. (Eman Mohammed for Wisconsin Watch)
By Zhen Wang February 28, 2022
Wisconsin WatchIn her final hours living at Fort McCoy, an Army base in rural Monroe County, Wisconsin, Lamha Nabizada searched for an interesting place to pose for a photo at this reporter’s request. The task wasn’t easy.“Everywhere is the same thing, same barrack,” the 27-year-old told Wisconsin Watch.Venturing outside into frigid air, she posed in front of a flagpole and gun turret.It was Feb. 6, the day before Nabizada and her 22-year-old brother Masroor would travel to Maryland — continuing a resettlement journey that began last August when the Taliban took over Afghanistan’s capital of Kabul. They were among tens of thousands airlifted from the country with passports, legal documents and little else.Nearly six months later, the siblings were among the last to leave Fort McCoy, which housed as many as 12,600 Afghans.

Lamha felt mixed emotions as she prepared to leave: hope for new opportunities and anxiety about moving to an unfamiliar place.

“I don’t know what will happen in the future,” she said.

On Feb. 15, Fort McCoy became the seventh of eight U.S. military installations to send its final evacuees to host communities. Four days later, the eighth base cleared out the last of the 76,000 total evacuees who arrived for the largest resettlement operation since the Vietnam War.

Through Feb. 23, Wisconsin had resettled about 820 of the 850 Afghan evacuees currently slated for the state, according to Bojana Zorić Martinez, director of the Wisconsin Department of Children and Families’ Bureau of Refugee Programs.

Zorić Martinez said serving so many people at once was difficult. Aside from housing, they need Social Security numbers, jobs, food and other basic items.

Evacuees are eligible to apply for benefits available to refugees, according to the federal Office of Refugee Resettlement. That includes job preparation, English language training and medical aid. They may also be eligible for other federal benefits such as Medicaid and food assistance.

Zorić Martinez said the system shrunk under Trump, who slashed the country’s refugee cap each year he was in office, which meant less money for resettlement agencies.

“We are now seeing the consequences of that,” she said.

Read the full story

 

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ZHEN WANG / WISCONSIN WATCH

zwang@wisconsinwatch.org

Zhen Wang joined Wisconsin Watch as a reporting intern in May 2021. At UW-Madison, she is pursuing a master’s degree in journalism, honing her investigative journalism skills, and preparing herself for a career in health care journalism. She previously worked for the Guardian Beijing bureau and China Daily. Before joining the journalism industry, she worked in various sectors and obtained a master’s degree in international relations in New Zealand. She speaks Chinese and is a member of Asian American Journalists Association.

More by Zhen Wang / Wisconsin Watch

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Reprinted from Wisconsin Watch under Creative Commons License. Full story available at the link. Nice reporting by Zhen Wang!

Here are some additional quotes from Zhen’s article from my good friend and NDPA superstar Professor Erin Barbato of the U.W. Law Immigration Clinic, among the many clinical teams who have “stepped up” for Afghan refugees:

“The government has to provide more resources, if we’re going to ensure that everybody has their basic needs met during this transition time, and it’s wonderful to see people in the community coming together,” said Erin Barbato, director of the Immigrant Justice Clinic at the University of Wisconsin Law School. “But that’s not going to solve the problem for everybody.”

The legal clinic is helping evacuees file for asylum and training attorneys to represent them in that process — positions that are in short supply. Barbato and other immigration experts fear some people will fall through bureaucratic cracks unless the federal government takes action to stabilize the system.
. . . .

Barbato, the UW legal clinic director, said the two-year parolee status leaves evacuees vulnerable to future deportation — a potentially deadly proposition. The U.S. asylum program last year faced a backlog of nearly 413,000 applications.

Congress has historically passed such laws to protect evacuees from U.S. military conflict zones, including in Vietnam and Iraq.

 

Echoing immigration advocates and veterans, Barbato said an Afghan Adjustment Act, which has yet to be introduced in Congress, could pave a safer, quicker path to citizenship. Lawmakers must also inject more resources into the immigration bureaucracy, she added. How these resources are allocated will shape the fate of applicants who have waited years in the queue — as well as new Afghan arrivals.

Professor Erin Barbato
Professor Erin Barbato
Director, Immigrant Justice Clinic
UW Law
Photo source: UW Law

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

🇺🇸Due Process Forever!

 

PWS

o3-01-22